CULTS AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS BLACKWELL READINGS IN RELIGION

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Cults and New Religious Movements A Reader Edited by Lorne L. Dawson CULTS AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS A READER

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Cults and new religious movements : a reader / edited by Lorne L. Dawson. p. cm. – (Blackwell readings in religion) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-4051-0180-6 (alk. paper) – ISBN 1-4051-0181-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Cults. I. Dawson, Lorne L., 1954– II. Series. BP603 .C86 2003 291–dc21 2002038285

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For further information on Blackwell Publishing, visit our website: http://www.blackwellpublishing.com Contents

Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The Book and the Subject 1

I The Study of New Religious Movements 5 1 The Scientific Study of Religion? You Must Be Joking! 7 Eileen Barker 2 The Continuum Between “Cults” and “Normal” Religion 26 James A. Beckford

II The Nature of New Religious Movements 33 3 Three Types of New Religious Movement 36 Roy Wallis 4 Cult Formation: Three Compatible Models 59 William Sims Bainbridge and Rodney Stark

III New Religious Movements in Historical and Social Context 71 5 False Prophets and Deluded Subjects: The Nineteenth Century 73 Philip Jenkins 6 The New Spiritual Freedom 89 Robert Wuthnow

IV Joining New Religious Movements 113 7 Who Joins New Religious Movements and Why: Twenty Years of Research and What Have We Learned? 116 Lorne L. Dawson 8 The Joiners 131 Saul Levine

v CONTENTS

VThe “Brainwashing” Controversy 143 9 The Process of Brainwashing, Psychological Coercion, and Thought Reform 147 Margaret Thaler Singer 10 A Critique of “Brainwashing” Claims About New Religious Movements 160 James T. Richardson 11 Constructing Cultist “Mind Control” 167 Thomas Robbins

VI Violence and New Religious Movements 181 12 The Apocalypse at Jonestown 186 John R. Hall 13 “Our Terrestrial Journey is Coming to an End”: The Last Voyage of the Solar Temple 208 Jean-François Mayer

VII Sex and Gender Issues and New Religious Movements 227 14 Women in New Religious Movements 230 Elizabeth Puttick 15 Women’s “Cocoon Work” in New Religious Movements: Sexual Experimentation and Feminine Rites of Passage 245 Susan J. Palmer

VIII New Religious Movements and the Future 257 16 Why Religious Movements Succeed or Fail: A Revised General Model 259 Rodney Stark 17 New Religions and the Internet: Recruiting in a New Public Space 271 Lorne L. Dawson and Jenna Hennebry

Index 292

vi Acknowledgments

The editor and publishers gratefully acknowl- Berkeley: University of California Press, edge the following for permission to repro- 1998: 52–84; copyright © 1998 the duce copyright material: Regents of the University of California. Lorne L. Dawson, “Who Joins New Religious Eileen Barker, “The Scientific Study of Reli- Movements and Why: Twenty Years of gion? You Must Be Joking!” Journal for Research and What Have We Learned?” the Scientific Study of Religion 34, 1995: Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 25, 287–310. 1996: 141–61. James A. Beckford, “The Continuum Between Saul Levine, “The Joiners.” In Saul Levine, ‘Cults’ and ‘Normal’ Religion.” In Pauline Radical Departures: Desperate Detours to Cote (ed.) Chercheurs de dieux dans l’espace Growing Up, New York: Harcourt Brace public, University of Ottawa Press, 2001: and Company, 1984; copyright © 1994 by 11–20; reprinted by permission of the Saul V. Levine, reprinted by permission of publisher. Harcourt, Inc. Roy Wallis, “Three Types of New Religious Margaret Thaler Singer, “The Process of Movement.” In Roy Wallis, The Elementary Brainwashing, Psychological Coercion, and Forms of New Religious Life, Routledge and Thought Reform.” In Margaret Thaler Kegan Paul, 1984: 9–39; reprinted by per- Singer, Cults in Our Midst, Jossey-Bass, mission of Mrs Veronica Wallis. 1995: 52–82. William Sims Bainbridge and Rodney Stark, James T. Richardson, “A Critique of ‘Brain- “Cult Formation: Three Compatible washing’ Claims About New Religious Models.” Sociological Analysis 40, 1979: Movements.” Australian Religious Studies 283–95. Review 7, 1994: 48–56. Philip Jenkins, “False Prophets and Deluded Thomas Robbins, “Constructing Cultist Subjects: The Nineteenth Century.” In ‘Mind Control’.” Sociological Analysis 45, Philip Jenkins, Mystics and Messiahs: Cults 1984: 241–56. and New Religions in American History, John R. Hall, “The Apocalypse at Jonestown.” Oxford University Press, 2000: 25–45; In John R. Hall, with Philip D. Schuyler and copyright 2000 by Philip Jenkins; used by Sylvaine Trinh, Apocalypse Observed: Reli- permission of Oxford University Press, Inc. gious Movements and Violence in North Robert Wuthnow, “The New Spiritual Free- America, Europe, and Japan, Routledge, dom.” In Robert Wuthnow, After Heaven: 2000: 15–43; reprinted by permission of Spirituality in America Since the 1950s, Taylor and Francis Ltd.

vii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Jean-François Mayer, “‘Our Terrestrial Jour- Lorne L. Dawson and Jenna Hennebry, “New ney is Coming to an End’: The Last Voyage Religions and the Internet: Recruiting in a of the Solar Temple.” Nova Religio 2, 1999: New Public Space.” Journal of Contempo- 172–96. rary Religion 14, 1999: 17–39; reprinted Elizabeth Puttick, “Women in New Religious by permission of Taylor and Francis Ltd; Movements.” In Bryan Wilson and Jamie journal website http://www.tandf.co.uk/ Cresswell (eds.) New Religious Movements: journals. Challenge and Response, Routledge, 1999: 143–62; reprinted by permission of Taylor “CHURCH OF THE POISON MIND” and Francis Ltd and the author. Words and Music by George O’Dowd, Jon Susan J. Palmer, “Women’s ‘Cocoon Work’ in Moss, Michael Craig and Roy Hay New Religious Movements: Sexual Experi- © 1983, Reproduced by permission of EMI mentation and Feminine Rites of Passage.” Virgin Music Ltd, London WC2H 0QY. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 32, 1993: 343–55. The publishers apologize for any errors or Rodney Stark, “Why Religious Movements omissions in the above list and would be grate- Succeed or Fail: A Revised General Model.” ful to be notified of any corrections that Journal of Contemporary Religion 11, 1996: should be incorporated in the next edition or 133–46; reprinted by permission of Taylor reprint of this book. and Francis Ltd; journal website http:// www.tandf.co.uk/journals.

viii Introduction: The Book and the Subject

Most people in North America or Europe have religions we often hear distinct echoes of the never met anyone who is a member of a higher values and sentiments, the spiritual “cult,” or what scholars prefer to call “new insights, of the great religious figures of religious movements.” Thousands of such the past. Surely there is more to life we all groups exist in our societies, but they tend to sense at times, and the teachings of Jesus, be so small or last for so short a time that they Mohammed, the Buddha and others, may attract little or no attention. Yet almost every- seem to be more genuinely present in the one has read articles or watched television discourses of these still largely unknown or shows about these groups. In our increasingly already scorned men and women than in the secularized and supposedly rational societies sermons and pronouncements of the accepted our curiosity is peaked by the intense and religious leaders around us. But fear holds us seemingly peculiar beliefs and practices of the back from exploring these possibilities further minority of people who choose such alter- and the “cults” in our midst remain just a native worldviews and their accompanying curiosity. This fear of the unknown and the lifestyles. We are often simultaneously drawn different is natural and understandable, but it to and repelled by their sense of commitment is also exaggerated and in the long run detri- and purpose in life. As social and ideological mental to both our own spiritual development deviants they are fascinating yet threatening. and that of our societies. Their religiosity may seem strangely more We know about “cults” largely by what the real and compelling than the anemic variety of media tells us, and their views have been mainstream religion so many of us experience overwhelmingly negative (see Van Driel and as children and young adults in the churches, Richardson 1988; Pfeifer 1992). Mirroring synagogues, and temples of our parents. But the norms of conventional society, and the the beliefs espoused are often subversive of the interests of the powers behind it, the media values and goals to which we have been social- have preferred to be sensationalistic in ized by the dominant social institutions of our their treatment of new religious movements, society. Where so often we have been condi- earning dollars by exploiting our fascination tioned to the pursuit of happiness through the and stoking our fears (see Beckford 1999, and acquisition of the right job or through roman- the first chapter of this book). Much of this tic love, part of us suspects, as many of the new book is dedicated to correcting this misper- religions declare, that these ambitions are ception – not from a desire to prejudge the illusory. Real happiness lies elsewhere. In the specific merits or faults of any new religious words spoken by the leaders of these new movements, but from a belief in letting the

1 INTRODUCTION record of reliable research speak for itself. (ministers, priests, and rabbis) to create an Others will disagree with my choice of organized opposition to new religious move- readings (see Beit-Hallahmi 2001; Zablocki ments. This “anti-cult movement” tried to 2001), and hence my conclusions. The sweep- have the authorities impose various formal ing public stigmatization and often outright public sanctions on new religions, but they condemnation of new religions is based largely failed. They did succeed, however, in winning on ignorance, and more often than not this the propaganda war that was waged for public ignorance poses a greater threat to our social opinion, creating a staunch distrust of these well-being. I have tried as a social scientist to groups in the general populace (see Bromley select the best literature available on the topic and Shupe 1993, 1994). In the process, the from many of the most knowledgeable and very word “cult” took on a pejorative conno- distinguished scholars in the field. This selec- tation, leaving social scientists looking for a tion is limited by the need to use materials that less prejudicial alternative. From the many are well written and readily understood by suggestions offered, the phrase “new religious students and non-specialists. Some of the movements” has stuck. But it is far from ideal, readings have been edited as well, to shorten since some new religious movements are no them and make them even more accessible longer so new, some never were movements, (the omitted material is indicated by ellipses). and the religious status of some is a matter of Likewise, I have tried to select readings that dispute (see Wilson 1992; Richardson 1993; address most of the major issues raised by the Bednarowski 1995; Dawson 1998: 1–12). social scientific study of new religious move- The label “cult” is still a technical term in ments: their nature, how they come into the scholarship on religion, like the terms being, the social and historical context of their “church” or “sect.” But when used in this interpretation, the processes by which people book it will be accompanied by scare quotes convert to them, the rewards and dangers of (i.e., “cults”) in acknowledgment of its recent joining them, and some sense of their future problematic history. In most instances the as social organizations as well as the factors term new religious movements will be used, that may determine their relative success or and in line with current academic practice it failure. This has meant that more space than will be abbreviated to NRMs. perhaps is fair is dedicated to debates over con- The significance of the social scientific study troversial issues, most specifically the accusa- of “cults,” however, transcends the public tion that converts to new religious movements struggles over their legitimacy. Scholars of reli- are “brainwashed,” the perplexing incidents gion have shown a disproportionate interest in of mass violence in which a few groups have analyzing NRMs because they offer a special been involved, and the occurrence of sexual opportunity to witness the very birth pangs, deviance and abuse in some situations. But growth struggles, and often death throws of these issues have been the focal points of religions. They provide immediate access to public awareness of “cults,” and hence much data about the most basic aspects of religious of the scholarly activity as well. life that may be instrumental to understand- The study of new religious movements has ing the rise and spread of the great religious been conditioned by the problematic charac- traditions of the past (see Stark 1996). Most ter of the subject matter. Soon after the spread notably, as the chapters in this reader display, of numerous new and unusual religions in the the study of NRMs has vastly improved United States in the late 1960s, groups of our grasp of the nature and complexity of unhappy parents of young adults who had the processes of recruitment and conversion converted to various “cults” joined forces (see chapters 7, 8, 9, 10, 11), as well as the with some professionals (e.g., lawyers, psy- processes of religious innovation and group chologists, psychiatrists, and social workers), formation, religious change, and the structure disgruntled ex-members of new religions, and development of religious institutions (see and some representatives of other religions chapters 4, 6, 16). Likewise it has prompted

2 INTRODUCTION startling advances in our appreciation of newer References concerns, like the gendered character of religious preferences and experiences (see Bainbridge, William Sims 2002: The Endtime chapters 14, 15) and the origins and nature of Family: Children of God. Albany: State University religious violence (see chapters 12, 13). of New York Press. NRMs make the investigation of these basic Barker, Eileen 1984: The Making of a Moonie: issues easier for a number of reasons: (1) they Choice or Brainwashing? Oxford: Blackwell. offer researchers smaller and more manage- Beckford, James A. 1999: The Mass Media and able forums for research; (2) they provide an New Religious Movements. In B. Wilson and J. opportunity to acquire a first-hand familiarity Cresswell (eds.), New Religious Movements: Chal- with the earliest implementation of religious lenge and Response. London: Routledge, 103–19. ideas, plans, and policies, free of the interpre- Bednarowski, Mary Farrell 1995: The Church of Scientology: Lightning Rod for Cultural Bound- tive impact of tradition; and (3), they are likely ary Conflicts. In T. Miller (ed.), America’s Alter- to present researchers with more extreme native Religions. Albany: State University of New types of behavior that are easier to detect and York Press, 385–92. measure, and then extrapolate to less extreme Beit-Hallahmi, Benjamin 2001: ‘O Truant Muse’: instances (as psychiatrists do, for example, in Collaborationism and Research Integrity. In B. seeking to understand the inner workings of Zablocki and T. Robbins (eds.), Misunderstand- the mind). ing Cults: Searching for Objectivity in a Contro- Of course, it is difficult to appreciate any versial Field. Toronto: University of Toronto of this or properly understand the readings in Press, 35–70. this book without some additional knowledge Berger, Helen A. 1999: A Community of Witches: of various actual NRMs Those lacking in Contemporary Neo-Paganism and Witchcraft in the United States. Columbia: University of South some background knowledge of at least a few Carolina Press. groups should read this book in conjunction Bromley, David G. and Anson D. Shupe, Jr. 1993: with some of the many fine descriptive studies Organized Opposition to New Religious Move- available on the history, beliefs, and practices ments. In D. G. Bromley and J. K. Hadden of such NRMs as the Church of Scientology, (eds.), The Handbook on Cults and Sects in the Unification Church, the International America, Part A (Religion and the Social Order, Society for Krishna Consciousness, Soka vol. 3). Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 177–98. Gakkai, neo-paganism, the New Age move- Bromley, David G. and Anson D. Shupe, Jr. 1994: ment, and the Children of God/The Family The Modern North American Anti-Cult Move- (e.g., Wallis 1977; Barker 1984; Rochford ment, 1971–1991: A Twenty Year Retrospective. In A. Shupe and D. G. Bromley (eds.), Anti-Cult 1985; Wilson and Dobbelaere 1994; Brown Movements in Cross Cultural Perspective. New 1997; Berger 1999; Bainbridge 2002). Alter- York: Garland, 3–31. natively, one should at least turn to one of Brown, Michael F. 1997: The Channeling Zone: the good collections of descriptive essays on American Spirituality in an Anxious Age. these and many other groups (e.g., Ellwood Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. and Partin 1988; Miller 1995; or Chryssides Chryssides, George D. 1999: Exploring New 1999). For a more comprehensive and sys- Religions. London: Cassell. tematic overview of the results of the social Dawson, Lorne L. 1998: Comprehending Cults: The scientific study of NRMs readers may also wish Sociology of New Religious Movements. Toronto: to consult books like Thomas Robbins’s Cults, Oxford University Press. Converts and Charisma (1988) or Lorne L. Ellwood, Robert S. and Harry B. Partin 1988: Reli- gious and Spiritual Groups in Modern America, Dawson’s Comprehending Cults: The Sociology 2nd edn. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. of New Religious Movements (1998). Miller, Timothy (ed.) 1995: America’s Alternative Religions. Albany: State University of New York Press. Pfeifer, Jeffrey E. 1992: The Psychological Framing of Cults: Schematic Representations and Cult

