AMBIX, VVolol. 3030, PaPartrt 2,2, J Jululy 19198383

SISIR WILLIAIAM BB. O'S'SHAUGHNEESSSSY, PIPIONEER CHEMICICAL EEDUCATOR IN INDIAIA

By MMELEL GORMAN **

THE dififfufusision of Wesestetern scscieiencnce anand tetechchnonolology ininto cocololoninial arareaeas hahas atattrtracacteted ththee attattenention of vavarious schololarars'! LLess intererest hahas been given to the dissemininatiation of scienencece ededucucatatioion. Therere wwerere many scscieientntisists who labouourered on the frfronontitierers in the cocololoninies and d whose technical achievements are more or less remembered, only to have their contributionsns to sciencnce teachchining alalmost cocommplpletetelely foforgrgototteten. This papapeper wiwill deaeal wwith a case studydy ininvovolvlvining ththe trtranansfsfer of chchemicical ededucucatatioion frfrom Brititaiain to InIndidia in the fifirsrst hahalf of thehe nineteen th century.. WWillilliam BrBrooooke O'O'Shauaughghnenessy, member of an anancient clan,2 was boborn in Limerick inin 1809. OOnnly frfragagmmenentatary ininfoforrmmatatioion is avaiailalabble coconncecernrnining hhis yoyouuthth, bbut hihis lalastst residencnce in Irelanand was in Ennis, Coununty Clare, for he gavave this locatiation as his home whenen he matrtricicululatated at ththe Univiverersisity of EEdidinbnbururgh fofor the 1827-28 term.33 He receiveved hihiss MM.D. onon 1313 July 1829,3 bubut registered agagain for thee 1829-30 session.44 It It would be helpful to know of O'Shahaugughnhnessy's chemistrstry teachchers soso that the origins of his chehemicacal phphilosophy cocould be traced. Howevever, ththe Univiversity of EEdinbuburgrgh rerecocordrdss rereveveal ththat he was not enenrorolllled in the clclasasseses of anany of ththe chchemisistrtry prprofofesessosorsrs. OtOtheher r meanans of obtbtaiainining knknowleledgdge of chemisistrtry were avaiailalablble. It is posossisiblble ththat he leararnened d frfrom onone or more of the exextrtra-a-muraral lelectctururerers,s,5 or perhrhapaps as an asassisiststanant to PProrofefessssor or Robebert Chrisrististison (mededical jurisprurudedencnce) or PrProfofessor J. C. Hope (chemistry)y). Indeed, hehe was a clinical assistatant to Professor WWilliam AlAlison (medediciicinene).6 Such arranangegementnts woululd d nonot apappepear in the University minunute bobookoks. J. B. Mororrell names four extramuraral teachchers o f of prpractical chchemististry who taughght while Hope was the ofofficial ununiviversity lecturer, anand whileile O'Shaughghnessy was at EEdinburgh. 77 In anany evevenent, it is evident from his subsequeuent rerecocord rd that he imbibed to the fullest all the fine attrttributes of ththe ScScotottistish ininteltellectutual anand scienentiftificic enenviviroronmenent. He was plplaiainlnly in ththe ququanantititatatitive trtradadititioion esestatablblisishehed by Jososepeph BlBlacack k anand the atatomististic apapprproaoach of Thomas Thomsoson.n. When O'Shaughghnessy obtained his degree, interest in forensic medicine was in full bloom.. The firfirst chair in Great BrBritaitain in this field was establblished at EEdidinbnbururgh inin 1806, and by the 1830S eveverery mmededicical scschohool hahad lelectcturures on the susubjbjecect.t.88 Nevevertheless, toxicolology inin BrBritish law was in a parlous state.te.99 It was a situatiation in which a yououng investigigator cocoululd d eaeasilsily make a naname foforr hihimself. O'Shahaugughnhnessy bebecacame thororougughlhly invololveved, lecturing anand d dedemonsnstrating foforensic chemististry anand medicine to a private class of nineteen cacandndididates for ththe medidicacal dedegrgree at ththe Univiverersisity of Edininbuburgrgh as well as engagagining in toxicicolologogicicalal research on a variety of adulterants.lOlO In the summer of of 1830 h he moved to where he reresumed his teaching anand researarch in medico-o-legal jujurisrisprprududenence. But he fofounund ththat hehe cocoululd nonot prpracactitise medidicicine in LLonondodon bebecacaususe he was nonot a licenentitiatatee o t"t"o the Collellege of Physicians.llll Also, hh, e was an unsuccessful candidate for the chair of medical jurisprudence at at the Universirsity of Lonondodon.ln.l22 Consequently, inin 1833 h he joined ththe EEast InIndia Companany's service as assistatant surgegeon anand was sent to Calcuttatta..

