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Redalyc.LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA
Boletín de Lingüística ISSN: 0798-9709 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela Lovón Cueva, Marco Antonio; Pita Garcia, Paula Sharon LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Boletín de Lingüística, vol. XXVIII, núm. 45-46, enero-diciembre, 2016, pp. 79-110 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=34754747004 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto BOLETÍN DE LINGÜÍSTICA, XXVIII/45-46 / Ene - Dic, 2016: 79-110 79 LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Marco Antonio Lovón Cueva Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC) [email protected] Paula Sharon Pita Garcia Universidad Ricardo Palma (URP) [email protected] RESUMEN En los últimos años, en Venezuela, el contexto político-económico, entre la continuidad del régimen y el descontento social, ha ocasionado que los venezolanos inventen y recreen una serie de palabras para expresarse sobre dicho acontecimiento. Este trabajo lexicográfico y lexicológico recoge y analiza dichas voces, tales como majunche, pupitrazo, boliburgués. Cada entrada lexicográfica presenta una definición, alguna precisión etimológica, una marca gramatical, una marca sociolingüística, un ejemplo de uso, y alguna nota lexicográfica. Los datos han sido recopilados de distintas fuentes, particularmente de sitios web, y validados por hablantes del país. La investigación concluye con la importancia de recoger las distintas expresiones lingüísticas de esta coyuntura como una forma de consignar una realidad que reclama ser comprendida y atendida. -
Redalyc.Hugo Chávez and the Building of His Self-Image Through
Ibérica ISSN: 1139-7241 [email protected] Asociación Europea de Lenguas para Fines Específicos España Negro Alousque, Isabel Hugo Chávez and the building of his self-image through metaphor Ibérica, núm. 29, 2015, pp. 83-103 Asociación Europea de Lenguas para Fines Específicos Cádiz, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=287038716005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative 06 IBERICA 29.qxp:Iberica 13 29/03/15 21:46 Página 83 Hugo Chávez and the building of his self-image through metaphor Isabel Negro Alousque Universidad Complutense de Madrid (España) [email protected] Abstract In the last decades metaphor has been much researched from both theoretical and empirical perspectives. One of the metaphor research lines has been the study of metaphor in specialized genres, including politics (Musolff, 2004). Political metaphor has been considerably researched within the cognitive framework and a few investigations have been concerned with the use of metaphor by political leaders (e.g. Semino & Masci, 1996; Charteris-Black, 2004, 2009). The present paper focuses on the use of metaphor in the public discourse of Hugo Chávez, the former Venezuelan president. Chávez was a captivating, if polarizing, leader whose hallmark was his oratory. We analyse a sample of Chávez’s speeches for evidence of its metaphorical content. We identify and explain the linguistic and conceptual metaphors that occur in his speeches with a view to demonstrating that they play a central role in the construction of Chávez’s self-image as both a political and religious leader for persuasive purposes. -
Signature Redacted Certified By: William Fjricchio Professor of Compa Ive Media Studies Thesis Supervisor Signature Redacted Accepted By
Manufacturing Dissent: Assessing the Methods and Impact of RT (Russia Today) by Matthew G. Graydon B.A. Film University of California, Berkeley, 2008 SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF COMPARATIVE MEDIA STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN COMPARATIVE MEDIA STUDIES AT THE MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY JUNE 2019 C2019 Matthew G. Graydon. All rights reserved. The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part in any medium now known or hereafter created. S~ri' t A Signature red acted Department of Comparative 6/ledia Studies May 10, 2019 _____Signature redacted Certified by: William fJricchio Professor of Compa ive Media Studies Thesis Supervisor Signature redacted Accepted by: MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE Professor of Comparative Media Studies _OF TECHNOLOGY Director of Graduate Studies JUN 1 12019 LIBRARIES ARCHIVES I I Manufacturing Dissent: Assessing the Methods and Impact of RT (Russia Today) by Matthew G. Graydon Submitted to the Department of Comparative Media Studies on May 10, 2019 in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Comparative Media Studies ABSTRACT The state-sponsored news network RT (formerly Russia Today) was launched in 2005 as a platform for improving Russia's global image. Fourteen years later, RT has become a self- described tool for information warfare and is under increasing scrutiny from the United States government for allegedly fomenting unrest and undermining democracy. It has also grown far beyond its television roots, achieving a broad diffusion across a variety of digital platforms. -