3 INTRODUCTION

Evaluations. Journal of Applied Social Psychology Wallis, Roy 1977: The Road to Total Freedom: A 22 (7): 513–44. Sociological Analysis of Scientology. New York: Richardson, James T. 1993: Definitions of Cult: Columbia University Press. From Sociological–Technical to Popular–Nega- Wilson, Bryan R. 1992: Scientology: A Secularized tive. Review of Religious Research 34 (4): 348–56. Religion. In B. R. Wilson, The Social Dimensions Robbins, Thomas 1988: Cults, Converts and of Sectarianism: Sects and New Religious Charisma. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Movements in Contemporary Society. Oxford: Rochford, E. Burke, Jr. 1985: Hare Krishna in Clarendon Press, 267–88. America. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Univer- Wilson, Bryan R. and Karel Dobbelaere 1994: A sity Press. Time to Chant: The Soka Gakkai Buddhists in Stark, Rodney 1996: The Rise of Christianity: A Britain. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Sociologist Reconsiders History. Princeton, NJ: Zablocki, Benjamin 2001: Towards a Demystified Princeton University Press. and Disinterested Scientific Theory of Brain- Van Driel, Barend and James T. Richardson 1988: washing. In B. Zablocki and T. Robbins (eds.), Print Media Coverage of New Religious Misunderstanding Cults: Searching For Objectivity Movements: A Longitudinal Study. Journal of in a Controversial Field. Toronto: University of Communication 38 (3): 37–61. Toronto Press, 159–214.

4 I

The Study of New Religious Movements

In reading the essays in this book you will and orientations. As families and other con- learn that “cults” or new religious movements cerned people began to press the authorities can and should be studied like any other to take action against the new religions – to social, cultural, and historical phenomena. restrict their activities or suppress them alto- Scholars have been accumulating reliable data gether – many scholars of religion saw the and developing theories to explain the new need to replace public prejudice or simply fear religions in our midst and their activities for with a more reliable understanding of these more than forty years (see Dawson 1998). groups and their members. Why were people Many mysteries remain and there is much left converting to these new and often strange to study, but the gaps in our knowledge are religions? What were these groups trying to the product of limited time, resources, and accomplish? What was life in them like? Were opportunities. There is nothing intrinsically they potentially dangerous to society or the beyond the pale of comprehension or threat- individuals in them? In seeking to answer these ening about “cults” as a subject of inquiry. To and many other related questions the sociolo- the contrary, as stressed by James Beckford in gists, psychologists, and religious studies chapter 2, we must learn to accept that most scholars who dared to study these groups NRMs differ very little in their nature and found themselves embroiled in often heated operation, and in their moral and social fail- disputes with other claimants to “the truth.” ings, from more conventional or mainstream They also found themselves struggling to religions (e.g., the Catholic Church or overcome the stigma associated with studying Methodists). Yet the controversy surrounding such reviled groups, amongst their colleagues “cults” makes the study of NRMs unlike the and the public. study of these other conventional religions, Our first reading, Eileen Barker’s “The and most other fields of social scientific Scientific Study of Religion? You Must Be research. Joking!” clarifies the field of contention in The study of NRMs was sparked in part by which scholars of NRMs must operate. Cults the emergence of “cults” as a social problem often find their way into the news, and when in the late twentieth-century societies of the they do there are commonly several different modern West. Families were angered when parties seeking to influence the reaction of the their adult sons and daughters left them public. Barker, a leading sociologist of religion behind, and abandoned the conventional from England, compares and contrasts the career paths they were pursuing, to join assumptions, objectives, and biases of the dif- intense religious groups of unfamiliar origins ferent groups trying to shape our understand-

5 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS ing of “cults”: the NRMs themselves, sociol- of religion, James Beckford, argues that the ogists of religion, the organized representa- peculiar intensity and scope of today’s cult tives of the anti-cult movement, the media, controversy stems in part from several charac- therapists, and representatives of the legal teristics of life in advanced industrial societies. system (the police, lawyers, and judges). The extremity of religious commitment dis- Sometimes the interests of some of these played by members of contemporary NRMs is groups converge (e.g., when journalists turn perceived as an affront to the sensibilities of to the anti-cult movement for sensationalistic modern, rationalized, commodified, and sec- comments on an NRM), more often they clash ularized societies. And the clash of sensibilities (e.g., when the courts want clear and simple is accentuated by the sweeping changes in answers to complex questions from sociolo- modern means of communication that place gists acting as witnesses in legal disputes). Any the NRMs under an unprecedented measure scholar seeking to succeed in the field must be of scrutiny. In support of the argument prepared to cope with the frustration and hos- Beckford suggests that the intolerance tility stemming from this clash of interests and directed at NRMs is largely the result of “skir- information. While the organized opposition mishes along a shifting frontier” of points of to “cults” will seek to undermine the credi- conflict between the new religions and bility of the scholar because of any positive “various non-religious conditions imposed by pronouncements made about NRMs, the cults state authorities.” In other words, the differ- will be trying to co-opt the scholar and use the ence between a “normal” and “abnormal” same pronouncements as propaganda for their religion often has little to do with any intrin- cause. To maintain even the appearance of sically religious differences. NRMs must be objectivity in such circumstances requires a understood, then, in terms of the broader fine balancing act. changes affecting their social context. They are Likewise any student seeking to understand products of, and responses to, the new social NRMs must recognize that the views pressures to which we are all exposed in late expressed about “cults” will tend to vary sys- modernity, as well as the age-old spiritual aspi- tematically according to the personal, and rations of humanity (see Dawson 2001). even more the professional or vocational, Students learning about NRMs need to interests of the persons providing the infor- keep both social contexts of contention in mation. As almost all of the players in the field mind when reading and studying the literature of contention employ information selectively in the field: consider who is providing the to suit their purposes, special caution must be information and why, and recognize that the exercised to sort the wheat of reliable data and controversy surrounding NRMs is not so insights from the all-too abundant chaff of much a clash of strange versus familiar ideas, hearsay, innuendo, and ridicule. as a clash of visions of how we should live, and As indicated in Philip Jenkins’s fine discus- how our societies should be structured. sion of the controversies surrounding NRMs in nineteenth-century America, in chapter 5 of References this book, the clash of views over the legiti- macy of new religions is not new. Throughout Dawson, Lorne L.1998: Comprehending Cults: The the ages the defenders of the status quo have Sociology of New Religious Movements. Toronto: feared and attacked the proponents of reli- Oxford University Press. gious innovation. In our second reading, “The —— 2001: The Cultural Significance of New Continuum Between ‘Cults’ and ‘Normal’ Religious Movements: The Case of Soka Gakkai. Religion,” another leading British sociologist Sociology of Religion 62 (3): 337–64.

6 CHAPTER ONE

The Scientific Study of Religion? You Must Be Joking!

EILEEN BARKER

Most of us who have been involved in the did) by adding a great number of qualifica- study of NRMs during the past quarter of a tions, especially where the study of society is century or so have enjoyed learning much of concerned. Differences between the natural interest for the study of religion in general. and social sciences that are of relevance in this But several of us have also been bruised and paper are (a) ontological – concerned with the confused, a few of us quite sorely, because of nature of social reality; (b) epistemological – the threat that we have presented to others by concerned with how we gain our knowledge our claims to have a more “scientific” – or at of social reality; and (c) ethical and political – least a more balanced, objective, and accurate how we evaluate our own and others’ con- – or, at very least, a less biased, subjective, and struction of reality – and what we do about it. wrong – understanding of the movements than they have. This has led to a certain amount of navel Primary and Secondary contemplation about how we might justify our Constructions of Social Reality research. Are we “doing” a scientific study of religion? What is a scientific study of religion? For the sake of the argument, an analytical dis- To what extent and why might we claim that tinction needs to be made between primary we “know better” than some others, includ- and secondary constructions of reality. The ing even those who provide the raw data of former comprise the basic data of social our research? And, just as importantly, on science; the latter are accounts of the former. what matters must we be wary to acknowledge The primary construction of an NRM is the “that whereof we may not speak” – not, that product of direct and indirect interactions is, as persons claiming to speak as social between the members of the movement and, scientists? . . . to some extent, between members and the rest Coming as I do from the London School of of society. Economics, it is not surprising that I have Secondary constructions are depictions of been profoundly influenced by the work of the movement that are offered in the public Karl Popper, and if I were forced to select a arena by sociologists and others, including the single criterion that distinguishes a scientific movement itself, about the movement. Sec- from a pseudo-scientific enterprise, I would ondary constructions are, thus, more con- chose to start with empirical refutability scious than primary constructions, although (Popper 1963: 37; 1972: ch 1). But, that said, part of the process of the latter may be quite one needs to continue (as, indeed, Popper conscious, and the former are by no means

7 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS always consciously thought through. It they were totally shared, again we would have should, however, be recognized that the dis- no society, for there would be no dynamic – tinction between primary and secondary con- no force for change, negotiation, or adjust- structions becomes blurred when one is taking ment to external circumstances. a wider reality into account. Thus, if (as in this But these differences between individual paper) we are concerned with “the cult perceptions of social reality are not random. scene,” secondary constructions, including The variation will depend upon such factors as those of the sociologist, make a difference and people’s innate characteristics, their past expe- must be considered as part of the primary con- riences, hopes, fears, interests, assumptions, structions of that social reality. values, and expectations and the social posi- The concept of social reality is fraught with tion from which they view the reality that tensions and paradox. It appeals to both confronts them. A new convert will view the realism and idealism insofar as it is an objec- NRM from one perspective, seasoned leaders tive reality, the existence of which no individ- from a different perspective; member’s per- ual members of a social group can wish away ceptions will differ from nonmembers’; and any more than they can wish away the exis- different groups of nonmembers will perceive tence of a brick wall. At the same time, social the NRM in the light of their own particular reality exists only as ideas in people’s heads; interests. if no one took it into account (positively or Not only will people perceive the movement negatively, consciously or unconsciously), it from different perspectives, they will also would not exist (Berger and Luckmann 1966). describe and, perhaps, explain the movement Put another way, although social reality exists in different ways. Consciously or uncon- independently of the volition of any particular sciously, they will select from among the individual, it can exist only insofar as individ- features presented to them. Again, what is ual human minds are continually recognizing included and what excluded in the process of it and acting as the media through which are creating their secondary constructions will processed the cultural ideas and meanings, and not be random, but significantly influenced the roles and expectations that arise from and according to their intersts. result in its existence. The interests of some personally or profes- This means that, pace Wuthnow (1987), if sionally motivated secondary constructors as social scientists we want to understand what may lead them to take matters further than a is going on, we have no option but to use our- passive reception of their perception. Some, selves as “a medium.” A robot cannot do wanting to reinforce an image that has already social science; it is not capable of Verstehen. It been delineated, will place themselves in a cannot further our understanding beyond the position that will protect it from disconfirma- very important ways that logic can further tion and/or supply confirming evidences. our understanding of what we already know. Others, wanting to test their secondary con- We need to have some knowledge about the struction according to the Popperian criterion, meanings that situations have for individuals. will systematically try to refute their hypothe- We need to be able to understand how a sit- ses. To do this they may actively engage in uation can be perceived. research which involves as close a scrutiny as Of course, others will not perceive it in the possible of the primary construction. same way as we do – no two people will perceive a situation in exactly the same way – none of us ever has the exact same Making a Difference understanding or perception as anyone else. But – and this is just as important – our per- When I was a student, it was part of the con- ceptions are more or less shared. If they were ventional wisdom of the methodology which not shared at all, we would have no society we were taught that social scientists should be (and no possibility of a social science); and if clinically detached observers who noted what

8 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS was going on but did not allow their observa- both within and without led her to realize that tions to affect the data. Such a position is to she did not have to make the stark choice some extent possible when the scientist is between either a godly or a satanic lifestyle; observing through a one-way glass, watching there could be a middle way which would a covertly shot film, or reading diaries or other allow her to pursue an alternative way of written materials. But for a number of reasons serving God without having to deny all that discussed elsewhere (Barker 1987), I and was good about her Unification experience. others have come to believe that such an At the same time, it is possible that others approach is not only difficult but method- stayed in the movement, at least for slightly ologically inappropriate for the kind of longer than they might otherwise have done, research that is needed for an acceptable sec- because of the existence of a “professional ondary construction of NRMs. There is some stranger” (Barker 1987). My presence meant information that one can acquire only by there was someone who would neither report becoming part of the data and, thus, playing back to the leadership, nor go to the media, a role in the ongoing social construction of but on whom they could off-load their anxi- reality. I would even go so far as to say that to eties and frustrations. remain physically distanced from the data can Asking questions (in formal interviews, be methodologically reprehensible – an general discussions, or through questionnaire) abrogation of one’s responsibility as a social that no one else has previously asked can lead scientist. to an unexpected “raising of consciousness.” But as we step outside the Ivory Tower of In the words of one respondent, “It made me academia and become part of the process that take out and look at some of the things I’d we are researching, we are, of course, placing been keeping in the pending tray.” Some- our pristine purity in jeopardy. Most social times, I was told, the result was a deeper scientists who have worked “in the field” are understanding of the theology, but on other aware of the impact that they might have and occasions the consequence was a growing take this into account when they come to irritation or suspicion of the leadership. Occa- analyze their data. To what extent does the sionally a change would be brought about as involvement enhance or diminish our “scien- the result of a group interview offering tific” study of religion? Before addressing this members the opportunity to discuss openly question, let me give some examples to illus- matters about which they normally kept silent. trate the variety of ways in which I personally I gather that a number of fairly radical changes have become conscious that my research was were introduced to an American ISKCON “making a difference.” Temple following a day I had spent with a First of all, just being there can make a dif- group of female devotees who had not previ- ference. When I began studying the Unifica- ously shared their feelings of how they were tion Church in the early 1970s, it was a treated by the male hierarchy. relatively closed community with strong As my research into NRMs progressed, I boundaries distinguishing “them” from “us.” found myself affecting the situation more To have someone living in the community consciously. First, I was being asked to who was not part of “us” threatened and mediate between members of movements and weakened the boundary and, thus, the beliefs their parents, who also formed part of my and actions associated with a strong-group data. The fact that I could explain the per- situation (Douglas 1970). The very fact that a spective of the movement to nonmembers normally impermeable boundary can be per- (and that of nonmembers to members) meant meated by an outsider affects the group and that there was frequently an increased com- its members in a number of concrete ways. For munication and, sometimes, accommodation example, one girl left, not because I advised to the others’ points of view as they each her to do so but, she said, because my anom- reached an increased understanding of how alous existence as someone who could live “the other side” saw things.