** DeDepapartrtmmenent of ChChememisistrtry, UnUniviverersisity of SaSan FrFrananciciscsco, SaSan FrFrananciciscsco, CaCalilifofornrniaia 94117, U.S.A. A shoort vverersisioon oof this ppaapper wwaas rreaead aat ththe XXVVI InInteternrnaatitioonnaal CCoonngrgreess oof the HHisistotory oof Scieienncece,, BuBuchchararesest, RoRommananiaia, SeSeptpt.,., 1981. 108 MEL GORMAN

In order to understand the introduction of western chemical education into India, it is necessary to consider the impact of the prior reform of general instruction and especially medical education. Due to unsettled political and social conditions, the practice of medi- cine according to the ancient Hindu and Moslem traditions had deteriorated to a sorry state by the beginning of the nineteenth century, so that the great mass of Indians had very little access to proper medical treatment.13 During this era all commercial and sovereign func- tions of England were carried on by the East India Company, whose directors followed a policy of cooperation and non-intervention in the social, religious, and medical practices of the natives. But after 1800 liberalism, evangelicalism, and utilitarianism were spreading in the home country, and it was inevitable that these forces eventually would become paramount in India.14 They were made manifest by the Company's Act of 1813, which specified the promotion of literature and science for the natives.l5 Within about fifteen years two government-sponsored colleges in Calcutta included some medical classes; a third one was a medical institution for native doctors. The indigenous art of healing according to ancient medical traditions was learned in native languages, and some European concepts were introduced. In the meanwhile, after years of debate, a public controversy of monumental importance to all forms of education was reaching a climax. This was the famous Orientalist-Anglicist argument concerning what should be the content of Indian culture and the language which should be used to impart it. Although there were varying shades of opinion on both sides, in simple terms it may be said that the Orientalists believed that the indigenous culture was of a high order and should be preserved by teaching it in the native languages. On the other hand (and again somewhat oversimplified), the Anglicists main- tained that the heritage of India was not worth the effort to study; if the country was to progress in the modern world, the natives would have to be westernized by a European culture, and that included teaching in the English tongue.16 The man destined to end this controversy was Lord William Bentinck, governor-general of India from 1828 to 1835. His appointment was made primarily to improve the economy of the colony; education was not among his top priorities. But during his administration he could not help observing the terrible lack of medical services for the general population, and concluded that the first step in alleviating this condition would be an improvement in medical education. To this end in 1833 he appointed a special committee, which favoured the Anglicists,17 While this body was deliberating, Thomas B. Macaulay arrived in Calcutta in September, 1834, to assume his place on the Supreme Council of India. A force- ful Anglicist, he had a convincing influence on Bentinck. Other members of the governor's administration were of the same mind. On 28 January 1835 Bentinck gave his sanction to this view by ordering a cessation of medical instruction in two of Calcutta's government colleges; the third one devoted solely to teaching native doctors was closed. Additionally, he directed that a new institution, the Calcutta Medical College (later called the Medical College of Bengal), be established on the European model with all instruction in English.18 It is interesting to note that these decisions preceded the famous minute of Macaulay before the Supreme Council,192 February 1835, from which was derived Bentinck's more sweeping resolution of 7 March 1835, and which affirmed more strongly the Anglicist tenets by the provision that henceforth all money expended on education of all types must be devoted to the spread of English literature and science through the medium of the English

language. 20 If a western type medical school was to be established it is obvious that a chemistry SIR WILLIAM B. O'SHAUGHNESSY rag

course must be included. Thus the ultimate genesis of professional level chemical education in India was the decision mandating European learning, and the proximate origin was the need for improving the practice of medicine generally. However, it should be noted that some chemistry was taught before r835, but with very few exceptions it was of a rudimen- tary nature. H. J. C. Larwood has given an excellent overview and evaluation of science and science teaching before the mutiny of r857.21 Although very brief mention is made of O'Shaughnessy as a scientist, there is no treatment of his role as a teacher. The College was opened on r June r835 in temporary quarters. Within the next few months additional facilities were provided including" extensive and handsome" laboratories. O'Shaughnessy was appointed professor of chemistry but did not offer his first course until January r836.22 He recognized that because of the limited background of Indian youths