CRACKDOWN on DISSENT Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela
CRACKDOWN ON DISSENT Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Crackdown on Dissent Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela Copyright © 2017 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-35492 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit: http://www.hrw.org The Foro Penal (FP) or Penal Forum is a Venezuelan NGO that has worked defending human rights since 2002, offering free assistance to victims of state repression, including those arbitrarily detained, tortured, or murdered. The Penal Forum currently has a network of 200 volunteer lawyers and more than 4,000 volunteer activists, with regional representatives throughout Venezuela and also in other countries such as Argentina, Chile, Norway, Spain, Sweden, Uruguay, and the USA. Volunteers provide assistance and free legal counsel to victims, and organize campaigns for the release of political prisoners, to stop state repression, and increase the political and social cost for the Venezuelan government to use repression as a mechanism to stay in power. -
Criollos En El Exterior Recibirán Prórrogas De Sus Pasaportes
Ultimas Noticias En veremos Viernes Caracas PMV ultimasnoticiasve Año 80 Bs 400.000 N° 31.334 @UNoticias 12 @UNoticias Marzo la relación 2021 www.ultimasnoticias.com.ve con Bachelet IDENTIFICACIÓN l En un comunicado la cancillería lamentó las Venezuela someterá declaraciones de la funcionaria de la ONU en el Consejo de Derechos Humanos l ”Es muy Criollos en el exterior a revisión la relación preocupante que la alta comisionada ceda con la oficina de la ante la presión de actores antivenezolanos y recibirán prórrogas realice afirmaciones sesgadas y alejadas de de sus pasaportes alta comisionada la verdad”, dice el escrito. P5 El Saime se las enviará a su domicilio, previa solicitud por la página web, informó Gustavo Vizcaíno. Dijo que desde Canadá ya hay 43 peticiones. P2 BIOSEGURIDAD Todos los pasajeros deben hacerse la PCR en Maiquetía Las autoridades instalaron tres laboratorios de despistaje en el aeropuerto como medida sanitaria contra el covid. P3 INVESTIGACIÓN PULSO REGIONAL Hallan Apure activa narcopistas en caravana tres municipios preventiva del Zulia P8 en la frontera P7 WILMER ERRADES SOLICITUD CON LAS DOS MANOS Los proyectos de ley de Ciudades Comunales y de Chamba Juvenil fueron aprobados en primera discusión en la Piden a la ONU ponerle coto Asamblea Nacional. Luego de un debate lleno de entusiasmo, muchos parlamentarios se dejaron llevar por la pasión a crisis de covid-19 en Brasil política y levantaron no una, sino las dos manos, en señal de aprobación de ambas normativas. P4 TELEVISIÓN Venezuela envió una carta al secretario general para que haga que el gobierno de Bolsonaro tome control sanitario y así evitar que el virus siga expandiéndose por la región. -
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43239 Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Summary Although historically the United States had close relations with Venezuela, a major oil supplier, friction in bilateral relations increased under the leftist, populist government of President Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), who died in 2013 after battling cancer. After Chávez’s death, Venezuela held presidential elections in which acting President Nicolás Maduro narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD), with the opposition alleging significant irregularities. In 2014, the Maduro government violently suppressed protests and imprisoned a major opposition figure, Leopoldo López, along with others. In December 2015, the MUD initially won a two-thirds supermajority in National Assembly elections, a major defeat for the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). The Maduro government subsequently thwarted the legislature’s power by preventing three MUD representatives from taking office (denying the opposition a supermajority) and using the Supreme Court to block bills approved by the legislature. For much of 2016, opposition efforts were focused on recalling President Maduro through a national referendum, but the government slowed down the referendum process and suspended it indefinitely in October. After an appeal by Pope Francis, the government and most of the opposition (with the exception of Leopoldo López’s Popular Will party) agreed to talks mediated by the Vatican along with the former presidents of the Dominican Republic, Spain, and Panama and the head of the Union of South American Nations. -
Drivers of Polarized Discussions on Twitter During Venezuela Political