9 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

Then “making a difference” became not The shift from a methodological to a more merely a result of face-to-face interaction with politico-ethical involvement in the “cult those individuals who formed part of my data. scene” became even more marked when I Publishing books and papers, appearing as a reached the conclusion that a considerable witness in court cases, and making statements amount of unnecessary suffering and unhap- in various media about my conception of the pinsee might be avoided were social scientific NRMs meant that my findings were being pre- constructions of NRMs to compete more sented to a wider audience. Like other schol- robustly in the marketplace. My “Road to ars, I was offering an alternative perspective Damascus” was an ACM Family Support that questioned many of the existing sec- Group meeting at which an ex-member, ondary constructions and their taken-for- whom I happened to know as a thoughtful granted assumptions. I was affecting the data and honest woman, had been invited to tell not only as part of a methodological proce- her story. It soon became evident that things dure, but also as part of a political action. were not going according to plan. She was Once the results of my research became resisting the pressure that was being put on public it became increasingly obvious that they her to say how she had suffered, how she had were not to go unchallenged. I had initially been deceived, and how she had been under contacted the anti-cult movement (ACM) the influence of mind control. It was sug- with the somewhat naive belief that, as we gested that she had not really left the move- were both interested in finding out about ment and that she was determined to deceive NRMs, we might exchange information that the assembled company. Trying to pour oil on could be helpful to us both. My overtures troubled waters, someone asked if she had were not merely rejected, the anti-cultists anything to say that would help the assembled started to launch a full-scale ad hominem parents. A woman then stood up and shouted attack on anything I said or wrote in public; “We don’t want to hear this; it’s just deceit having gone to the NRMs for a significant, and lies. It’s not helpful at all. We don’t want though by no means complete part of my to hear any more.” At that point I stopped research, I was clearly “on the other side.” To taking notes. Something more, it seemed, the astonishment and/or amusement of needed to be done. anyone who knew me, I found myself being With the support of the British government labeled a Moonie, a Scientologist, a funda- and mainstream churches, I set up a charity mentalist Christian, or a cult lover – or, by the called INFORM (Information Network Focus more benign, an innocent who was being on Religious Movements) with the aim of deceived by the movements. What I said was providing information that was as objective, rarely questioned – except, curiously enough, balanced, and up to date as possible. In the for statements for which I had incontrovert- seven years that have ensued, thousands of ible evidence. The first major bone of con- relatives and friends of NRM members, ex- tention was the membership figures that I members, the media, local and national gov- publicized, both to the annoyance of the Uni- ernment, police, social welfare workers, prison fication Church (who did not want either their chaplains, schools, universities and colleges, members or the general public to be aware of traditional religions, and NRMs themselves the very high turnover rates) and to the fury have contacted the office (located at the of those members of the ACM who were (and London School of Economics) for informa- in some cases still are) insistent that the move- tion and help (Barker 1989a). ments use irresistible and irreversible mind I did not consider the founding of control techniques – which would, of course, INFORM to be part of my research, although imply that Unification membership was in the it has certainly resulted in my learning a great hundreds of thousands if not in the millions, deal more about the “cult scene.” Rather, the rather than the rather paltry hundreds that I aim was to use professional knowledge to was reporting. challenge alternative secondary constructions.

10 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

It was not to fight for The Truth in any ideo- is they who feature most prominently in the logical sense but, minimally, to contest untrue competiton with social scientists, but the table statements about NRMs (whether they origi- could be extended to include the police, the nate from an NRM or anyone else) . . . social services, clergy, theologians, education- Although INFORM does not see itself as an alists, and any number of other categories of advice center, it points out the likely conse- constructors . . . quences of a variety of actions, ranging from joining a new religion to trying to abduct The sociology of religion someone from one; it has also been instru- mental in mediating between members and Obviously the particular aims of those con- their families, and while it certainly does not cerned with the scientific study of religion will have a magic wand with which it can solve differ from person to person, but most would all problems, the reliability of INFORM’s agree that they wish to present as accurate, information and its knowledge of the social objective, and unbiased an account as possi- processes involved in their relationships with ble. They will want to describe, understand, the outside world has meant that it has been and explain social groupings and such phe- able to relate to the NRMs in such a way that nomena as the power structures, communica- many of them are willing to cooperate in such tion networks, and belief systems that enable matters as putting parents back in touch with members to do (or prevent them from doing) their children, or refunding money obtained things that they could not (or could) do in under duress . . . other social situations. Social scientists will It would have been ingenuous to assume also want to explore and account for the range that there would not be opposition to an orga- of different perceptions held by individual nization such as INFORM. What was unex- actors and to assess the consequences of such pected, however, was the virulence with which differences. The nature of social reality means it has been attacked by a few NRMs, the that the regularities of social science are rela- ACM, some sections of the media, and a small tive to social space and time in a way that the number of individuals with opposing interests. laws of nature seldom are. Nonetheless, soci- By the late 1980s, it appeared that British anti- ological constructions do contain empirically cultists were directing more of their resources refutable statements, and it is part of the logic to trying to discredit us rather than the new of science that the methods and results of religions . . . its research should be available for public The battles continue of course, and while scrutiny: “Our great instrument for progress we are making a difference, other people’s sec- is criticism” (Popper 1973: 34). ondary constructions are also making a differ- There are those who believe that the task of ence to “the cult scene” and to us. But before science is to find out the truth, the whole giving further consideration to the method- truth, and nothing but the truth. I disagree. ological, ethical, and political implications of No one ever tells the whole truth; no one ever such involvement, let us turn to the market- could. All secondary constructions consist of place and compare the secondary constructs of both more and less than the primary con- social science with the competition. struction. Although looking for nothing but Table 1.1 summarizes some basic differ- the truth in the sense that we are committed ences between six ideal types of secondary to accuracy and eliminating falsehoods from constructors: sociologists and others involved both our own and others’ constructions, social in the scientific study of religion, members of scientists select what will go into our con- the new religions themselves, the anti-cult structions, excluding some aspects that others movement, the media, the legal profession, include, and including further aspects that and therapists (the first four constructors are others exclude. analyzed in greater detail in Barker 1993a). Not only do social scientists include and The types were chosen on the grounds that it exclude for methodological reasons, but also,

11 Table 1.1 Competing logics in secondary constructions of reality Interest Data Data Secondary and/or selected for systematically Mode of Relationship constructors aim Method inclusion excluded communication with SoR Sociology Unbiased and Comparison; Individual and Non-empirical Scholarly Effect of of Religion objective methodological social levels; evaluation; publications; methods of sociological agnosticism; control groups; transcendent through other research; description, interview; wider context variables; secondary effect of use understanding questionnaire; definitional constructs made of and explanation observation essentialism research NRMs Primary Selective Good behavior; Bad skeletons; Literature; Control of construction; reflection esoteric gnoses witnessing access; good PR, on primary supernatural use positive promote beliefs construction claims evidence ACM Warn; Ex-members; Atrocity tales Good behavior; Lobbying; Use negative expose; parents; newsletters; data; control; media (may changes for the media attack when destroy be circular) better positive data Media Good story; Interview Topical; Everyday; Newspapers, Preferred use get/keep where easyrelevant; “normal”; magazines, of ACM readers, access and/or sensational unexceptionable TV, radio; where viewers, subject large public;complementary and/or willing to short shelf- interests; listeners talk; life; SoR used more investigative difficult to if new, pithy, journalism; check or sexy and/or press releases question sensational Law “Justice” Adversarial; Evidence Middle ground, Legal Impartial expert according to confrontational; presented by not making judgments or whore the law of the positive vs the two positive or negative common law; witness? land; negative opposing point; media reports winning sides; what deemed case for expert irrelevant to the individual witnesses; case; legal inadmissible evidence precedent Therapy Help client Listen, accept, Individual’s Other versions of Direct to client; Competition to get better and/or perception; reality courts; over importance and to cope construct pragmatic media; of “whole” and with “reality” client’s constructs professional professional version of carers expertise reality THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS perhaps paradoxically, because it is only by beliefs may be; but it can neither deny nor doing this that an understanding of the confirm ideological beliefs. Social scientists primary construction may be transmitted to qua social scientists have to remain method- others. An example I sometimes use to illus- ologically agnostic. The epistemology of an trate the importance of not replicating the empirical science has no way of knowing original too precisely is that of an actor playing whether God, gods, the Devil, angels, evil a bore. The actor is successful in communi- spirits, or the Holy Spirit have been acting as cating something of the essence of being a independent variables; and miracles, by defin- bore only insofar as he is not boring. Similarly, ition, are beyond the purview of science. in order to communicate something of the Then, social scientists stipulate what they essence of an NRM, social scientists have to mean by particular concepts or use ideal types “interpret” or “translate” the primary con- (Weber 1947: 92) for the purposes of a par- structions so that their audience can under- ticular study, but they cannot claim that these stand what may have been incomprehensible definitions are either true or false, merely that when they were looking at the movement they are more or less useful. Of course, con- itself. Raëlians can tell their parents what it cepts are “given” (data) in the sense that they means to them to be a Raëlian, but the parents are part of primary constructions and our may be incapable of hearing what is being said. accounts will report what people mean by con- There would be absolutely on point in the cepts such as “religion.” We also note that sociologist’s merely reproducing what the different groups use, negotiate, or manipulate Raëlian says and does – this has to be put in a definitions to further their own interests wider context; both more and less has to be (Barker 1994; Douglas 1966) . . . offered to the parent – less, in that we do not Most social scientists would agree that they tell the parent things that seem irrelevant (that ought to try to exclude their own subjective they clean their teeth every morning) – more, evaluations from the actual collection and in that we add information that relates what analysis of data. ...Of course, as any method- they believe and do to the understanding of ology book will testify, there are many ways in the parent. For this we need to know not only which our values do enter the research and what Raëlians believe and do, but also what skew the outcome: we cannot interpret the the parent can understand. We are not being reality that we are studying except by using selective in the sense that we are being our own subjective perception; concepts can untruthful or keeping back truths; we are rep- be value laden; we may be working with resenting rather than presenting. unexamined assumptions which have implica- Thus, the constructs of social science tion for our perception; and so on. But we do exclude details that do not seem to be of partic- try to be aware of and counter such obstacles ular interest. Part of what we decide is of by various techniques so as to produce interest will depend upon what we and our descriptions that are as objective as possible in potential audience consider useful knowledge the sense that they are concerned with the – either because we believe it will further our object of our study rather than our own or general understanding of social behavior, or others’ subjective beliefs. because we believe that it could be of practi- But social science not only excludes ideo- cal use in implementing our own or society’s logical, definitional, and evaluative concerns, it interests. includes interests that extend beyond any NRM Next, the constructs of social science under study. Study of the primary construction exclude theological judgments. The sociology through interview, questionnaire, participant of religion is concerned with who believes observation, and the examination of written what under what circumstances, how beliefs material needs to be supplemented with data become part of the cultural milieu and are from further sources, all of which may be nec- used to interpret people’s experiences, and essary, but none sufficient for the kind of what the consequences of holding particular picture that the sociologist needs to construct

14 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

(Barker 1984: 124–33). We may want to check Clearly, there is a sense in which an NRM where individual members are “coming from” has privileged access to its own reality – but it by speaking to people who have known them is also possible to argue that the very fact of both before and after their conversion. Ex- their involvement means that members are members comprise an invaluable source of unable or unwilling to see what is going on further information and for checking the verac- with the same detachment as some outsiders ity of what members are reporting. It does, (Wilson 1970: ix–xiii). There are, however, however, have to be remembered that no single members of NRMs such as Mickler (1980, member (past or present) is likely to know 1992) and Jules-Rosette (1975) who, as social everything that is going on in the movement. scientists, have done excellent work on their The sociological construction of an NRM own NRMs. requires, moreover, information about yet others who have no relationship whatsoever The Anti-cult Movement (ACM) with the movement. This is because a funda- mental component of science is the compara- The ACM includes a wide variety of organi- tive method, which, by putting the NRM in a zations with members as diverse as anxious wider frame of reference, brings balance into parents, ex-members, professional deprogram- the equation. In order to able to understand mers, and “exit counselors.” In some ways, the and test “what variable varies with what,” the ACM can be seen as a mirror image of the primary construction has to be compared with NRM. Both tend to want a clear, unambigu- other primary constructions, using control ous division between “us” and “them”; but groups (although this has become distressingly while the NRM will select only good aspects, rare in monographs) and techniques such as the ACM selects only bad aspects. Most ACM the statistical manipulation of data about the pronouncements tend to be about “destruc- population as a whole to test for correlations. tive cults,” lumping all NRMs together as Such tools of the trade serve, minimally, though they were a single entity, the sins of to eliminate some mistakes that we might one being visited on all. Any evidence or argu- otherwise make. ment that could complicate or disprove their negative construction (or reform that may be introduced) is more likely to be ignored or The new religions dismissed than denied. NRMs have an interest in gaining new As lobbyists, anti-cultists have to be proac- members and, perhaps, political and financial tive not only in promoting their constructions or legal advantage by presenting a secondary but also in denying or dismissing other con- construction of their own primary reality in structions and denigrating the constructors. the public domain. As with most organiza- Sociological secondary constructions may tions, one would expect the movement to appear more threatening to the ACM than select those aspects that show it in a favorable those of the NRMs, the latter being more light and be less forthcoming about skeletons likely to agree with the ACM where there are in the cupboard. Unlike the social scientist, clear boundaries; they can, furthermore, be the NRM will draw on nonempirical revela- goaded into reinforcing the anti-cult position tions to describe and explain at least part of its by responding to it in an unambiguously construction of reality (that, for example, God negative fashion, exacerbating the process of is responsible for revelations and conversions, “deviance amplification” and, thereby, justify- and/or that evil forces are responsible for ing further accusations by the ACM. things that go wrong); and it will, of course, Social scientists, members of the media, the be anxious to proclaim the truth of its legal profession, and therapists have a profes- theological teachings – unless there are eso- sional interest in their secondary construc- teric gnoses, in which case these will be kept tions’ achieving their relevant aims, but they secret. do not usually expect to gain much more from