he would have to tailor his course to fit a new and experimental institution. 23 Since virtu- ally no suitable textbooks or reference works were available he had to resort to foreign journals, including continental as well as British publications. The philosophy of teaching he adopted can be gleaned from the prefaces of a report24 and his Manual of Chemistry.25 Firstly, he recalled his own difficulties as a student with the English practice of presenting heat, light, and electricity at the beginning of the course. O'Shaughnessy deplored this practice because he maintained that these general phenomena had to be taught in the con- text of matter, and therefore knowledge of elements and their compounds must be studied first. Secondly, the courses lasted only four or five months, and so many topics were cov- ered that there was much superficiality involved. He concluded that his text should empha- size descriptive chemistry, with particular reference to substances familiar to Indians, and contain enough topics whose study would extend over four years, including materia medica and pharmacology. He makes favourable mention that the courses of the most noted toxicologist of his time, M. J. B. Orfila of , were similarly extended. O'Shaughnessy acknowledges that for guidance as to the general character of the text he relied on Turner's Elements of Chemistry and Dumas's Chemistry of the Arts. For the design of experiments he followed D. B. Reid's Practical Chemistry. However, there was no slavish following of these sources. Indeed, O'Shaughnessy, as a result of his toxicological researches in London, had corrected and criticized portions of Reid's book.26 Although it is neither necessary nor desirable to review the entire contents of the book, it will be instructive to note some distinctive features worthy of comment.27 O'Shaughnessy is very explicit about his objective. He is writing for the general native student who might some day be an analyst or occupy some chemical position in India's future development, and those who would aspire to some position in the Indian Medical Service of the East India Company. In the first place, he notes that European texts would be out of the question from the standpoint of cost alone. More importantly, though, he points out that these texts have been written for students who have been reared in a modern scientific environ- ment, which provides them with familiarity with the general ideas and terminology of science. Indian students did not have this background, so they could not possibly profit from books geared to that level. For another thing, the standard works of chemistry in Europe described experiments with apparatus and chemicals of the highest quality avail- able. But in India in the second quarter of the nineteenth century there was only one acid manufacturing plant and not a single glass-blowing factory. Consequently O'Shaughnessy describes cheap and easily constructed substitutes for the formal and expensive apparatus of Europe. In general, this book reflects that most important ingredient necessary in the 110 MEL GORMAN

make-up of the colonial scientist-the ability to adapt native human and material resources to the exigencies of the time, the place, and the purpose of any specific undertaking. The introduction is addressed to the student, and is inspirational in tone. After placing chemistry in the general context of natural philosophy and describing it in broad outlines, O'Shaughnessy points out the practicality of chemistry. First of all, it has a moral value. He believes that if a youth has been taught to receive nothing as true but what is the result of experiment, he will be in little danger of being led away by the insidious arts of sophistry, or having his mind bewildered by fanaticism or superstition. Then there is the employ- ment appeal. O'Shaughnessy. points out that for one reason or another portions of India and surrounding lands are closed to Europeans. But a native does have access, and if he were trained in chemistry he could evaluate drugs, dyestuffs, and ores. A young man with even an elementary training in chemistry could spot the means of improving century old processes in the production of saltpetre, opium, etc. He would thus not only provide him- self with a profitable occupation, but would be extending the technology and economics of his country. There were many Indian youths from affluent families who would not be influenced by the above financial considerations. But O'Shaughnessy proclaimed that such young men should study chemistry as part of a gentleman's education. He reminds the young Indian reader that the audience of the lecture demonstrations at the Royal Institution of London regularly consisted of well-educated people, such as jurists and clergy, and that it would be well for such scientific information to be disseminated in India, and that it could be accom- plished by systematic study. About half of the introduction is devoted to convincing the medical student that chemi- stry is essential to the practice of medicine. By alluding to the chemistry of the natural processes of respiration, digestion, etc., the author emphasized the fundamental role of chemistry in life processes, in health or disease. The need for the medical practitioner to be aware of the uses and purity of his pharmaceuticals is emphasized, and with chemical knowledge he can rely on himself. Moreover, since murder by poisoning was practised so extensively in India, there is a great need for the medical man to be adept at providing anti- dotes, which of course he can learn about by studying chemistry. The introduction ends with what is really a tribute to the Indian student, and at the same time reveals O'Shaughnessy's high regard for him. "Difficulties will beset his pro- gress, it is true, but to overcome them all, he requires only the qualities which the Indian youth possesses in the most pre-eminent degree. He is quick of perception, patient in reflection, adroit and delicate in experimental manipulation; and with these endowments, his full success in this study may be most confidently foretold." It is axiomatic that scientists who laboured in a colonial environment did so among obstacles of isolation and communication. Yet this text gives the decided impression of being up-to-date. Recent articles from such important journals as the Journal of Science, Philosophical Magazine, Lancet, A nnales de Chemie, and] ournal de Pharmacie appear in appropriate chapters. l\10reover, the author seems conscious of his modernity for he declaims that he has avoided any reference to obsolete notions or abandoned theories. He makes considerable use of his own researches which were published in England and Indian journals.28 This must have had an inspirational effect on his students. For instance, one must consider that cholera was a fact of life for natives and Europeans alike. O'Shaughnessy had conducted researches on the chemical analysis of blood of cholera SIR WILLIAM B. O'SHAUGHNESSY III

