Chapter 12 Decision Making DECISION MAKING You Have To
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Rational Wishful Thinking
Rational self-deception Eli Spiegelman a Jan 31, 2018 a CEREN, EA 7477, Burgundy School of Business - Université Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 29 rue Sambin, Dijon 21000, France. [email protected] Keywords: Wishful thinking; self-deception; beliefs; choice theory; experiment; regret theory; ambiguity JEL D8, D9 Funding This research benefitted from funding from LESSAC, Burgundy School of Business. Abstract This note presents a model of wishful thinking as manipulation of prior beliefs, and a novel experimental test. The theoretical context is a three-period model, in which the agent is faced with a state-contingent optimal action, in which one state yields a higher payoff. In period 0 she observes the objective prior probability that each state will occur, but may alter her beliefs about these probabilities (self-deceive). The beliefs she chooses in period 0 determine her action in period 1 as a standard maximization procedure. In period 2, a signal yields information about the state of the world. A key assumption is that this signal may not be perfectly revealing. It is shown that the objective prior is optimal if and only if the signal in period 2 is perfectly revealing. Predictions of the theory are tested in a bet-choice experiment. I then present an experimental test designed to investigate the model’s predictions. Subjects choose to play a bet or pass it up for another, and the experimental control varies whether learn about the second bet upon taking the first. The results of the experiment are also compared to the literature on regret theory and ambiguity aversion. -
The Availability Heuristic
CHAPTER 11 THE AVAILABILITY HEURISTIC According to Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman (1974, p. 1127), the availability heuristic is a rule of thumb in which decision makers "assess the frequency of a class or the probability of an event by the ease with which instances or occurrences can be brought to mind." Usually this heuristic works quite well; all things being equal, common events are easier to remember or imagine than are uncommon events. By rely ing on availability to estimate frequency and probability, decision mak ers are able to simplify what might otherwise be very difficult judg ments. As with any heuristic, however, there are cases in which the general rule of thumb breaks down and leads to systematic biases. Some events are more available than others not because they tend to occur frequently or with high probability, but because they are inherently easier to think about, because they have taken place recently, because they are highly emotional, and so forth. This chapter examines three general questions: (1) What are instances in which the availability heuristic leads to biased judgments? (2) Do decision makers perceive an event as more likely after they have imagined it happening? (3) How is vivid information dif ferent from other information? AVAILABILITY GOES AWRY Which is a more likely cause of death in the United States-being killed by falling airplane parts or by a shark? Most people rate shark attacks as more probable than death from falling airplane parts (see Item #7 of the Reader Survey for your answer). Shark attacks certainly receive more publicity than do deaths from falling airplane parts, and they are far easier to imagine (thanks in part to movies such as Jaws). -
The Art of Thinking Clearly
For Sabine The Art of Thinking Clearly Rolf Dobelli www.sceptrebooks.co.uk First published in Great Britain in 2013 by Sceptre An imprint of Hodder & Stoughton An Hachette UK company 1 Copyright © Rolf Dobelli 2013 The right of Rolf Dobelli to be identified as the Author of the Work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means without the prior written permission of the publisher, nor be otherwise circulated in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. A CIP catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. eBook ISBN 978 1 444 75955 6 Hardback ISBN 978 1 444 75954 9 Hodder & Stoughton Ltd 338 Euston Road London NW1 3BH www.sceptrebooks.co.uk CONTENTS Introduction 1 WHY YOU SHOULD VISIT CEMETERIES: Survivorship Bias 2 DOES HARVARD MAKE YOU SMARTER?: Swimmer’s Body Illusion 3 WHY YOU SEE SHAPES IN THE CLOUDS: Clustering Illusion 4 IF 50 MILLION PEOPLE SAY SOMETHING FOOLISH, IT IS STILL FOOLISH: Social Proof 5 WHY YOU SHOULD FORGET THE PAST: Sunk Cost Fallacy 6 DON’T ACCEPT FREE DRINKS: Reciprocity 7 BEWARE THE ‘SPECIAL CASE’: Confirmation Bias (Part 1) 8 MURDER YOUR DARLINGS: Confirmation Bias (Part 2) 9 DON’T BOW TO AUTHORITY: Authority Bias 10 LEAVE YOUR SUPERMODEL FRIENDS AT HOME: Contrast Effect 11 WHY WE PREFER A WRONG MAP TO NO -
Nudge Theory