15 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS their work in the area of NRMs than they members will frequently admit quite openly would by doing their work well in any other that they consider a balanced presentation of area. When we turn to the ACM and NRMs, the facts counterproductive . . . however, we find that most of the rank and file As a matter of principle, anti-cultists are membership do their work either on a purely likely to refuse to have direct contact with voluntary basis or with little more than living the primary construction itself as a source of expenses because they believe, sometimes information. This is justified by the premise quite passionately, that what they are doing is that cults are, almost by definition, bound to right – they have a mission to fight evil. practice deception and are probably danger- There are, however, also “charismatic ous. Data for ACM stories tend, therefore, to leaders” in the NRMs and “leading experts” be collected from anxious parents, disillu- in the ACM, both of whom may reap enor- sioned exmembers, and negative media mous financial benefits from having their con- reports. Often there is a circularity involved structions of reality accepted. Stories about in that the anxious parents have been alerted the wealth controlled by Sun Myung Moon, to the negative aspects of their child’s move- L. Ron Hubbard, or Bhagwan Rajneesh (with ment by anti-cult “atrocity tales” (Shupe and his 97 Rolls Royces and collection of Rolex Bromley 1980); the ex-members have been watches) are common enough. What is less taught by deprogrammers or exit counselors well known is the vast amount of money at to believe that they were brainwashed and that stake in the fostering of the brainwashing their whole experience is to be interpreted in or mind control thesis in ACM secondary negative terms (Lewis 1986; Solomon 1981; constructions. On the one hand, “depro- Wright 1987); and the media frequently get grammers” and, to a somewhat lesser extent, their stories from the ACM which then uses “exit counselors” can charge tens of thousands the fact that the story has appeared in print as of dollars for their services; on the other hand, proof that it has been independently verified. “expert witnesses” have charged enormous There have been cases where the media have fees for giving evidence about brainwashing in included rebuttals to a story supplied to them court cases . . . by the ACM, which has then innocently asked The sharp “them/us” perspective of the why the question was raised in the first place, ACM is reflected in the fact that it frequently suggesting that there is no smoke without a operates under a cloak of secrecy. Not only the fire – even when they themselves had kindled NRMs, but also social scientists may be denied the fire . . . access to allegedly open meetings and refused requests for information or evidence that The media could corroborate assertions made in ACM constructions of reality. One anti-cultist who The overriding interest of the mass media is to repeatedly claims that NRMs use hypnosis to get a good story that will keep the loyalty of recruit members refuses to tell me which readers, viewers, and/or listeners and, if pos- movements he is talking about on the grounds sible, to gain new audiences. They are unlikely that he does not trust me because I am “on to be interested in presenting an everyday the other side.” Other information that is pre- story of how “ordinary” life in an NRM can sumably nonconfidential and which one might be, or even of the rewards that it offers con- have though the ACM would want widely dis- tented members – unless it can expose these seminated is jealously guarded. The secrecy is, as fraudulent, fantastic, or sensational. The of course, perfectly understandable when it media are nearly always working to a tight concerns the planning of an illegal kidnapping deadline – very tight compared to the months and deprogramming. or years that scholars may spend on their Given its aims, the ACM does not lay stress research. They are also limited in the amount on either objectivity or balance in its sec- of time or space that they have to present their ondary constructions of reality – in fact, story. Only rarely will the electronic media

16 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS concentrate on a single topic for more than create are both powerful (due do their wide- thirty minutes and only rarely do the printed spread circulation and interest-appeal) and media allocate mote than a few hundred extremely difficult to check or correct. Com- words. plaints and apologies can be made, but they Pressure of space and time means that rarely attract as much attention as the original members of the media collect their data from story. Usually it is difficult to track down the sources selected for accessibility and the pro- story for a second look; a transient television vision of good quotes. “The grieving mother” report or a story in a newspaper or magazine or “The man who risked prison to save a help- long since thrown away leaves an impression less victim from the clutches of a bizarre cult” but not something that can be scrutinized, are far more valuable informants than “The and there are seldom references that can be mother whose devotee son visits her on a followed up. Even with more balanced pro- regular basis,” “The Moonie who passed his grams and articles, it is the more sensational- exams with good marks” – or, indeed, the aca- ist images that are likely to stick in the mind. demic who is full of long-winded qualifica- It is only those programs and stories selected tions. Many (though by no means all) of the by the ACM for quotation that are likely to be media tend, moreover, to be remarkably reluc- preserved for recycling. tant to ask members of NRMs for their own versions of reality, and to dismiss press releases The law from the movements far more readily than they dismiss the information handed out by The primary interest of the law as represented the ACM. This may seem somewhat surpris- by a judge and, sometimes, jury, is to ensure ing to anyone who has researched NRMs and that justice is carried out according to the law learned what extraordinary statements they of the land. No attempt is made to present a themselves are capable of producing; yet on complete or balanced picture of a primary numerous occasions when I have offered to construction, but only to point to those give journalists a contact number for one of aspects that could be of relevance to the case. the movements, they have dismissed the offer, Indeed, some information (such as previous saying either that they would not get the truth convictions) that might be pertinent for a or that their editors would expect them to use more general understanding are ruled out of a more reliable source. court as inadmissible evidence. As far as the Unlike social scientists, the media are under defense and the prosecution are concerned, no obligation to introduce comparisons to their specific interest is to win the case for their assess the relative rates of negative incidents. clients. Each side will attempt to construct a Thus, when reporting a tragedy or some kind picture of reality that is advantageous to its of malpractice, they note in the headline that own position and disadvantageous to other the victim or the perpetrator was a cultist, but side. Although is might be argued that, are unlikely to mention it anywhere in the adjudicating between two opposing sides, the report if he or she were a Methodist. The judge (or jury) would be able to reach a result is that even if such tragedies and mal- middle position, there is no guarantee that a practices are relatively infrequent they would middle position is a true position. To begin still be more visible and, thereby, become dis- with, we may ask, middle of what? It is the proportionately associated with the NRMs in court that has set the goal posts and the true the public mind. position might or might not be somewhere Not only does the logic of the aims and (anywhere) between them. interests of the media result in their seldom The law does make use of “expert wit- being able to go into the kind of depth or nesses” who usually present their credentials ensure the kind of balance that social science as representatives of the scientific community, would demand, their social position means so one might, prima facie, expect the expert that the secondary constructions that they witness to produce a secondary construction

17 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS of reality that corresponds to that of the social a different aim from social scientists and will, scientist, but in fact this is not necessarily the therefore, use different methods and employ case. One reason is that lawyers will invite different kinds of knowledge; the secondary those witnesses who are known to hold views construction of the therapist can be different that support their client’s case, but a more from but complementary to that of the social fundamental reason is that it is the court that scientist. Conflicts between the two construc- decides what questions will and will not be tors emerge, however, when counselors and asked and, thus, answered. therapists claim to know what a particular In short, the adversarial procedure is to movement – or NRMs in general – are like argue for and against opposing versions of through their client-focused work. This is reality, either or both of which may be grossly likely to arise when therapists give evidence as distorted versions of a primary construction. expert witnesses in court or present their This might not matter if the procedure were stories to the media and/or at public meet- used only for the purposes of the court. But ings. Again, there would be no conflict if the there is plenty of evidence that decisions on stories were confined to descriptions of ways one matter are frequently used by others to in which people might be helped rather than “prove” a version of reality that may have little claims being made that these are proven accu- relevance, even to what came up in the case rate, balanced portrayals of the primary con- (Barker 1989b: 197–201). struction as they come from a “professional” source. They are, of course, from a profes- sional source, but, as with the court, the Therapists profession is not one that aims primarily to Like defense lawyers, therapists and counselors construct an accurate and balanced account. have an interest in helping their client. But Two of the main situations in which coun- instead of needing to establish their client’s selors and therapists have crossed swords with version of reality to score a public victory over sociologists are (a) over the so-called brain- an opposing version, they may need to help washing or mind-control thesis (see above) the client to construct privately a new and (b) over allegations of ritual satanic abuse. reality that he or she can live with and feel Studies in the latter area have revealed a con- good about. Practices do, of course, vary siderable body of evidence showing that ther- enormously – many therapists will try to help apists may not only help clients to construct a the client to reach a clearer understanding of secondary version of reality, but some con- the primary construction in which the client is struct a version of reality themselves, and then or was a participant – but it will be a practical put considerable pressure on the client to construction that has the client at its center, accept it (Mulhern 1984; Richardson et al. rather than a balanced appraisal of the group 1991; but see also Houston 1993: 9). as a whole. In fact, therapists who have been interested enough in NRMs to attend the INFORM counseling seminars will, when a Beyond the Ivory Tower particular client is referred to them, ask not to be given background information such as a Although social science cannot claim to be as detailed account of the movement in question. “scientific” as the natural sciences, it is This is because they feel that it might interfere unquestionably more scientific than its com- with their relationship with the client – it petitors. The logic of its approach is infinitely would be a kind of betrayal to hear a point of superior for producing balanced and accurate view other than that of the client. accounts of NRMs than is that of any of Let me be quite clear, this is not a criticism its competitors. Undifferentiated relativism, as of these therapists who play an effective role espoused by some of the exponents of decon- in their clients’ recovery from difficult experi- structionism and postmodernism, seems to me ences. It is merely to point out that they have to be just plain silly. The rules of science (even

18 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS loosely characterized as in this paper) are not at least correct inaccurate statements in our merely a language game; they are an assurance own field? Or do we just publish our misgiv- of a minimal, albeit limited, epistemological ings ...on the chance that someone else status. We would be crazy to argue that any- might read what we have written and use it to thing goes – some things are patently false, and challenge the alternative versions? empirical observation can demonstrate this to I know of nothing in the scientific enterprise anyone with their faculties in good working that suggests social scientists ought to order. Assuredly, some statements (moral eval- champion their versions of reality in the uations and claims about the supernatural) marketplace. At the same time, I know of are not empirically testable and it would be nothing intrinsic to science that would pro- equally crazy to believe that we could prove or scribe such involvement. Indeed, those of us disprove them to someone holding a different who have felt drawn to use the secondary con- opinion. But such statements are not within structs of the social scientific study of religion the purview of social science. I am not sug- are, rightly or wrongly, of the opinion that we gesting that social science holds a monopoly have as much right as anyone (and more on The Truth. Far from it. But I am suggest- relevant knowledge than many) not only to ing that the methods of social science (its promote the social scientific perspective, openness to criticism and empirical testing but also to question others’ secondary con- and, above all, its use of the comparative structions when we consider them to be either method) ought to ensure that it produces a inaccurate or biased. more balanced and more useful account than But life is not that simple. As we step that of its competitors for seeing the way outside the relative protection of the Ivory things are and the way things might be – not Tower, we can find ourselves being affected by for deciding how they ought to be, but for our competitors. I have already intimated that, implementing decisions about how they ought while our presence is welcomed by some, it to be. poses a threat to others. But it poses a threat Should social scientists get involved with the to us too – not just the unpleasantness of the use to which their secondary constructions are ways we are sometimes attacked, but a more put and, thereby, become part of the primary insidious threat to the very meta-values and construction of the wider “cult scene” not methods that can give us the edge over our merely for methodological reasons (as dis- competitors. cussed earlier), but for ethical or political pur- What I want to explore for the rest of this poses? Is such involvement compatible with, paper are some ways in which the very fact that inimical to, or a question of indifference for we become actors in a competitive market the scientific study of religion? What if, in the means that we come under pressure to incor- course of our research, we frequently come porate some of our competitors’ interests and across misunderstandings, misinformation, methods into our own practices. We are in and/or gross distortions that appear to cause danger of letting our competitors define our unnecessary suffering and are related to a agenda. subject that we have been investigating by The means by which the different secondary methods that we believe to be superior to constructors sell their wares is of crucial those that have given rise to the errors? What significance for their success or failure, and the if we find that there are people who, claiming first hurdle social scientists face is how to set a professional expertise, maintain that they up a stall in a good position in the market- have arrived at certain conclusion using the place. When social scientists have completed scientific method, yet they provide no testable their research they are quite likely to publish evidence, and we suspect that the scientific the results in scholarly books or journals which method not only does not, but could not, may sit on dusty shelves with few save other produce such conclusions? Should we not . . . social scientists being aware of their existence. fight ignorance, exploitation, and prejudice or ...[These writings] might give rise to

19 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS internal debates, but if we are not heard by sented or suddenly attacked for something we outsiders not only may we be missing some have never done. We can protest, but most of valuable feedback, we are also likely to be us tend to be so taken aback that we find our- excluding ourselves from making any differ- selves unable to think up an effective response ence to “the cult scene.” – until we are off-air. Apart form being We may need to be more conscious than is extremely frustrating and unpleasant, such our wont that what we present should come experiences can make one wonder whether across as being of relevance for the audience we agreeing to take part in any program is not want to reach. I am not suggesting that we simply counterproductive. fudge our results so that they are acceptable. On But such behavior is the exception rather the contrary, I am suggesting that, like the actor than the rule (and antagonistic programs often playing a bore, we need to present our results elicit more letters of support than protest). so that they are understandable and heard, What is more to the point here is that we do whether or not they are welcomed – especially, not react to the pressures of media interests or perhaps, if we suspect that they are not going the competition of ACM interests by allowing to be welcomed . . . to those who with no par- ourselves to slip into facile generalizations for ticular axe to grind, are interested in accurate the sake of a good sound bite, that we do not and balanced accounts of NRMs. But how can make cheap jokes at the expense of someone we make our construction available without else’s beliefs, that we do not pass judgments jeopardizing the integrity of our account? about which are the “good” and which the “bad” cults – which is not to say that we cannot report that in movement X they carry Playing their game out child sacrifice, in Y they have weekly sex The most obvious way to disseminate our orgies, and in Z they pray to little green men version is to cooperate with the mass media, in flying saucers – so long, of course, that and there are plenty of producers and jour- what we say is true and we make it clear nalists who are willing, even eager, to use our that the other 99.9 percent of NRMs do not information. But, as we have seen, their main do such things. The media usually give us objective is to have a gripping story. How do an opportunity to put things in context we collaborate? On their terms or ours? There through comparisons, although I have been is a limit to the number of “on the one hand asked not to quote Luke 14 : 26, as it results ...on the other hands”, ‘howevers”, or in so many angry denials that Jesus ever said “nonetheless’s” that they can accommodate. such a thing. How much of a price must we be prepared to Our relationship with the courts is in some pay? Do we hope, as with the abstract to an respects like that with the media. It is they article, that the absence of qualification is who are largely in control of both the content made up for by the wide and clear dissemina- and the context of what is transmitted. It is tion of the main points? they who ask the questions. If we do not bow What about our being misquoted? We learn to their interests, they will ignore us and, in through hard experience which are the more all likelihood, turn to our competitors. If our unreliable media – and it is nearly always those unbiased perspective results in our giving who are getting our story second or third responses in court that are helpful to one hand; few (though some) members of the side on one occasion but damaging on media deliberately misrepresent their infor- another occasion, lawyers brand us as “unreli- mants. There are, however, some who do able” or “whore witnesses.” There can be deliberately mislead us to “set us up to put us temptation to say just what the side that calls down.” We have no control over the editing us (pays us) wants us to say, collaborating in of what we say – and others say about us. Even the suppression of relative information or dis- in a live broadcast it can be extremely difficult torting with sophistry the position of the to get across one’s actual position if misrepre- other side.