victims~ and he related his discoveries in the text. Another facet of the social milieu in India was the widespread practice of murder by poisoning. Hence, there was a need for practitioners of forensic chemistry. The author calls upon his study and experience in this field, both in London and India, for the benefit of his medical students. The organization of the topics presents nothing unusual. As in Turner there are four nlain sections devoted to non-metallic elements and other compounds, metals and their compounds, organic chemistry, and animal chemistry. In keeping with his aim to empha- size descriptive chemistry, O'Shaughnessy defers presentation of the atomic theory and a few generalizations of chemistry (law of definite proportions, equivalents, combining volume of gases) to a brief chapter at the end of section two. He believed that by studying the elements and their inorganic compounds the students would be in a suitable state of development to grasp these principles. A unique feature eyident throughout is the use of examples indigenous to India whenever possible. Thus he describes the method of making nitric acid from potassium nitrate and alum as practised by Hindus. He never fails to remind the reader whenever a compound, e.g., ammonium chloride, is available at one of the local baz'aars. Hindustani, Sanscrit, and Persian names are given often. Ferrous sulphate is avallabl~ in bazaars as heera-kasis. The potential for chemical technology is pointed out frequently. For instance, an analysis of a manganese ore is presented in the hope that the abundant sources of this mineral in India will soon be made available. The author recom- mends that the manufacture of fuming sulphuric acid be undertaken as soon as possible be- cause it is a solvent for indigo. Substances of particular commercial importance in India, such as saltpetre and opium are accorded much detailed explanation, more so than "any elementary volume in the English language". Six appendices of 250 pages are devoted to various practical operations in such a manner that a serious student could perform many experiments at home, as indeed many of them did. Electrochemistry, blow-pipe analysis, mineral, soil, and water analyses, poisons and antidotes, metals and alloys and glass-blowing are included. Mindful of the dearth of standard apparatus, O'Shaughnessy demonstrates his ingenuity for adaptation by describ- ing various pieces of substitute equipment, and informing the reader that native craftsmen were very competent in fashioning glass, metal, and wood. Gas collecting vessels can be made by bazaar artisans from a stoppered bottle by cutting off the bottom with a wheel used to make shell bangles for Hindu women. Stopcocks of wood were suitable for many .operations. Where a rigid tube is satisfactory old gun barrels can be used. More exotic is that' 'flexible tubes find an excellent substitute in a huga snake covered with oil paint or lac varnish", Presumably, medical students would find no impediments to disembowelling the snake. A word may be said here regarding one aspect of O'Shaughnessy's writing style. He never lost sight of his avowed purpose of encouraging the study of chemistry. This is reflected in his enthusiastic manner of describing what we would regard today as very mundane chemicals. Repeatedly he uses words such as "celebrated", "remarkable", and "curious" in reference to the elements and compounds, thus hoping to assure continued interest on the part of students. For instance, nitrogen tri-iodide is described as a curious substance. and a source of much amusement to the experimentalist. Statements appear which were meant to be of vast significance, "The compounds of carbon and hydrogen are fraught with interest to mankind". Spectacular experiments are not allowed to pa?s with common prose. In the production of phosphine from phosphorous and aqueous potassium l I Z MEL GORMAN