Nudge Theory http://www.businessballs.com/nudge-theory.htm Nudge theory is a flexible and modern concept for: • understanding of how people think, make decisions, and behave, • helping people improve their thinking and decisions, • managing change of all sorts, and • identifying and modifying existing unhelpful influences on people. Nudge theory was named and popularized by the 2008 book, 'Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness', written by American academics Richard H Thaler and Cass R Sunstein. The book is based strongly on the Nobel prize- winning work of the Israeli-American psychologists Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky. This article: • reviews and explains Thaler and Sunstein's 'Nudge' concept, especially 'heuristics' (tendencies for humans to think and decide instinctively and often mistakenly) • relates 'Nudge' methods to other theories and models, and to Kahneman and Tversky's work • defines and describes additional methods of 'nudging' people and groups • extends the appreciation and application of 'Nudge' methodology to broader change- management, motivation, leadership, coaching, counselling, parenting, etc • offers 'Nudge' methods and related concepts as a 'Nudge' theory 'toolkit' so that the concept can be taught and applied in a wide range of situations involving relationships with people, and enabling people to improve their thinking and decision- making • and offers a glossary of Nudge theory and related terms 'Nudge' theory was proposed originally in US 'behavioral economics', but it can be adapted and applied much more widely for enabling and encouraging change in people, groups, or yourself. Nudge theory can also be used to explore, understand, and explain existing influences on how people behave, especially influences which are unhelpful, with a view to removing or altering them. -
Anticipatory Anxiety and Wishful Thinking
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Engelmann, Jan; Lebreton, Maël; Schwardmann, Peter; van der Weele, Joël J.; Chang, Li-Ang Working Paper Anticipatory Anxiety and Wishful Thinking Tinbergen Institute Discussion Paper, No. TI 2019-042/I Provided in Cooperation with: Tinbergen Institute, Amsterdam and Rotterdam Suggested Citation: Engelmann, Jan; Lebreton, Maël; Schwardmann, Peter; van der Weele, Joël J.; Chang, Li-Ang (2019) : Anticipatory Anxiety and Wishful Thinking, Tinbergen Institute Discussion Paper, No. TI 2019-042/I, Tinbergen Institute, Amsterdam and Rotterdam This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/205332 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under -
Wishful Thinking Final
A Framework for Understanding Wishful Thinking Daniel J. Hicks Science and Technology Policy Fellowships American Association for the Advancement of Science [email protected] Kevin C. Elliott Department of Philosophy Michigan State University [email protected] Abstract While the science and values literature has seen recurrent concerns about wishful thinking, there have been few efforts to characterize this phenomenon. Based on a review of varieties of wishful thinking involved in climate skepticism, we argue that instances of wishful thinking can be fruitfully characterized in terms of the mechanisms that generate them and the problems associated with them. We highlight the array of mechanisms associated with wishful thinking, as well as the fact that it can be evaluated both from epistemic and ethical perspectives. We argue that it is doubtful that a single unified definition of wishful thinking can be developed. Moreover, the concept of wishful thinking can problematically focus excessive attention on individual and epistemic problems in science, to the exclusion of social and ethical problems. A Framework for Understanding Wishful Thinking 1. Introduction In the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, a generation of feminist philosophers of science and epistemologists produced a series of critiques of the ideal of value-free science — the view that non-epistemic values have no legitimate role to play in evaluating scientific hypotheses. In the 1990s, a number of critics put forward countercharges, defenses of the value-free ideal. Wishful thinking and cognate concepts were prominent in these countercharges. As Elisabeth Lloyd noted at the time, "There are several interrelated pronouncements that materialize with mystifying but strict regularity whenever 'feminism' and 'science' are used in the same breath. -
CHALK TALK Thinking About Thinking: Medical Decision Making Under the Microscope Christiana Iyasere, MD, and Douglas Wright, MD, Phd