20 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

not always easy to see how widely one should Taking sides or sitting on the fence? disseminate this information. One may want to A more subtle problem arises when, trying to alert the public to potential problems, but one appear balanced, we become unbalanced. also needs to be aware that, irresponsibly used, Broad-minded and liberal media often ask us such information might lead to greater to give an objective and balanced point of view damage. Evangelical countercultists alerting in the middle – which usually means halfway the public to the dangers of ritual satanic abuse between an NRM and the ACM. But, as was have provided us with a salutary warning intimated when discussing legal constructions, (Richardson et al. 1991). to give a balanced account is not necessarily to The NRMs we study are likely to want us to be in the middle. Science is not summing two take their side – several of them have actually extreme positions and dividing by two. Some- approached social scientists because they times one “side” is right – but to say so may believed that, even if we do not do a “white- be seen, even by ourselves, as “taking sides.” wash,” we shall at least be fairer to them than Indeed, a question that is constantly posed by most other constructors (Barker 1984: 15 both competitors and potential buyers is 1995: 176). To a greater or lesser extent, we “whose side are you on?” The social scientist’s have been subjected to “love-bombing,” hints answer might be “the side of accuracy and of eternal damnation and/or emotional black- balance,” but we find ourselves being pushed mail. Such techniques tend to be counter- and pulled in a number of directions. Some of suggestive for seasoned researchers, and us hold back information because we fear that despite the fact that some NRMs many try to we might be taken to court and, even if we convert us, we are unlikely to start promoting feel confident that we could eventually vindi- their beliefs, proclaiming Moon the messiah or cate what we say, it could still cost us a lot of Berg an Endtime prophet. Nonetheless, the time and money. Sometimes it is the producer very fact that they give us time, that we accept or publisher who does not dare risk a court their hospitality (be it a cup of tea or an case and we do not want the hassle of finding expenses-paid conference), might make us feel a bolder (or perhaps more foolhardy) pro- beholden to them. But then, we might feel ducer or publisher. equally or more beholden to their parents and While codes of ethics have been produced by others whom we also meet in the course of our professional organizations (the British Socio- investigations – and, perhaps, to society as a logical Association has such a code), there are whole. Certainly, the fact that we are fellow gray areas where our personal feelings may human beings means that as we get to know incline us one way rather than another. We may those whom we are studying as individuals we not want to betray confidences about individ- may make friends (or, conversely, may generate ual informants. This is normally not too great antagonisms). We may come to feel protective a problem as we can usually find some way to and when we see them attacked unfairly come preserve a person’s anonymity while incorpo- to their defense. There is nothing wrong in this rating the information if it is of importance. But if we are merely introducing into the scene an I have given information to the police or other accurate and balanced version of the NRM authorities, such as the Charity Commissioners reality, but what would be reprehensible or the social services, or, occasionally, to the according to the canons of science is if, feeling more reputable media when I have learned of bound by friendship or loyalty to “our” NRM, criminal or anti-social activities. Has this been we promote what we know from our research a betrayal of trust? Would not telling not be a to be a biased version of the truth. betrayal of another kind of trust? I believe that More frequently, I suspect, we have held any citizens in a democratic country, be they back information for the scientifically ques- social scientists or not, have a duty to other tionable reason that we felt that the way infor- members of society not to allow criminal or mation would be used would be unacceptable harmful behavior to go unquestioned, but it is to us. Here I am referring less to a “pull” from

21 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS the NRM than to a “push” from the ACM or baddies are. (A frustrated journalist once made sections of the media. We have learned from me the butt of a humorous article entitled No experience that the negative aspects we report Room for a View). But if we are being inter- will be taken out of context and added to the viewed as social scientists, we need to declare list of “bad things that cults do,” while the the limits of our expertise and make it clear more positive aspects will be ignored or taken that we have no special criterion to choose as proof that we have been deceived or bought between opposing theological or moral claims. off. I am, moreover, painfully aware that what The meta-values of science require us to use I am now writing offers our competitors the hypothetical form in answer to ethical or further evidence that we are not as scientific as definitional questions. Of course, it is silly to we pretend – the dilemma here being that the be too pedantic with statements such as “if suppression of discussion of such concerns you consider multiple murder a bad thing, would be the more unscientific pretense. then you will not consider the Manson Family If we are to be honest and self-critical, we a good thing” or “it all depends what you have to admit that several of us have reacted mean by ritual sacrifice.” against the selective negativity of the ACM by, And, of course, we have as much right as sometimes quite unconsciously, making our anyone else to express our beliefs so long as it own unbalanced selections. Having been is quite clear that we are speaking as a private affronted by what have appeared to be gross citizen. But, just because most of us are not violations of human rights perpetrated indifferent to what is going on, some of us through practices such as deprogramming and have taken advantage of the air time to com- the medicalization of belief, there have been municate our own values and prejudices. And occasions when social scientists have withheld while we are unlikely to promote a particular information about the movements because theological belief, we are quite likely to start they know that this will be taken, possibly out from an assumption that, for example, of context, to be used as a justification for such prophecies will fail. While we are unlikely actions. The somewhat paradoxical situation is to make a prescriptive distinction between that the more we feel the NRMs are having benign and destructive cults, we do tend to untrue bad things said about them, the less produce examples of behavior that we con- inclined we are to publish true “bad” things sider (or believe our audience will consider) about the movements. either reprehensible or praiseworthy if we The other side of the same coin is that there want to make a point – especially when we are social scientists who have felt that they want to question a competitor’s claims about have had to publish negative material and the movements. Similarly, when social scien- withhold more positive aspects because they tists have been pressed in a court of law to say are aware that they are in danger of being whether a particular NRM is “really” a reli- defined as cult apologists or accused of being gion, they have not always insisted as clearly covert members of a movement that they have as they might that science cannot give the def- been studying. I know of two sociologists of inition of a real religion. It is only when the religion who have been warned that they court provides a definition, or we use the form would be denied tenure or not be awarded “if by religion you mean . . .,” that we can say their Ph.D. if they did not make it quite clear whether, according to that definition, the that their monographs were exposés. movement is “really” religious. As the converse of “taking sides,” we are not infrequently stung by the comment that we The loneliness of the long-term researcher insist on sitting on the fence and that we are indifferent to the suffering of others. Most of The loneliness, psychological and emotional us have infuriated the media by refusing to discomfort, and the intellectual uncertainties give unequivocal answers to questions about of research can become greatly intensified as who the goodies or, more frequently, the we move into the competitive market. It is not

22 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS unusual for the social scientist to wonder why more significantly so far as the topic of this no one else’s construction seems to tally with paper is concerned, of actually obstructing our- the reality that he or she is perceiving (Asch selves from acquiring a fuller understanding of 1959; Barker 1992: 246–7; 1984: 21–2). how the ACM operates within the cult scene. Sometimes we long to find others who agree The fact that it is unpleasant, or in some cases and who might thereby save us from the impossible, to have direct access to certain gnawing doubts which can at times reach a groups or members of the ACM does not point where it is difficult to be certain even on excuse us for characterizing them by the very those matters about which we ourselves must methods that we accuse them of using in their be the best placed to know the truth. characterization of us and the NRMs . . . Responses to the feeling of isolation vary, but they are seldom conducive to scientific study. A few succumb to the desire to “belong” and Conclusion become involved with or, very occasionally, join the ACM or an NRM. Others avoid or Social reality is not an unchanging structure; drop out of the arena altogether. For some of it is an ongoing process that exists only insofar us the emotional discomfort of being branded as individuals recognize its existence and act as “the enemy” becomes so disagreeable that we the media through which it is processed. find excuses for not checking out our sources Whilst some perceptions always overlap, no as thoroughly as we might. On a couple of two people ever share exactly the same vision occasions, I have found myself asking col- of reality. All constructions of social reality are leagues or students to deputize for me at more or less affected not only by subjective meeting at which I suspected I would be understandings (previous experiences, values, attacked. Although I rationalized this cow- assumptions, hopes, fears, and expectations), ardice by saying I was too busy or that those but also by the social position from which the going in my place would cause less antagonism social reality is perceived. Secondary construc- and therefore get a better idea of what was tions exhibit differences that can be observed happening, I suspect that the truth was that I to vary systematically and significantly accord- would have preferred not to find out what was ing to the professional or group interests of going on rather than subject myself to the the constructors. unpleasantness once more. As social scientists, we are interested in pro- The situation becomes compounded when a ducing accurate and balanced constructions. group of social scientists who have been simi- To achieve this objective, we may believe that, larly vilified get together and exchange their rather than remaining clinically removed, part experiences ...In some ways we are doing of our research necessitates an involvement precisely what members of a professional body with the people we are studying. This gives are expected to do – exchanging information rise to the complication that we are likely to and providing a critique of each other’s affect, and may ourselves be affected by, our work. But one can also recognize the process data – a complication that becomes even more whereby we are creating a cozy little support acute if, as individuals holding certain values, group within which we collaborate to construct we actively engage in competing in the open a monolithic image of the ACM, taking market with others who are trying to sell their insufficient account of the differences and secondary constructions of the same primary changes within the movement as we collec- reality. tively confirm our prejudices about “them” ...I do not believe that the idea of a sci- (but see Bromley and Shupe 1995). Insofar as entific study of religion is utterly ridiculous. I we respond to the ACM’s response to us in this would like to affirm that the exercise of social way, we are in danger of ignoring what it has science is, despite its problems, an important to say that might be of relevance to our and valuable discipline. We have a method-o- understanding of the NRMs, but also, and logic that can produce a more accurate and

23 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS balanced account of social reality than those —— 1987. Brahmins don’t eat mushrooms: Partic- adopted by other secondary constructors. So ipant observation and the new religions. LSE far as “the cult scene” is concerned, I have Quarterly 1: 127–52. argued that methodologically we ought to —— 1989a. New religious movements: A practical “get in there” to find out what’s going on, and introduction. London: HMSO. —— 1989b. Tolerant discrimination: Church, that politically me may, perhaps even should, state and the new religions. In Religion, state “make a difference.” We ought to communi- and society in modern Britain, edited by Paul cate so that we can be heard; there is no reason Badham, 185–208. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen why we should not fight ignorance and mis- Press. information when we see it. Nor is there any —— 1992. Authority and dependence in new reli- reason why, as citizens, we should not use the gious movements. In Religion: Contemporary findings of social science to fight bigotry, issues. The All Souls Seminars in the sociology of injustice, and what we conceive to be unnec- religion, edited by Bryan Wilson, 237–55. essary misery. London: Bellew. But if we are to take on this mission, we also —— 1993a. Will the real cult please stand up? In need to be careful that we do not throw the Religion and the social order: The handbook of cults and sects in America, edited by David G. Bromley baby out with the bathwater or, to mix my and Jeffrey Hadden, 193–211. Greenwich, CT, metaphors still further, let the political tail wag and London: JAI Press. the empirical dog. We need to be more aware, —— 1993b. Behold the New Jerusalems! Sociology careful, and true to our meta-values as profes- of Religion 54: 337–52. sional social scientists than has sometimes —— 1994. But is it a genuine religion? In Between been the case. We need to recognize that sacred and secular: Research and theory on quasi- others may start defining our agenda – that we religion, edited by Arthur L. Greil and Thomas could be starting to select and evaluate accord- Robbins, 69-88. Greenwich. CT, and London: ing to criteria that violate the interests of social JAI Press. sciences. And when promoting and defending —— 1995. Plus ça change. In 20 years on: Changes in new religious movements. Special edition of our versions of reality, we must remember Social Compass 42, edited by Eileen Barker and that we can claim professional proficiency only Jean-François Mayer, 165–80. within a limited area – that there are many Berger, Peter and Thomas Luckmann. 1966. legitimate questions which we cannot and The social construction of reality. London: Penguin. should not address – qua social scientists. Bromley, David G. and Anson Shupe. 1995. Anti- If we are to preserve our expertise ...then cultism in the United States. Social Compass 42: we need to sharpen our tools of reflexive 221–36. awareness, open debate, and constructive Douglas, Mary. 1966. Purity and danger. London: critique. We need to keep a constant vigilance Routledge and Kegan Paul. not only on the pronouncements that we . . . —— 1970. Natural symbols: Explorations in cosmol- make in the name of social science, but also ogy. London: Barrie and Rockliff. Houston, Gaie. 1993. The meanings of power. Self on the pronouncements others make in the and Society 21: 4–9. name of social science . . . Jules-Rosette, Bennetta. 1975. African apostles. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Lewis, James R.1986. Restructuring the ‘cult’ References experienece. Sociological Analysis 47: 151–9. Mickler, Michael L. 1980. A history of the Unifica- Asch, Solomon E. 1959. Effects of group pressure tion Church in the Bay Area: 1960–74. MA thesis. upon the modification and distortion of Graduate Theological Union, University of Cali- judgments. In Readings in social psychology (3rd fornia, Berkeley. edition), edited by Eleanor E. Maccoby et al., —— 1992. The politics and political influence of 174–83. London: Methuen. the Unification Church. Paper given at SSSR, Barker, Eileen. 1984. The making of a Moonie: Washington, DC. Brainwashing or choice? Reprinted by Gregg Mulhern, Sherrill. 1994. Satanism, ritual abuse, and Revivals, Aldershot, 1993. multiple personality disorder: A sociohistorical