hydroxide the description reads "Every bubble ... as it rises through the water inflames with a vivid flash, and a wreath-like circular band of smoke is formed, which gradually enlarges as it ascends, presenting an indescribably beautiful appearance". The context in which the M a1tltal of Che11tistry was used consisted of a series of three month terms with one hour classes meeting three times weekly. The first term beginning in 1836 had seventy-five students; the second had 180, the increase due to transfers from local colleges. The lectures were accompanied by demonstrations. Testimony as to O'Shaugh- nessy's skill and adaptiveness is to be found in the statements of Dr. I V 1 . J. Bramley, the principal of the College. In a plea for funds for more apparatus, Bramley says, "the Professor is himself compelled to devote a considerable portion of time to the actual manual labour of glass-blowing ... the illustrations of each lecture necessitate the taking to pieces and

re-adjustment of the apparatus used the preceding day" .29 Frederick Corbyn, editor of the India] ournal of Medical and Physical Science, a dedicated advocate of chemistry as a source of improvement of science and the arts, accepted O'Shaughnessy's invitation to attend his lectures. This Corbyn did for two terms and left an account of his lecture notes.30 From the partial list of demonstrations and exhibits of chemicals recorded, it is evident that O'Shaughnessy was a firm believer in visual education. One of the class experiments performed was the production of hydrogen and oxygen by electrolysis of water and their volume rates as determined with an eudiometer. Then the gases were combined to form water. Various compounds were prepared for the class to observe, such as the oxides of nitrogen and carbon. Nitrogen tri-iodide was synthesized and detonated. Metallic potassium was placed on a piece of ice, and "it blazed brilliantly". However much import- ance O'Shaughnessy attached to these demonstrations, he was convinced that passive reading and watching were insufficient for the proper study of chemistry. Consequently, on I June 1836 a laboratory course was instituted.31 Because of the lack of facilities only twenty of the best students could be accommodated. This limitation was a source of much chagrin to O'Shaughnessy and Bramley, but they were greatly satisfied with the perform- ances of the favouredfew. The latter noted that at the end of the laboratory course "the class was thoroughly conversant with ... the manufacture of gases, estimation of the strength of acids and alkalies, the analyses of saltpetre, alum ... and with the mode of preparation of many of the most useful mineral remedies". l\!Ioreover,the students could not avoid the dirty work, because "no servants were allowed ... the practical pupils themselves making the fires, cleaning the vessels employed, applying clay lutes, etc."32 The evaluation of the Manual of Chemistry and the courses in which it was used can be done best by considering the results of examinations. At the end of the second term in September of 1836 a general examination for prizes was held. There was a qualifying examination lasting five hours and for the winners a final examination of six hours. This examination was under the sponsor- ship of the government in the form of a gold and a silver medal and of Baboo Dwarkanath Tagore, an Indian believer in the importance of Western science, who provided money for cash prizes. The College gave certificates of merit to those below the top winners. The preliminary examination was entirely descriptive, e.g., "Describe the properties of Carbonic Acid, and give some account of its natural history and its connexion with the respiratory functions of animals and plants". The final examination contained some description, but there were more difficult questions involving explanation and proof; e.g., "Explain the meaning of the term isomeric, and give illustrations of the subject with diagrams;" "describe the experimental proofs both analytical and synthetic of the composition of SIR WILLIAM B. O'SHAUGHNESSY 113