SGIM FORUM 2011; 34(11) CHALK TALK Thinking about Thinking: Medical Decision Making Under the Microscope Christiana Iyasere, MD, and Douglas Wright, MD, PhD Drs. Iyasere and Wright are faculty in the Inpatient Clinician Educator Service of the Department of Medicine at Massachusetts General Hospital in Boson, MA. ase: A 36-year-old African-Ameri- athletic—he graduated from college than 10 seconds and says “20,160” C can woman, healthy except for with a degree in physics and has before moving breezily along with treated hypothyroidism, visits you in completed several triathlons. Neil is a her coffee. Having Katrina’s input, are clinic complaining of six months of fa- veteran of the US Navy, where he you tempted to change your answer tigue and progressive shortness of served as fleet naval aviator and land- to questions 3a and 3b? Go ahead, breath with exertion. You thoroughly ing signal officer. Is Neil more likely to admit it. Aren’t you now more confi- interview and examine the patient. be: a) a librarian or b) an astronaut? dent that the correct answer is that Physical examination reveals conjunc- Question 2: Jot down a list of the product is closest to 20,000? tival pallor and dullness to percussion English words that begin with the let- Question 5: You have known one third of the way up both lung ter “r” (e.g. rooster). Next, jot down your medical school roommate Jus- fields. Something tells you to ask her a list of words that have an r in the tice for four years. -
1 How Is Wishful Seeing Like Wishful Thinking? Susanna Siegel * Draft For
How is wishful seeing like wishful thinking? Susanna Siegel * draft for Rutgers Epistemology Conference REC readers: If this paper is too long for you, you can shorten the journey in any of these ways: - skip sections 3-5 on responsive dispositions (pp. 9-15) - skip Part II (pp. 15-29) - skip all Part III (pp. 29-end) A Simple Argument It is a commonplace that beliefs can be epistemically appropriate or epistemically inappropriate. Suppose Frank wishfully believes that today, all his best features are evident even to the most casual observation. Passers-by who greet him with neutral expressions are holding back their appreciation of him, because they’re embarrassed to show it. Anyone who seems displeased with him is feeling inadequate in the face of his many assets. These interpretations make sense to Frank given his original wishful belief, but they are unreasonable, and that belief is the source of their unreasonableness. Can a perceptual experience ever be a source of unreasonableness, because of its dependence on a desire? Could wishful seeing compromise the rational support offered by experience, just as wishful thinking compromises the rational support offered by Frank’s wishful belief? Here is a simple argument that it could. Premise: Beliefs can be ill-founded by wishful thinking. Premise: Wishful seeing is possible. Conclusion. Experiences can be ill-founded by wishful seeing. What kinds of considerations could possibly support such a conclusion? The argument’s conceit is that wishful seeing and wishful thinking are sufficiently analogous that they both have ill-founding effects. There are many places to probe the argument, starting with whether the idea of wishful seeing makes sense to begin with. -
Mitigating Cognitive Bias and Design Distortion
RSD2 Relating Systems Thinking and Design 2013 Working Paper. www.systemic-design.net Interliminal Design: Mitigating Cognitive Bias and Design Distortion 1 2 3 Andrew McCollough, PhD , DeAunne Denmark, MD, PhD , and Don Harker, MS “Design is an inquiry for action” - Harold Nelson, PhD Liminal: from the Latin word līmen, a threshold “Our values and biases are expressions of who we are. It isn’t so much that our prior commitments disable our ability to reason; it is that we need to appreciate that reasoning takes place, for the most part, in settings in which we are not neutral bystanders.” - Alva Noe In this globally interconnected and information-rich society, complexity and uncertainty are escalating at an unprecedented pace. Our most pressing problems are now considered wicked, or even super wicked, in that they commonly have incomplete, continuously changing, intricately interdependent yet contradictory requirements, urgent or emergency status, no central authority, and are often caused by the same entities charged with solving them (Rittel & Webber, 1973). Perhaps similar to philosopher Karl Jaspers’ Axial Age where ‘man asked radical questions’ and the ‘unquestioned grasp on life was loosened,’ communities of all kinds now face crises of “in-between”; necessary and large-scale dismantling of previous structures, institutions, and world-views has begun, but has yet to be replaced. Such intense periods of destruction and reconstruction, or liminality, eliminate boundary lines, reverse or dissolve social hierarchies, disrupt cultural continuity, and cast penetrating onto future outcomes. Originating in human ritual, liminal stages occur mid-transition, where initiates literally "stand at the threshold" between outmoded constructs of identity or community, and entirely new ways of being. -
Wishful Thinking and Source Monitoring