Drivers of Polarized Discussions on Twitter during Venezuela Political Crisis Sameera Horawalavithana Kin Wai NG Adriana Iamnitchi Computer Science and Engineering, Computer Science and Engineering, Computer Science and Engineering, University of South Florida University of South Florida University of South Florida Tampa, USA Tampa, USA Tampa, USA [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] ABSTRACT activity that realistically incorporate reactions to events from the Social media activity is driven by real-world events (natural dis- physical world. For example, seismic events were "seen" in Twitter asters, political unrest, etc.) and by processes within the platform activity [15], thus a realistic simulator of Twitter activity should itself (viral content, posts by influentials, etc). Understanding how react to relevant exogenous events. these different factors affect social media conversations in polarized This paper analyzes the impact of internal and external factors communities has practical implications, from identifying polariz- driving polarized discussions on Twitter. To this end, we chose the ing users to designing content promotion algorithms that alleviate Venezuelan political crisis of the early 2019 which involved mass polarization. Based on two datasets that record real-world events protests and international political responses that were recorded (ACLED and GDELT), we investigate how internal and external in the news media. Because of the international attention, Twitter factors drive related Twitter activity in the highly polarizing con- discussions related to this episode spanned multiple languages. The text of the Venezuela’s political crisis from early 2019. Our findings politically polarized Venezuelan society [25] responded in different show that antagonistic communities react differently to different ways to the same event, depending on political ideology. -
The Colombo-Venezuelan Border Through the Lens of the Colombian Press
Bowdoin College Bowdoin Digital Commons Honors Projects Student Scholarship and Creative Work 2020 The Colombo-Venezuelan Border Through the Lens of the Colombian Press Diego Rafael Grossmann Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/honorsprojects Part of the Critical and Cultural Studies Commons, and the Latin American Studies Commons Recommended Citation Grossmann, Diego Rafael, "The Colombo-Venezuelan Border Through the Lens of the Colombian Press" (2020). Honors Projects. 213. https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/honorsprojects/213 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship and Creative Work at Bowdoin Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of Bowdoin Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Colombo-Venezuelan Border Through the Lens of the Colombian Press An Honors Paper for the Program of Latin American Studies By Diego Rafael Grossmann Bowdoin College, 2020 ©2020 Diego Rafael Grossmann Table of Contents Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………………..3 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………..4 Chapter 1: El Tiempo and the Colombian State as a Protector…………………………………..19 Chapter 2: El Espectador and the Inclusive, Democratic Nation………………………………..35 Chapter 3: The Border, A Global Spectacle……………………………………………………..66 Conclusion: A Fragmented Nation…………………………………………………………........97 List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………………..101 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………........106 2 Acknowledgements Firstly, I owe tremendous gratitude to my advisor, Professor Nadia Celis, without whom this project would not have been possible. Her expansive knowledge, her encouragement, her attention to every detail, and her confidence in me have driven this project from the start. I also cannot imagine my Bowdoin experience without her guidance, support, and care. -
Curbing the Threat to Venezuela from Violent Groups
A Glut of Arms: Curbing the Threat to Venezuela from Violent Groups Latin America Report N°78 | 20 February 2020 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 235 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Armed Groups, Crime and the State ................................................................................ 4 A. Guerrillas ................................................................................................................... 4 B. Colectivos ................................................................................................................... 7 C. Paramilitaries ............................................................................................................. 11 D. Criminal Groups ........................................................................................................ 12 III. Armed Groups in a Political Agreement .......................................................................... 16 IV. Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 18 APPENDICES A. Map of Venezuela ............................................................................................................ -
Venezuela After Chavez