water". There were five outside -examiners from the Indian Medical Service, including Corbyn. Dr. Bramley, the principal of the College, had an 86 page report printed 33 and forwarded to the General Committee of Public Instruction. Included were the rules under which the exalninations were conducted, the questions, the essay answers of five winners, the names of examiners and the winners, and prefatory remarks by Bramley and O'Shaughnessy. The former declared that the results were so satisfactory and creditable to the students that he felt obliged to have them published. The latter had composed the examination and said that the queries were the most difficult he could devise. In another report discussing the examination Bramley remarked that the results "displayed the com- plete success which had attended Dr. O'Shaughnessy's labours. I have no hesitation in saying that no chemical class in the world could have surpassed, and few would have equalled the brilliant replies of these youths" .34 Corbyn remarked on the examination as follows: ((The effect of this course will be best shown by the result of the examination of the professor's pupils ... their acquirements ... are, in numerous instances, not to be surpassed by the students of any of the seminaries in Europe. Moreover, their application and perseverance are not to be surpassed ... they have had the reward which their industry and talents had so justly entitled them to expect". Corbyn continues his description by saying that "Such an examination is highly creditable to the pupils and especially to their teacher: indefatigable, eloquent, and devoted to the science, he is admirably adapted for the post he fills". However, the ((pupil" was not enthralled with the course to the point of blindness, for he concludes by pointing out that the professor has a few defects, such as sometimes being too quick so that his experiments do not work.35 Another examination in September 1837 was given public notice.36 That the import- ance and prestige of this event had risen markedly can be inferred from the formality accompanying the distribution of prizes and certificates. A convocation was assembled in the theatre of the College attended by the Deputy Governor, members of the Council of India, and members of the General Committee of Public Instruction, and a number of Europeans and Indians. The examiner was James Prinsep who reported on the examina- tion that ((the extent and accuracy of the information on the single subject selected [arsenic] to test the abilities of the pupils has far surpassed my expectation; and I do not think that in Europe any class of chemical pupils would be found capable of passing a better examina- tion". This high praise by Prinsep is especially significant for two reasons. Firstly, he was an Orientalist, and resigned from the General Committee of Public Instruction when the Anglicists were victorious. Thus he could hardly be biased in favour of a mode of instruction to which he objected at first. Secondly, he was an extremely talented chemist. Although not university educated, he had some early instruction in analysis and from then on was self-taught, and produced at least fifty publications, mostly in physics and chemistry.37 He saw service in the East India Company's n1ints and for many years was secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. He and O'Shaughnessy were the two most knowledgeable chem- ists in India during the first half of the nineteenth century. The accolade of Prinsep was the most satisfying which O'Shaughnessy and his students could have hoped to attain. Moreover, a lengthy quotation of Prinsep's report was enshrined in the history of Indian education by being included in Charles Trevelyan's contemporary classic.38 Trevelyan adds his approval of the characteristics of the students: ((The pupils are animated by the most lively professional zeal, and they evince a degree of quickness and intelligence in the prosecution of their studies which has perhaps never been surpassed". 114 MEL GORMAN

By 1838 the original students who had persevered had studied a broad field of chemistry, pharmacy, and materia medica under O'Shaughnessy's tutelage. This year the examina- tion is described as stricter and longer than those in England. It was a laboratory examina- tion consisting of identifying the contents of unlabelled bottles by qualitative analysis, "putting the student's knowledge of the subjects to the severest possible test". Again the examiners were pleased very well with the results.39 In 1840 O'Shaughnessy was appointed chemical examiner (analyst) to the government while retaining his professorship. His duties were to analyse in the College laboratories any sample of commercial or legal importance to various governmental agencies. The double duty proved too arduous. He became ill and was forced to go on furlough on November 1841.40 He recuperated in England, was made a Fellow of the Royal Society in r843,41 visited Joseph Henry in America in June r843,42 and returned to India the next year. In November r844 the government separated the positions of professor of chemistry and chemical examiner; O'Shaughnessy resumed the latter and relinquished teaching.43 There- after he devoted himself to many pursuits in science and technology. He is remembered best for establishing the electric telegraph in India,44 for which he was knighted in r856. He retired to England in r860, and died in Southsea, 8 January r889. In retrospect, the impetus for the establishment of chemical education at a professional level was provided by the government of India's decision in favour of Western learning taught in English, coupled with a desire to improve the delivery of health services to native Indians by instituting for them a medical school on the European model. It was fortunate that a scientist of O'Shaughnessy's calibre was available for the professorship of chemistry. His education in the subject was the best available, he had some teaching experience, and his publications demonstrate his commitment to the research ideal. Of paramount import- ance was his ability to reach the goal of successful teaching by adapting to the colonial condition. Primarily this involved his understanding of the initial level of the intellectual abilities of Indian youths, and his nurture of their minds along chemical lines to the high attainments evidenced in the examination results. He had a high regard for his pupils and his confidence in them was manifested by untiring and inspirational zeal on their behalf. His knowledge of native resources for experimentation was another facet of his adaptability. Both of these aspects are easily identifiable in his Manual of Chemistry. The high standards of chemistry instruction introduced by O'Shaughnessy at the Medical College of Calcutta were so firmly planted that they continued in unabated effect after his departure. His teaching provided a model for emulation by Professors who followed him at Calcutta and other medical schools as well as in other types of institutions. Chemical education in India never looked back and today enjoys a respected eminence.