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perspective. The International Journal of Clini- Shupe, Anson D. and David G. Bromley. 1980. The cal and Experimental Hypnosis 42: 265–88. new vigilantes. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Popper, Karl. 1963. Conjectures and refutations: Solomon, Trudy. 1981. Integrating the ‘Moonie’ The growth of scientific knowledge. London: Rout- experience. In In Gods we trust, edited by Thomas ledge. Robbins and Dick Anthony, 275–94. New —— 1972. Objective knowledge: An evolutionary Brunswick, NJ, and London: Transaction. approach. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Weber, Max. 1947. The theory of social and economic Radcliffe-Brown, A. R. 1950. On joking relation- organization. New York: Free Press. ships. Africa 13: 195–210. Wilson, Bryan (ed.) 1970. Rationality. Oxford: Richardson, James T., Joel Best, and David G. Blackwell. Bromley (eds.) 1991. The satanism scare. New Wright, Stuart. 1987. Leaving cults: The dynamics York: de Gruyter. of defection. Washington, DC: SSSR. Runciman, W. G. 1969. Siciological evidence and Wuthnow, Robert. 1987. Meaning and moral political theory. In Philosophy, politics and society, order: Explorations in cultural analysis. Berkeley: 2nd series, edited by Peter Laslett and W. G. University of California Press. Runciman, 34–47. Oxford: Blackwell.

25 CHAPTER TWO

The Continuum Between “Cults” and “Normal” Religion

JAMES A. BECKFORD

Introduction organizations: not just the stigmatized minor- ity movements. Evidence has come to light in While dramatic and tragic events have been recent years of, for example: unfolding around the world in connection with religious movements as varied as Aum Systematic sexual abuse of children in the care Shinrykyo, the Branch Davidians, the Solar of Catholic priests Temple, and Heaven’s Gate, a “shadow Brutality in residential institutions for young drama” has been taking place in various coun- people run by the Catholic church in tries of Western and Eastern Europe. I am various countries referring to the succession of public inquiries Catholic church policies for transporting and official reports on religious sects or young children from Britain and Ireland to “cults” which have emerged from France, Australia under the bogus pretext that they Germany, Spain, Belgium, and Russia in were orphans recent years. There have also been debates in Massive financial irregularities in the Catholic the European Parliament. Some of these Archdiocese of Chicago reports have recommended draconian mea- Clergy malfeasance of various kinds in many sures to deal with what is often perceived as American churches (Shupe 1995) the serious problem of “so-called sects,” Sexual improprieties among Methodist clergy “destructive cults,” or “psychogroups.” Levels in the UK of anxiety, at least among some citizens and Financial irregularities in certain Pentecostal public officials, are high – even about groups churches in the UK as old and well known as the Jehovah’s Wit- Racism in the Church of England nesses and the Mormons. The exploitation of women in many Christian Public concern about the gas attacks carried churches out in Japan and the suicides in other places in Collusion between church officials and some fully understandable. The case of the Branch of the world’s most brutal regimes Davidians is more complicated because public concern is about the violent actions taken by This list of examples of scandals, abuses, the US authorities as well as about the reports and problems in mainstream, supposedly of authoritarianism, exploitation, and sexual respectable Christian churches is far from abuse in the group. What I find more difficult exhaustive, but it is intended merely to draw to understand is the virtually universal failure attention to the disparity between the levels of to see that these abuses occur in many religious public awareness and anxiety about problems

26 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS in well-established religious organizations and which they give rise. This is a heretical thought the levels of concern about so-called “cults.” for a sociologist of religion. Moreover, there are few genuine controversies This is not the place to develop this particu- about mainstream churches: merely a percep- lar argument further (see Beckford 1985a, tion of scattered problems associated with par- 1989), so let me turn now to the question of ticular individuals. As a category, churches are why the problems attributed to “cults” gain not perceived to give rise to difficult moral or a much higher public profile than the much legal dilemmas. Indeed, William Bainbridge more widespread problems attributable to sup- (1997: 24) refers to them as “conventional posedly conventional religious collectivities. religious organizations.” Yet, in my view, this categorical distinction between them and so- called cults is exaggerated. There is actually The Social Sources of a continuum between the problematic and Cult Controversies the unproblematic aspects of all religious collectivities. Allegations that so-called cults brainwash their From a sociological point of view, it makes recruits, exploit them economically, abuse very little difference whether the abuses are them sexually and, in many other ways, ruin accidental or consequential on doctrines or their lives are too well known to need repeat- ideology. ing here (Barker 1984, 1989; Beckford Admittedly, the most spectacular episodes 1985b; Richardson 1985, 1991, 1996). I of violence and collective suicide have oc- want to suggest that this pattern of accusations curred in so-called cultic groups, but public and, in particular, its exclusive focus on stig- animosity against the category of “cult” was matized movements can be explained in terms strong even before the destruction of the of several characteristics of late twentieth- Peoples Temple at Jonestown, Guyana in century life in advanced industrial societies. 1978. In any case, that particular episode and the armed assault on the Branch Davidian Massification and demonization compound in Waco, Texas in 1993 should remind us that both of the religious collectiv- Firstly, the consolidation of nation-states with ities concerned were developments of more or relatively stable boundaries and effective mea- less respectable Christian denominations. And sures for monitoring and controlling the ac- in the wake of the massive slaughter of reli- tivities of their populations had helped to giously identified opponents in such places as perpetuate the medieval suspicion of people the former Yugoslavia and Northern Ireland, who were migrants, vagrants, wandering holy who can deny that “ordinary” religion can also men and women, or free spirits. Nowadays cit- be a hazard to life and limb? izenship is not only the key to eligibility for The important thing is therefore to under- various obligations and benefits but it is also stand why and how problems occur on any inseparable from numerous processes of offi- religious collectivity: not just in collectivities cial registration, monitoring, and surveillance. categorized a priori as cultic. This could be The surface of late modern life may appear to done by analyzing the processes of, for be fragmented or confused, but the underly- example, exploitation, authoritarian leader- ing forces of standardization, rationalization, ship, harassment and abuse, systematic fraud and commodification are still powerful. The and deception, violence and patriarchy in metaphor of “slipping through the net” all religious collectivities. Such an approach conveys the sense that people whose life might even reveal that religious collectivities course does not conform with the “normal” are not themselves completely distinctive; it progression through stages of education, might show that religious collectivities are training, employment, consumption, sexual only marginally different from other voluntary relationships, leisure, and welfare have organizations in respect of the problems to somehow managed to avoid the normal

27 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS devices for detecting failures in the system or ciency and rapidity of communication in the weaknesses of individual motivation. late twentieth century. In previous eras it was The fact that members of some minority reli- common for unconventional religious groups gious movements choose to order aspects of to operate only in very small geographical their lives in accordance with different priori- areas or to create their own remote commu- ties makes them objects of suspicion because, nities as refuges from prying eyes. But nowa- among other things, their non-conventional days it is possible for even small movements, ways of living imply that something is wrong with the help of telecommunications, to reach with the machinery of “normalization.” The large audiences scattered over huge areas of public sense of fear and outrage is all the more the world. By the same logic it is more diffi- intense because it is widely believed that late cult for such movements to avoid prying eyes modernity is a time of great individualization because communications among their oppo- and that non-conventional religious practices nents or critics are equally efficient. So, just as are therefore unnecessary. But permissible indi- NRMs can capitalize on the advantages of vidualization is mostly confined to choice of computerized mailing lists and multimedia such things as dress, leisure activities, language, presentations to spread their message, cult and sexual relations. Departures from the monitoring groups find it relatively easy to expected patterns of education, employment, collect information about large numbers of and consumption are grounds for suspicion NRMs and to compile aggregate statistics. In and, in some cases, demonization. It is there- this sense, the idea that the category of “cult” fore acceptable to “shop around” for religious has become threatening on a large scale has ideas, alternative therapies, or spiritual experi- been facilitated by the technology which ences; but it is not acceptable to follow a reli- permits rapid exchange, compilation, and gious path which involves a break with the analysis of information between cult monitor- publicly approved life course. The fact that ing groups, researchers, journalists, and pro- some people choose to abandon the path of gram makers around the world. “normal” education or employment for the The intensity of today’s cult controversies sake of non-conventional religious ideals is has to be understood partly in terms of the experienced by others as an affront to their con- simultaneous application of communications viction that modern individuals are free, ratio- technology by NRMs and by their opponents. nal decision-makers. In other words, modern If global communications have made the living is both massified and pervaded by an ide- human world appear to be a smaller place than ological conviction that individual freedom of previously, they are also making cult contro- choice is stronger than ever. versies more intense.1 There is no reason why a In these circumstances, claims that new reli- small world should be less conflictual than a gious movements brainwash their recruits or larger one. In other words, we should expect exploit them unfairly can be interpreted as that religious controversies of all kinds will reactions against the exercise of free will in become more intense in the future. Indeed, one a register to which the accusers are deaf. might go further and speculate that religion will Allegations of brainwashing are the modern continue to be a major contributor to global equivalent of late medieval accusations of disputes because it is one of the places where witchcraft and demonic possession (Anthony the “colonization of the life-world” by “the and Robbins 1980; Robbins 1988). The system” (Habermas 1987) can be challenged. common thread is the claim that reason has been subverted by an external agency. Secularization and polarization Thirdly, I suggest that religion is paradoxically Communication and controversy likely to remain at the heart of controversies Secondly, the severity of present-day strictures and disputes in the globalized future despite against NRMs is partly a function of the effi- the fact that levels of participation in the

28 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS activities of formal religious organizations are approach by Peter Brown’s stunning insight in decline and that religion exercises relatively into the political economy of religious tolera- little explicit influence over the policies pur- tion in late Roman antiquity: sued by governments, businesses, or public institutions. How can religion be simultane- Seen from the point of view of the civic no- ously controversial but marginal? Would it not tables of the fourth and fifth centuries, the be more sensible to expect that religion would annual paroxysm of the collection of taxes . . become more bland and uninteresting as . and not religious affairs – however exciting more people became religiously “illiterate” or these might be ...to those who knew about simply unconcerned about it? such things, on a supernatural level – was the My answer is that it is precisely the fact that true elephant in the zoo of late Roman poli- large numbers of people in advanced industrial tics ...In most areas, the system of negoti- societies are ignorant or apathetic about reli- ated consensus was usually stretched to its gion most of the time that makes the activities limits by the task of extracting taxes. It had of those who are enthusiastic about their reli- little energy left over to give “bite” to intol- gion potentially more controversial. I am not erant policies in matters of religion. (Brown simply repeating the observation that secular- 1995: 41–2) ization is compatible with outbursts of reli- gious enthusiasm in marginal places (Wilson In short, religious minorities and enthusi- 1976). I am arguing that a process of polar- asts in late Antiquity could be tolerated if they ization is taking place between religiously paid their taxes. Toleration was extended to energetic minorities and religiously apathetic minority religions for pragmatic reasons: not majorities. Moreover, this process of polariza- out of concern for philosophical principles. Is tion will ensure that, in the midst of secular- this still the situation? Let me discuss five ways ization, religion will remain controversial. My in which toleration is extended these days to claim is not that NRMs are throw-backs to an NRMs which satisfy various non-religious earlier age of religious vitality. On the con- conditions imposed by state authorities. trary, I want to suggest that it is a very modern dynamic between active minorities and inac- 1Toleration depends these days on much tive majorities which is helping to create a new more than paying taxes, although move- and polarized situation. The public animosity ments which are seen to evade their fiscal towards NRMs is only one expression of the obligations certainly confirm the modern perverse logic which connects secularization stereotype of cults as fraudulent. The with intense religious controversies. NRMs are Church of Scientology, for example, has simply caught up in a process which affects all attracted especially harsh criticism for its religious collectivities. attempts to qualify for tax privileges on the grounds of being a religious organization in the USA (successfully) or a charity in What Would Make “Cults” Appear the UK (unsuccessfully). In both cases, the to Be “Normal” crucial question is whether Scientology constitutes a religion: and the answer is What evidence is there to support my argument sought paradoxically from state agencies that the demonization of “cults” is a product with responsibility for purely material of social forces inherent in late twentieth- things. Nevertheless, religious movements century advanced industrial societies? One way seeking to have their religious authenticity of answering this question is to calculate how affirmed must turn to these secular agen- far NRMs would have to change in order to cies. Being recognized as religious in the become acceptable. In other words, what eyes of the US Internal Revenue Service or would help to make NRMs appear to be normal the Charity Commission in the UK or a or acceptable? I was inspired to pursue this court of law in Italy is a necessary but not