Edited by Veronica Zubillaga George Ciccariello-Maher Rebecca Hanson Boris Muñoz Robert Samet Naomi Schiller David Smilde Alejandro Velasco Veronica Zubillaga April 30th, 2014 1 Introduction Venezuela after Chávez: Challenges of Democracy, Security and Governance April 30, 2014 Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies Watson Institute for International Studies Brown University The death of President Hugo Chávez on March 2013 has raised pressing questions about the future of Venezuela and the continuity of Chávez’s Bolivarian project. Nicolás Maduro, Chávez’s hand-picked successor, won elections in April 2013 with a very narrow electoral victory that aroused serious suspicion of fraud amidst the opposition and intense tensions among Venezuelans. Nine months later, in February 2014, Venezuelans experienced a burst of massive students protests in different states, which immediately spread to middle-classes neighborhoods of the emboldened opposition. While we were organizing the Venezuela conference at Brown, in Caracas some middle-class neighborhoods were taken and blocked by “vecinos” (neighbors); students kept taking to the streets protesting while excessively repressive and militarized police responses reheated the students’ rage. The protest’s focused on a vast range of claims: from freedom of speech, citizen security, food shortages; inflation; freedom for those imprisoned for political motives since the beginning of the protests; government repression, up to Maduro’s immediate resignation. The landscape resembled a war zone in one part of the city yet was amazingly calm in other parts. Social polarization was evident and finding out the reasons why people in barrios were not protesting is one of the questions posed here. -
Colombia En 2019: La Paradoja De La Abundancia
REVISTA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA / VOLUMEN 40 / N° 2 / 2020 / 235-258 COLOMBIA IN 2019: THE PARADOX OF PLENTY*1 Colombia en 2019: la paradoja de la abundancia ANGELIKA RETTBERG Universidad de los Andes, Colombia Artículos ABSTRACT PolíticCienciaa 2019 was a significant year for Colombian politics and the country’s political deba- te was dominated by four intertwined issues: (a) the implementation of the historic peace agreement between the Colombian government and the Fuerzas Armadas Re- volucionarias de Colombia (FARC) and all its economic, judicial, and political ramifi- cations, (b) the ongoing presence of illicit crops and the impact of the drug trade on domestic and international security, (c) the tense bilateral relation between Colom- bia and Venezuela, and, similar to other Latin American countries, (d) social unrest caused by multiple and widespread frustration about public education, health, corruption, governance, and the environment. At the same time, the country was marked by steady economic growth, above the Latin American average. In addi- tion, much of the political debate took place within and among the institutions of Colombian state and society, illustrating growing state capacity and a mature civil society. In this article, I describe the different aspects of this Colombian paradox— high levels of domestic unrest and political polarization surrounding unsolved structural issues and pending expectations about peace combined with superior economic performance and growing institutional strength—in an effort to provide an overview of the challenges overcome as well as those lying ahead. Keywords: Peace agreement, transitional justice, illicit crops, migration, protest, Colombia. RESUMEN 2019 fue un año significativo para la política colombiana. -
WP-2020-MFO-LAC-1.4 Devis Amaya
Centre on Migration, Policy and Society Special Working Paper No. MFO LAC 1.4 University of Oxford, 2020 Migrations in Latin America and the Mediterranean compared: Violence, state cruelty and (un-)institutional resistance Maison Française d’Oxford / Latin American Centre Oxford, 12-13 Nov. 2019 The Venezuelan Migration in Context: integration and migrant ‘desirability’ Esteban Devis-Amaya WP-20-MFO LAC 1.4 COMPAS does not have a centre view and does not aim to present one. The views expressed in this document are only those of its independent author Introduction The current situation in Venezuela has been labelled a ‘Humanitarian Crisis’ by different UN organisations as well as the International Organisation for Migration (IOM October 2019), which estimates that seven million Venezuelans currently need humanitarian assistance - around 23% of the population. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, to date 4.5 million Venezuelans have left the country (UNHCR, October 2019). They have migrated all over the world, but most live within Latin America – with Colombia having the largest share. I will argue that there have been two migration waves: one from 1999 to 2014 (starting from the rise to power of President Chavez in Venezuela), and one from 2014 to date (from the start of the intensification of the emigration flow). This paper explains the context of the situation that has led to the migration of more than 10% of the Venezuelan population; it evaluates the migration patterns and analyses the issues surrounding the integration of Venezuelans into local societies in Latin America. Context For most Venezuelan migrants, the first country of entry is Colombia, and most cross one of the three major entry points connecting the Colombian Norte de Santander region with the Venezuelan Táchira region.