REFERENCES

I. George, Basal1a, "The Spread of Western Science", Science, 156, (1967) 611. Basalla presents a "model" of the introduction of modern sciences into non-European nations consisting of three phases: (1) exploratory or pre-colonial, (2) colonial, and (3) independent or post-colonial. The present paper deals with chemical education in the colonial period of India. 2. John O'Donovan, The Genealogies, Tribes, and Customs of Hy-Fiachrach, Dublin, 1844, 386-7; J. Fahey, The Diocese of Kilmacduagh, Dublin, 1893, 154; P. J. Dalton, J. Galway A rchaelogical and Hist. Soc., 6, (1909-10), 52-63; an essay review of Robert S. Rait, The Story of anlrish Property, Oxford, 1908. SIR WILLIAM B. O'SHAUGHNESSY 115

3. List of the Graduates in Medicine in the from 1705-1866, Edinburgh, 1867, 88. 4. O'Shaughnessy's scientific career was very diversified. During thirty years in India he made contributions to botany, pharmacology, philology, physics, journal editing, and medical education. His invention of an electric motor is described by Gorman, Technology and Culture, 9 (1968),184, and his controversy with Faraday over the use of lightning rods in India is presented by Gorman, I sis, 58 (1967) 96. His work in electrochemistry, forensic chemistry, metallurgy, and gun-cotton is described in ref. 26 in this paper; see also refs. 26 and 44. For additional biographical details see Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, 1938, XIV, 1204; Joseph Foster, Peerage, Baronetage and Knightage, Westminster, 1880, 660; Frederick Boase, Modern English Biography, 1897, II, 1270; C. E. Buckland, Dictionary of Indian Biography, London, 1906, 324; East India Registry and Directory, London, 1834-1862, passim; William A. Shaw, The Knights of England, London, 1906, II, 352; D. G. Crawford, Roll of the Indian Medical Service, 1615-1930, London, 1930, 106; London Times, II January 1889; Proc. Roy. Soc. London, 46 (1889), XVIII; Telegraphic I. and Electrical Rev., 24 (18 January 1889), 68; Hampshire Post (Portsmouth), 18 January 1889; British Med. I., 1, 40, 1902. 5. On extramural teachers when O'Shaughnessy was a student see J. B. Morrell, A mbix, 16 (1969), 66, Hugo Reid, Mem,oir of the Late , Edinburgh, 1863, 1-12, and Robert Christison, Biographical Sketch of the Late Edward Turner, M.D., Edinburgh, 1837, 18, 41. 6. Private communication from Charles P. Finlayson, University of Edinburgh, 18 December 1967. See Alexander Grant, The Story of the University of Edinburgh, London, 1884, II, 397 and 425, for Hope and Christison, respectively. 7· J. B. Morrell, Ambix, 16 (1969),66-80. 8. Fielding Garrison, An Introduction to the History of Medicine, London, 1960, 768-69. 9· [Robert Christison], The Life of Sir Robert Christison, Bart., London, 1885, 294. 10. W. B. O'Shaughnessy, Lancet, 1829-1830, II, 330, 452, 633; Lancet, 1830-1831, I, 33, 806 and II, 193· II. W. B. O'Shaughnessy, Lancet, 1830-1831, II, 213. For a description of the monopolistic role of the College of Physicians in licensing of London doctors see M. Jeanne Peterson, The Medical Profession in Mid- Victorian London, London, 1978, 6-8. Even Lister on his return to London from in 1877 was regarded as a foreigner, notwithstanding his sixteen years of success in the north; Guy Wrench, Lord Lister: His Life and Work, London, 1913, 273.

12. O'Shaughnessy to the Warden of the University of London; five letters between May and August, 1831, University College London archives. 13. W. C. B. Eatwell, On the Rise and Progress of Rational Medical Education in Bengal, Calcutta, 1860, 4-10; Cordier, A nnales d'Hygiene et de M idecine Coloniales, 4 (1901), 77-89; Anon., Calcutta Review, 42 (1866), 106-25. 14· J. Allan, J. W. Haig and H. H. Dodwell, The Cambridge Shorter History of India, Cambridge, 1934, 714-15. IS. M. R.. Paranjpe, A Source Book of Modern Indian Education, London, 1938, 8. 16. For a full discussion of the debate see S. Nurulla and J. P. Naik, A History of Education in India, Bombay, 1951, 131-52. 17· Charles E. Trevelyan, On the Education of the People of India, London, 1838, 28-9 and 207-20. 18. Discussion and documentation of these directives are in J. A. Richey, Selection from Educational Records, Calcutta, 1922, 312-23. 19· H. Sharp, Selections from Educational Records, Calcutta, 1920, 107-17; George Trevelyan, The Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay, London, 1876, I, 398-403; Percival Spear, Cambridge Historical I·, 6 (1938), 78-101; K. A. Ballhatchet, ibid., 10 (1951), 224-29. 20. H. Sharp, op. cit., 130-1; Paranjpe, op. cit., 49-50. 21. Larwood, H. J. C., "Science in India before 1850", Brit. J. Educational Studies, 7 (1958), 36; "Science and Education in India before the Mutiny", Annals of Science, 17 (1961), 81; "Western Science in India before 1850", J. Roy. Asiatic Soc. of Great Britain and Ireland, 1962, 62.