29 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

sufficient condition for achieving accept- gious organization’s services are open to ability in the long run. public scrutiny. 2 In parts of southern Europe and elsewhere in the world, NRMs are tolerated on con- In short, there is a close parallel between late dition that their members comply with antiquity and the late twentieth century requirements to perform military service. insofar as toleration of religious minorities in States which offer exemption to categories both eras was and is still conditional on their of religious professionals still tend to satisfying largely “secular” criteria of religious demand that NRMs prove their religious authenticity. My point is that this dependence authenticity by showing willingness to on the deployment of non-religious criteria by comply with conscription laws before be- agencies of the state in order to make decisions coming eligible to apply for exemption. about the authenticity of NRMs is virtually 3 Another condition of NRMs’ acceptability inevitable at a time when religion is frag- in many countries is the abandonment of mented and when no single religious organi- all claims to cure medical problems, espe- zation has control over it (Beckford 1989). cially if therapy forms part of the move- ments’ normal practices. Challenges to, or evasions of, state-licensed medical prac- Conclusion: The tices are rarely tolerated. NRMs are under Normal–Abnormal Continuum suspicion if their members do not avail themselves of publicly available medical The difference between “normal” and “abnor- services or personnel. mal” religious groups is not so much a matter 4 Education is less tightly controlled by state of fixed categorical distinctions but more a agencies than is the provision of health matter of skirmishes along a shifting frontier, care, but NRMs which prefer to educate In fact, sociological analysis is best served by their members’ children in their own substituting “continuum” for “distinctions.” schools are still widely suspected of ir- Of course, public opinion and some religious responsibility or ulterior motives. Move- interest groups prefer to make categorical ments which educate their children from distinctions between, say, “real religion” and different countries in a single international “destructive cults.” But a dispassionate analy- school are especially suspect. They are sis of the social aspects of religion suggests accused of trying to hide their children in that, within all religious organizations, some places where the standards of education practices are accepted as clear evidence of reli- and care cannot be easily monitored. gious authenticity and others are suspected 5A novel condition of acceptability in the of compromising that authenticity. The UK concerns the accessibility to the public criteria of acceptability change over time, of NRMs’ worship services. The Broad- often reflecting ethical and ideological casting Act 1990 made it a condition of changes which take place outside religious religious organizations’ access to commer- organizations. cial channels of television and radio that Moreover, the skirmishes that break out their worship services should be publicly from time to time in connection with the advertised and accessible to members of objectionable practices of specific NRMs are the public without special invitation or the rarely conducted in isolation from other griev- payment of entrance fees. This condition ances. Discussion of particular cases quickly seems to be predicated on two assump- gives way to claims about the entire category tions. The first is that bona fide religious of “destructive cults” or “cultism” as a general organizations presumably have no need to issue. Continuities between NRMs and other impose restrictions on access to their ser- religious organizations are thereby ignored vices; and the second is that the risk of or suppressed for ideological reasons. abuse or exploitation is reduced if a reli- Sociologists would be better advised to

30 THE STUDY OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS concentrate on analyzing specific dimensions Beckford, James A. (1985a) “The insulation and of all religious collectivities without making isolation of the sociology of religion,” Sociologi- prior judgments about their church-like or cal Analysis, 46 (4): 347–54. cult-like nature. Beckford, James A. (1985b), Cult Controversies: Societal Responses to New Religious Movements, London: Tavistock. Beckford, James A. (1989) Religion in Advanced Industrial Society, London: Routledge. Note Brown, Peter (1995) Authority and the Sacred, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1 Disputes in some Christian churches are also Habermas, Jürgen (1987) The Theory of Commu- intensified by the ease of modern communica- nicative Action, Vol. 2, Boston, MA: Beacon tions and by the relentless search of journalists Press. for sensational stories. See Ammerman (1990) Richardson, James T. (1985) “The “deformation” on the conduct of disputes among the souther of new religions: impacts of societal and organi- Baptists in the USA. zational factors,” Pp. 163–75 in T. Robbins, W. Shepherd, and J. McBride (eds), Cults, Culture and the Law, Chico, CA: Scholars Press. Richardson, James T. (1991) “Cult/brainwashing References cases and freedom of religion,” Journal of Church and State, 33: 55–74. Ammerman, Nancy (1990) Baptist Battles: Social Richardson, James T. (1996) “Brainwashing” Change and Religious Conflict in the Southern claims and minority religions outside the United Baptist Convention, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers States: cultural diffusion of a questionable University Press. concept in the legal arena,” Brigham Young Uni- Anthony, D. and T. Robbins (1980) “A demon- versity Law Review, 4: 873–904. ology of cults,” Inquiry Magazine, September: Robbins, T. (1988) Cults, Converts and Charisma, 9–11. London: Sage. Bainbridge, William S. (1997) The Sociology of Shupe, Anson D. (1995), In the Name of All that’s Religious Movements, New York: Routledge. Holy: A Theory of Clergy Malfeasance, Westport, Barker, Eileen V. (1984) The Making of a Moonie, CT: Praeger. Oxford: Blackwell. Wilson, Bryan R. (1976) Contemporary Transfor- Barker, Eileen V. (1989) New Religious Movements: mations of Religion, Oxford: Oxford University A Practical Introduction, London: HMSO. Press.

31

II

The Nature of New Religious Movements

The best way to gain knowledge about new traditions. J. Gordon Melton (1993), for religious movements is to read some of the example, distinguishes eight “family groups”: many excellent book-length studies available (1) the Pentecostal family, (2) the communal about specific groups (e.g., Lofland 1977; family, (3) the Christian Science–Metaphysical Wallis 1977; Barker 1984; Rochford 1985; family, (4) the spiritualist, psychic, and New Wilson and Dobbelaere 1994; Lucas 1995; Age family, (5) the ancient wisdom family, (6) Maaga 1998; Reader 2000; Bainbridge 2002). the magic family, (7) the Eastern and Middle By way of preparation, the two readings in this Eastern families, and lastly (8) a category for section of the book will alert you to several of new and unclassifiable religious groups. This the most basic features of NRMs, and provide approach to the classification of different types a preliminary sense of the diverse beliefs and of NRMs is largely historical and descriptive. practices of these groups. In addition, the As such it helps to familiarize us with the range readings highlight aspects of the social scien- of possibilities, while demonstrating that there tific study of NRMs that we need to keep in is a measure of order and cultural continuity mind. to the seemingly endless variety of new forms There is little consensus about what consti- of religious life. tutes a “cult.” This is due in part to the back- But scholars have also found it useful to ground and agenda of those writing about categorize NRMs in more abstract ways, them (see chapter 1). But it also reflects the according to certain common features problems posed by the great diversity of revealed by their analysis (see Dawson 1997). NRMs operating in contemporary societies. One of the best known of these alternative “Cults” come in many shapes, sizes, and styles. schemes of classification is delineated by Roy The religious imagination knows few bounds, Wallis in the first reading of this section and in an age of global travel, communication, (chapter 3). Focusing on how NRMs tend to and immigration the religious traditions of the view their relationship with the rest of society, world (both old and new) are being trans- Wallis proposes that there are three different planted and transformed in complex and types of new religions: world-rejecting, unanticipated ways. To bring a measure of world-affirming, and world-accommodating. order to seeming chaos, some scholars have An NRM “may embrace the world, affirming tried to classify the thousands of new religions its normatively approved goals and values; it into groups according to their family resem- may reject that world, denigrating those blances. Various NRMs share beliefs and things held dear within it; or it may remain as practices that tie them to certain religious far as possible indifferent to the world in terms

33 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS of its religious practice, accommodating to it the end, however, Bainbridge and Stark stress, otherwise, and exhibiting only mild acquies- these models are essentially compatible. For it cence to, or disapprobation of, the ways of the is unlikely that any one model adequately world” (Wallis 1984: 4). It is these differences reflects the motivations for starting any spe- in attitude, Wallis suggests, that most fully cific movement. It is more likely that elements account for the differences in the organization of all three models must be invoked in differ- and behavior of these groups, and how they ent combinations to explain the origins of any are treated by the societies in which they exist. NRM. The models are not replicas of reality. In making his case Wallis provides a rich intro- They are conceptual frameworks for stimulat- duction to the specific beliefs and practices of ing and guiding empirical research and orga- a wide array of new religions and their leaders. nizing the results into coherent explanations He also demonstrates why and how theoreti- of religious innovation. The specific explana- cal insights need to be introduced to the study tions derived from their application to actual of NRMs, to allow for more manageable and cases will in turn influence the theoretical effective comparisons between groups and the process of creating other models, augmenting development of more general propositions the capacity of such models to suggest and about the nature and functioning of these frame even newer and more specific lines of kinds of religious groups. research. Many of the other readings included These substantive and methodological in this book were written with the same objec- themes are developed further in the second tive. Researchers in this new field are striving reading in this section, William Sims to elevate the study of NRMs beyond the mere Bainbridge and Rodney Stark’s essay “Cult description of new religious activities to the Formation: Three Compatible Models” development of more generalized principles of (chapter 4). Substantively, Bainbridge and explanation for this type of social phenomena. Stark suggest that we can learn a great deal about the nature of NRMs, individually and as a type of religious organization, by grasping References the social and psychological dynamics that may have brought these groups into existence Bainbridge, William Sims 2002: The Endtime in the first place. The analysis Bainbridge and Family: Children of God. Albany: State University Stark offer is unique and very engaging. of New York Press. Methodologically, they demonstrate the Barker, Eileen 1984: The Making of a Moonie: advantages of exercising some theoretical Choice or Brainwashing? Oxford: Blackwell. ingenuity in the face of the great complexity Dawson, Lorne L. 1997: Creating “Cult” Typolo- gies: Some Strategic Considerations. Journal of of data available about NRMs. Like Wallis, Contemporary Religion 12 (3): 363–81. they employ a few well-crafted ideal types, in Lofland, John F. 1977: Doomsday Cult: A Study of this case models of religious innovation, to Conversion, Proselytization and Maintenance of systematically stipulate a large number of per- Faith, enlarged edn. New York: Irvington. tinent empirical generalizations about the way Lucas, Phillip C. 1995: The Odyssey of a New Reli- NRMs function. They propose three different gion: The Holy Order of MANS from New Age to conceptions of why and how NRMs are Orthodoxy. Bloomington, Indiana University formed: (1) the psychopathology model, Press. (2) the entrepreneur model, and (3) the Maaga, Mary McCormick 1998: Hearing the Voices subculture-evolution model. These models are of Jonestown. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. based in turn on a set of even more general Melton, J. Gordon (ed.) 1993: The Encyclopedia of theoretical propositions about religions as American Religions, 4th edn. Detroit, MI: Gale social systems of exchange in which members Research. and the groups participate to secure certain Reader, Ian 2000: Religious Violence In Contempo- scarce rewards. In each model the rewards rary Japan: The Case of Aum Shinrikyo. exchanged, and the costs incurred, differ. In Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

34 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

Rochford, E. Burke, Jr. 1985: Hare Krishna in Wallis, Roy 1984: The Elementary Forms of New America. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Univer- Religious Life. London: Routledge and Kegan sity Press. Paul. Wallis, Roy 1977: The Road to Total Freedom: A Wilson, Bryan and Karel Dobbelaere 1994: A Time Sociological Analysis of Scientology. New York: to Chart: The Soka Gakkai Buddhists in Britain. Columbia University Press. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

35 CHAPTER THREE

Three Types of New Religious Movement

ROY WALLIS

...I propose to provide a characterization of youth revolt of the 1960s. Founded in 1968 ...three types of new religion, illustrating by David Brandt Berg (later known as Moses the characteristics of each type from actual David, or Mo) in California among the youth- movements which appear to approximate ful rebels and drop-outs of the West Coast, it them particularly closely, or to embody fea- subsequently spread nomadically throughout tures of the type in a sharply visible form. the world. The deity of the Children of God is a variation upon the traditional Judeo- Christian God, highly personalistic even when The World-Rejecting New Religion referred to more impersonally as ‘Love’ and possessed of the same whims, emotions, The world-rejecting movement, no matter arbitrariness, and tendencies to favouritism as what religious tradition it draws upon, is much any human being. more recognizably religious than the world- The Unification Church, whose followers affirming type. It possesses a clear conception are popularly known as the ‘Moonies’, also of God as at the same time a personal entity emerged from within the Judeo-Christian but yet radically distinct from man and pre- tradition. But in this case fundamentalism was scribing a clear and uncompromising set of syncretized with Asian religious conceptions in moral demands upon him. For example, in the Korea where the Reverend Sun Myung Moon, International Society for Krishna Conscious- its founder, was born. Although missionaries ness (ISKCON) – the saffron-robed devotees of the church arrived in America late in 1959, of Swami Bhaktivedanta (also known as it was not until the late 1960s and early 1970s Prabupha¯da), an Indian guru who travelled that it began to expand significantly and to to America in 1965 to spread devotion to attain an almost unrivalled public notoriety. Krishna and the ecstatic practices of his For all its novel features, however, the deity of worship, such as chanting the Hare Krishna the Unification Church is a Heavenly Father, mantra – Krishna ‘is not an idea or abstract to whom conventional attitudes of prayer and principle but a person not unlike every human, supplication are taken. however unfathomably greater, more magni- The world-rejecting movement views the ficent, opulent and omnipotent he may be’ prevailing social order as having departed sub- (Reis 1975: 54). stantially from God’s prescriptions and plan. The Children of God derive from a quite Mankind has lost touch with God and spiri- different tradition, that of American funda- tual things, and, in the pursuit of purely mate- mentalism, adapted to the counter-cultural rial interests, has succeeded in creating a

36 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS polluted environment; a vice-ridden society in Jonestown in the Guyana jungle was viewed as which individuals treat each other purely as a potential rural paradise by Jim Jones’s fol- means rather than as ends; a world filled with lowers in the Peoples Temple. The prospect conflict, greed, insincerity and despair. The of a communist agrarian idyll where food world-rejecting movement condemns urban would be plentiful, prejudice and discrimina- industrial society and its values, particularly tion non-existent, and all would share as they that of individual success as measured by had need, was attractive indeed for under- wealth or consumption patterns. It rejects the privileged black ghetto-dwellers in northern materialism of the advanced industrial world, California, and for white middle-class radicals calling for a return to a more rural way of life, alike. and a reorientation of secular life to God. Rather than a life pursuing self-interest, the Moses David, leader of the Children of world-rejecting sect requires a life of service to God, observed in disappointment after a visit the guru or prophet and to others who like- to Israel, that it: wise follow him. Through long hours of proselytizing on the street or distributing the reminds us more of America than any country movement’s literature, through an arduous we visited with all its busy materialism, its round of devotional ritual before the deities or riches, power, and armaments, its noisy traffic unpaid domestic duties for leaders or other and air pollution, and its increasingly members, the devotee will suppress his own materialistically-minded younger generation. desires and goals in expression of his commit- (Moses David, ‘The promised land?’, 4 ment to the greater good of the movement, February 1971) or love of God and His agent. Reis observes God’s government is going to be based on of the Krishna Consciousness devotee that: the small village plan ...Each village will be virtually completely self-contained, self- Although one has a duty to provide financial controlled and self-sufficient unto itself, like support for the maintenance and expansion of one big happy family or local tribe, just the the organisation, this is not done for the self, way God started man out in the beginning. the fragile illusionary ego, but out of love His ideal economy, society and government for Krishna and his personal representative, based on His own created productive land for Prabhup¯ada. (Reis 1975: 159–60) man’s simple necessities. We’re going to go back to those days with Such a movement may anticipate an immi- only the beautiful creation of God around us nent and major transformation of the world. and the wonderful creatures of God to help The Children of God, for example, expect a us plow and power and transport what little progressive movement toward the prophesied we have to do to supply our meagre needs. End Time with the rise of the Anti-Christ (Moses David, ‘Heavenly homes’, 21 shortly to occur or even now under way, the October 1974) confirmation of the Covenant in 1985 and the inauguration thereby of the final seven years These sentiments are echoed by the Krishna of world history. In 1989 the Tribulation will Consciousness movement in its references to begin as the Anti-Christ demands to be New Vrnda¯vana, its model agricultural com- worshipped as God, turning against the saints; munity established in West Virginia, to and in 1993 Jesus is to return. Many members show that one need not depend upon facto- of the Unification Church, too, regard them- ries, movies, department stores, or nightclubs selves as living in the Last Days (Edwards for happiness; one may live peacefully and 1979: 80–9) in which the Lord of the Second happily with little more than some land, cows, Advent is destined to take up the task which and the association of devotees in a transcen- Jesus failed to complete because of his cruci- dental atmosphere of Krishna Consciousness. fixion. Jesus was able only to establish God’s (Back to Godhead, 60, 1973: 14) spiritual kingdom on earth when his mission