Memory & Cognition 2005, 33 (3), 418-429 Wishful thinking and source monitoring RUTHANNA GORDON Illinois Institute of Technology, Chicago, Illinois and NANCY FRANKLIN and JENNIFER BECK State University of New York, Stony Brook, New York Memory distortions sometimes serve a purpose: It may be in our interest to misremember some de- tails of an event or to forget others altogether. The present work examines whether a similar phenom- enon occurs for source attribution. Given that the source of a memory provides information about the accuracy of its content, people may be biased toward source attributions that are consistent with de- sired accuracy. In Experiment 1, participants read desirable and undesirable predictions made by sources differing in their a priori reliability and showed a wishful thinking bias—that is, a bias to at- tribute desirable predictions to the reliable source and undesirable predictions to the unreliable source. Experiment 2 showed that this wishful thinking effect depends on retrieval processes. Experiment 3 showed that under some circumstances, wishes concerning one event can produce systematic source memory errors for others. The origin of a message—hence, the origin of one’s to be designed to operate in a sensible manner, by relying memory for it—is often diagnostic of how trustworthy on features with values empirically correlated with the the message’s content is. Information about the reliabil- various candidate sources (e.g., Intraub & Hoffman, 1992; ity of a new car deserves different treatment if read in a Johnson, Foley, & Leach, 1988). Consumer Reports article than if read in a magazine ad However, source monitoring doesn’t always produce ac- or an e-mail from a friend. -
Cognitive Biases Potentially Affecting Judgment of Global Risks Forthcoming in Global Catastrophic Risks, Eds
Cognitive biases potentially affecting judgment of global risks Forthcoming in Global Catastrophic Risks, eds. Nick Bostrom and Milan Cirkovic Draft of August 31, 2006. Eliezer Yudkowsky ([email protected]) Singularity Institute for Artificial Intelligence Palo Alto, CA Introduction1 All else being equal, not many people would prefer to destroy the world. Even faceless corporations, meddling governments, reckless scientists, and other agents of doom, require a world in which to achieve their goals of profit, order, tenure, or other villainies. If our extinction proceeds slowly enough to allow a moment of horrified realization, the doers of the deed will likely be quite taken aback on realizing that they have actually destroyed the world. Therefore I suggest that if the Earth is destroyed, it will probably be by mistake. The systematic experimental study of reproducible errors of human reasoning, and what these errors reveal about underlying mental processes, is known as the heuristics and biases program in cognitive psychology. This program has made discoveries highly relevant to assessors of global catastrophic risks. Suppose you're worried about the risk of Substance P, an explosive of planet-wrecking potency which will detonate if exposed to a strong radio signal. Luckily there's a famous expert who discovered Substance P, spent the last thirty years working with it, and knows it better than anyone else in the world. You call up the expert and ask how strong the radio signal has to be. The expert replies that the critical threshold is probably around 4,000 terawatts. "Probably?" you query. "Can you give me a 98% confidence interval?" "Sure," replies the expert. -
Biases and Fallacies: the Role of Motivated Irrationality in Fallacious Reasoning
COGENCY Vol. 3, N0. 1 (107-126), Winter 2011 ISSN 0718-8285 Biases and fallacies: The role of motivated irrationality in fallacious reasoning Sesgos y falacias: El rol de la irracionalidad motivada en el razonamiento falaz Vasco Correia Institute for the Philosophy of Language New University of Lisbon, Lisboa, Portugal [email protected] Received: 20-12-2010 Accepted: 25-05-2011 Abstract: This paper focuses on the effects of motivational biases on the way people reason and debate in everyday life. Unlike heuristics and cognitive biases, motiva- tional biases are typically caused by the infuence of a desire or an emotion on the cognitive processes involved in judgmental and inferential reasoning. In line with the ‘motivational’ account of irrationality, I argue that these biases are the cause of a number of fallacies that ordinary arguers commit unintentionally, particularly when the commitment to a given viewpoint is very strong. Drawing on recent work in ar- gumentation theory and psychology, I show that there are privileged links between specifc types of biases and specifc types of fallacies. This analysis provides further support to the idea that people’s tendency to arrive at desired conclusions hinges on their ability to construct plausible justifcations for those conclusions. I suggest that this effort to rationalize biased views is the reason why unintentional fallacies tend to be persuasive. Keywords: Argumentation, biases, confrmation bias, fallacies, hasty generalization. Resumen: Este artículo se centra en los efectos de los sesgos motivacionales a partir de la forma en que la gente razona y debate cada día en la vida cotidiana.