22. Report of the General Committee of Public Instruction of the Presidency of Fort William in Bengal, for the Year 1836, Calcutta, 1837, 59. rr6 MEL GORMAN

23. H. H. Goodeve and W. B. O'Shaughnessy, Calcutta Medical and Physical Society Quarterly J., 1 (1837), V-VII. 24. M. J. Bramley and W. B. O'Shaughnessy, First General Examination for Prizes and Certificates, Calcutta, 1836, 3-6. 25. W. B. O'Shaughnessy, Manual of Chemistry, Arranged for Native, General and Medical Students, and the Subordinate Medical Department of the Service, Calcutta, 1842 (2nd ed.); preface to the first edition, III-VIII, preface to the second edition, IX. 26. Mel Gorman, J. Chemical Ed., 46 (1969), 99-1°3. 27. The first edition of the Manual of Chemistry was published in 1837. One thousand copies were printed, and the government bought most of them, primarily for use in the Calcutta Medical College. See Board's Collections, vol. 1892, p. 5, "Extract of India Public Consultations, 21 June 1837", in India Office Records, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, London. I have been unable to locate a copy; the discussion in this article is based on the second edition (1842). 28. A practical list of O'Shaughnessy's publications appears in the Catalogue of Scientific Papers, 1800-1863, Royal Society of London, IV, 7°7. 29. M. J. Bramley, quoted in n. 22, p. 61. 30. F. Corbyn, India Journal of Medical and Physical Science, 1(1836), 570-74. 31. W. B. O'Shaughnessy, op. cit., n. 24, 5-6. 32. M. J. Bramley, quoted in n. 22, p. 60. 33. M. J. Bramley and W. B. O'Shaughnessy, First General Examination for Prizes and Certificates, Calcutta, 1836. 34. M. J. Bramley, quoted in n. 22, p. 62. 35. F. Corbyn, op. cit., n. 30, p. 572. 36. Calcutta Monthly Journal, 3, July-December 1937, 826-27. 37. Catalogue of Scientific Papers, 1800-1863, Royal Society of London, V, 23-4; Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, XVI, 395-96. 38. Charles E. Trevelyan, op. cit., n. 17, 30-3. 39. The Medical College of Bengal, Calcutta, 1839, 1-21. 40. Letters from India and Bengal, vol. 33, paragraph 43, India Office Records, Foreign and Common- wealth Office, London. 41. Record of the Royal Society, Edinburgh, 1940, 469. 42. I am indebted to Dr. Nathan Reingold, editor of the Joseph Henry papers, for this information. 43. India and Bengal Despatches, vol. 48, 1846, p. 555, India Office Records, Foreign and Common- wealth Office, London. 44. Gorman, "Sir William O'Shaughnessy, Lord Dalhousie, and the Establishment of the Telegraph System in India", Technology and Culture, 12 (1971), 581.

EDITORIAL ANNOUNCEMENT

Dr. W. H. Brock, after more than a decade of service, has this year retired from the honorary editorship of Antbix. On behalf of all members of the Society, and readers of the Journal everywhere, I thank him for his invaluable contribution to this periodical, and to the scholarly study of the history of chemistry at large. Dr. W. A. Smeaton will continue to serve as reviews editor of An'tbix, and to him also, thanks are due from us alL Finally I must register a personal debt of gratitude to both Dr. Brock and Dr. Smeaton for the advice and help they have given to me as incoming editor. Without them I would ?ave been lost: nevertheless, the responsibility for any errors that may have escaped their vigilance is entirely my own. MICHAEL A. SUTTON