37 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS had been to establish both a spiritual and a Hence, a number of such movements have physical kingdom. The Christian tradition has cultivated the company of the powerful. Judah held – in some of its varieties – to a concep- quotes a Krishna devotee on the benefits of tion of the physical return of Christ at the such a policy: Second Coming to establish his millennial reign after defeating the forces of evil. So the idea is that the politicians ...take Members of the Unification Church see the advice from Krishna Consciousness ...Just try to conceive for a moment the potency of Reverend Sun Myung Moon as occupying a political candidate running for office having the role of Christ (rather than being Jesus spiritual advisers who are telling him that his returned), and engaged in a God-directed only goal should be to serve Krishna. (Judah mission to establish the basis for the physical 1974: 119) kingdom of God, and the restoration of the world to His dominion after wresting it from The Unification Church, too, has sought to Satan. gain a role for some of its members as advis- The world-rejecting movement expects that ers to, and confidantes of, prominent the millennium will shortly commence or that American politicians. The Children of God the movement will sweep the world, and, have also seen themselves as aides and coun- when all have become members or when they sellors to rulers and, more especially, to the are in a majority, or when they have become world-ruler they believe to be about to rise. guides and counsellors to kings and presi- After Armageddon and the return of Christ, dents, then a new world-order will begin, a they believe that ‘we, the Children of God, simpler, more loving, more humane and more shall rule and reign with Him . . .’ (Moses spiritual order in which the old evils and mis- David, ‘Daniel 7’, May 1975). takes will be eradicated, and utopia will have So active have some groups been in this begun. These examples illustrate the close link direction that their claim to a religious mission between religious and political aspirations comes to be regarded as little more than a among world-rejecting sects. Their rejection front for political aspirations. Such accusations of the world clearly embraces secular institu- have been levelled against Sun Myung Moon tions. Since their aim is to recover the world and the Unification Church, who have been for God, they deny the conventional distinc- vigorous in their opposition to communism, tion between a secular and a religious realm, and their support for anti-communist figures the secular must be restored to its ‘original’ and regimes such as Richard Nixon, and suc- religious character. Their tendency to reject a cessive South Korean military dictatorships. distinction between the religious and the Jim Jones, founder of the People’s Temple, political also follows from a conception of was courted by many Californian politicians. mundane events as implicated in a cosmic Manson’s gory group are not perhaps readily plan, one based on a struggle between God conceived as ‘religious’, but it appears that and evil, truth and illusion, now near culmi- Charles Manson did view himself as a com- nation. Political differences thus mirror posite of Christ and Satan, returned to earth cosmic positions in this struggle, with com- in preparation for the imminent cataclysm of munism typically seen as the Satanic represen- Armageddon (Bugliosi 1977: 581), which tative on earth. It also follows from this that, would largely consist of a terrible violent with the final struggle so close, the faithful revolution of the blacks against the whites in cannot hope to change the world sufficiently America. Thereafter his political role would one soul at a time. Thus, although they seek emerge. He is said to have believed that the to convert among the world’s masses, they American blacks, having vanquished the also address themselves to the influential, who whites, would eventually have to turn to him are in a position to affect a much wider range to guide them. of people and events and thus to meet the Meanwhile, in such movements, character- pressing cosmic timetable more effectively. istically the faithful have come out of the

38 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS world until Armageddon or the millennium deriving income from the possessions of new transpires, setting themselves apart from it, members handed over to the collective fund anticipating utopia in the communal life on joining; donations from sympathetic or wherein they can keep themselves separated, unwary businessmen; and remittances from uncontaminated by the worldly order, able to parents of members; as well as the street sales cultivate their collective spiritual state unmo- and manufacturing enterprises. Despite their lested. The religious involvement of members rejection of the world and its materialism, is thus a full-time activity. The committed members are often encouraged to collect adherent will need to break completely with state welfare payments, rent subsidies, child the worldly life in order to fulfil the move- allowances, etc. Two hundred of the ment’s expectations, and separation may result Jonestown, Guyana residents were receiving in a rift with family and former friends, with social security benefits. conventional education and career. The move- Street solicitation became a major initial ment is a ‘total institution’, regulating all its economic resource for many of the youthful adherents’ activities, programming all of their world-rejecting new religions (Children of day but for the briefest periods of recreation God, Unification Church, ISKCON, The or private time. Not only will the member live Process) for a variety of pressing reasons. in the community, normally he will also work Unlike the world-affirming movements they for it. Although this may sometimes mean had no commodity or service to purvey. Unlike taking a job ‘in the world’, the risks of this are earlier generations of world-rejecting move- quite high for a movement that so heartily ments, this cohort emerged into a world where condemns the prevailing social order. Usually readily available, cultivatable land for pro- an economic base for the movement will be ducing their own subsistence had virtually devised which limits involvement in the world. disappeared. What remained was, at best, mar- Often this can be combined with proselytiz- ginal land impossible to farm satisfactorily ing, as in the case of the Krishna Conscious- without agricultural expertise lacking among ness devotees who offer copies of their the primarily urban-raised membership magazine, books, or flowers, or the Children (Whitworth 1975). While they could support of God who offer copies of their leader’s themselves for a time through handing over letters printed in pamphlet form, in return for their resources to a communal fund, most of a donation. Contact with non-members can those recruited were economically marginal then be highly routinized and ritualized. It is, and thus had few resources and little capital to anyway, transient; it can be interpreted in offer. Working at conventional jobs for support terms confirmatory of the movement’s beliefs entailed a consequent loss of time for spread- as, for example, when a hostile response is ing the word, for proselytizing others. They received from someone approached on the lacked funds initially for investment in other street, which serves only to confirm the evil income-producing enterprises such as forms of nature of the world; but such forms of fund- manufacture. Hence, what they required was raising do provide the opportunity for contact an economic base which needed little capital with people who may show some interest in, investment; made use of their only resources – or sympathy with, what they are being offered, people and enthusiasm; and which, if possible, and thus provide occasions for conversion. brought them into contact with potential An alternative approach is to separate eco- members. Street solicitation – seeking dona- nomic activity and proselytism, or to establish tions in return for some low-cost item such as an independent source of income, for leaflets, magazines, candles, or flowers – met example, farming, as in the case of some Jesus this need. Later, when investment capital had People groups, or various manufacturing been secured by this means, some of these activities such as those conducted by the Uni- movements invested in viable agricultural land fication Church. Most movements tend to and book publishing (ISKCON), fishing and have multiple economic bases, often also manufacture (Unification Church), etc., which

39 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS supplied some of their resources. The Chidren Our group was collecting over a thousand of God continued to combine witnessing and tax-free dollars daily. fund-raising through the practice of ‘flirty Each morning we picked up our order of fishing’: demonstrating ‘God’s love’ through roses from the San Francisco flower district. sex, and encouraging the beneficiaries of their We slept in vans at night, eight in a row, favours to provide financial and other assistance brothers at one end, sisters at another. When in return (Wallis 1979a: ch. 5). Family members were on the road for several The Peoples Temple illustrates the pattern days, we couldn’t change clothes or shower. of severe economic self-renunciation charac- To even change a shirt in this crowded, smelly teristic of such movements, particularly in vehicle could tempt the sisters to fall again, their early years: might stir and excite the sexual drives now buried deep within our unconscious. Finances for People’s Temple members were fairly simple: everything went to Jim Jones. Night after night we worked until two in the Families signed over homes, property, and morning, doing bar runs – blitzing, as we pay-checks to the temple. To raise additional called it, coaxing drunks to buy wilted roses money for the cult, some members occasion- for the angry wives awaiting them at home. ally begged on street corners. At 2.30, we would drive to a local park, praying in unison in the darkness ...After the Members who did not live in the church had gruelling ritual ended, we settled down for a to tithe a minimum of 25 percent of their night’s sleep, a full hour and a half, for we earnings. Those living on church property must soon be up for pledge service Sunday gave everything to Jones, who returned to morning. (Edwards 1979: 161–2) them a two dollar weekly allowance. (Kerns 1979: 159) Success in fund-raising becomes an indicator of the member’s own spiritual condition rather The lifestyle to be found in world-rejecting than of his worldly skills. Fund-raising is movements – despite its deviant appearance interpreted by members less as an economic – is characteristically highly organized and necessity than as a method of spiritual growth controlled. The need to generate adequate (Bromley and Shupe 1979: 123). A Unifica- financial support often imposes severe rigours tion Church member reports that: on members, particularly when combined with an ascetic ethic. Thomas Robbins et al. (1976: Fund-raising was a powerful experience for 115) argue of the Unification Church, for me. I was out on my own and had to make a example, that, ‘Life in a communal center is decision: do I believe in the Divine Principle disciplined and most of the day is devoted to and am I willing to go through this? To me, activities such as “witnessing” on the street, fund-raising was a very spiritual experience in giving and listening to lectures, and attending that it reaffirmed my faith. Every day I had other functions.’ to question what I believed. (Bryant and The rigours of fund-raising in the Unifica- Hodges 1978: 62) tion Church have been described by Christo- pher Edwards, a former member: Daner (1976: 77) asserts that in Krishna I had been flower selling for a week now. At Consciousness too, ‘A devotee must be pre- the end of each afternoon, we would return pared to give his entire self to lead a life of to the van, exhausted. For dinner – if lucky, day to day obedience and service’. Indeed, in we would receive a generous donation of the face of the increasing competition from unusable burgers someone had begged from groups and movements offering forms of the McDonald’s franchise down the road by ‘easy’ enlightenment, ISKCON’S magazine, telling the manager we were poor missionar- Back to Godhead, has laid increasing stress on ies. If we weren’t so lucky, we might dine on the necessity of spiritual discipline (Reis 1975: donated stale doughnuts and cold pizza. 133).

40 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

The disciplined character of the communal The communal lifestyle of the world- life may extend to the use of physical sanctions rejecting movement exhibits a high level of to encourage the achievement of movement diffuse affectivity. Members of such move- requirements. When ‘litnessing’, i.e. the distri- ments kiss each other and hug in greeting, bution of literature in return for donations, was hold hands with other members, or call a major aim of the Children of God, members endearments and offer constant encourage- who failed to reach the quota set for them were, ment. Typically, this highly visible affectivity is at times, sent out again after a day on the streets coupled with a strongly puritan moral code and forbidden to return to the colony (i.e. the which permits it to go no further than public commune) until the quota target in literature display. Or, when sexual relationships are per- distributed, or daily financial quota, was met. mitted, it is normally primarily for the purpose Synanon is a movement that began life as a of reproduction. Married members of the communal drug-rehabilitation programme in Krishna Consciousness movement, for California, which developed a religious self- example, are allowed to engage in sexual inter- conception and philosophy only subsequently. course only at the wife’s most fertile point in It has thus undergone considerable changes the monthly cycle, and even then only after during the course of its development which I extensive ritual preparations. Sexual relation- shall discuss later, but, during its most explic- ships are subordinated to collective rather than itly world-rejecting phase, physical violence private, personal ends, so that, in the Unifica- was occasionally inflicted on deviant members. tion Church and the early Children of God, As the Peoples Temple, too, became more members were willing to have marriage part- world-rejecting over the course of its develop- ners chosen for them even from among com- ment, so physical violence became more plete strangers. In the Unification Church, normal as a means of social control (Kerns moreover, members will normally lead lives of 1979: 157, 185). This was also, of course, the rigorous chastity, often for a number of years case in Manson’s Family. None the less, the before marriage. demand for discipline only rather infrequently Married members of Synanon and the issues in the routine use of violence in new reli- People’s Temple, on the other hand, were gious movements. The reason is not far to seek. prepared to divorce their mates and take These movements are voluntary communities new spouses at their leader’s direction. But living usually in densely populated societies even when, as in the later Children of God, with strong central state authorities. They the movement has become sexually antino- cannot effectively coerce those who can mian, such apparent self-indulgence may make their wish to dissent or abandon mem- in fact itself be largely a matter of service. bership known; they cannot normally hope to The liberal sexuality of the Children of God isolate effectively members who rebel or resist is employed at least in part to win converts authority; nor can they compete with the and to increase the solidarity and commitment means of violence available to the state if they of members, and personal pleasure therefore infringe upon the liberties of members to the remains a secondary consideration to helping degree where they call upon its aid. They must others and serving God. retain their following by persuasion – albeit In this quotation, Moses David stresses the some may see such persuasion as entailing use of sex as a means of ‘saving souls’ and forms of blackmail – or by the instilling of fear serving God: at the prospect of departure. Followers must be given reasons to remain when they cannot Who knows? – When all other avenues of in general be coerced. And since enthusiasm is influence and witnessing are closed to us this normally a prerequisite for the survival and may be our only remaining means of spread- growth of the movement, love, rather than ing the Word and supporting the work, as fear, is much the more frequent means of well as gaining new disciples and workers for persuasion. the Kingdom of God.

41 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

What better way to show them the love of The lack of sexual discrimination among God than to do your best to supply their des- hard-core Family members was not so much perately hungry needs for love, fellowship, gross animalism as it was simply a physical companionship ...affection, a tender loving parallel to the lack of emotional favoritism kiss, a soft warm embrace, the healing touch and attachment that Charlie taught and of your loving hands, the comforting feeling insisted on. As long as we loved one person of your body next to theirs – and yes, even more than the others, we weren’t truly dead sex if need be! (Moses David, ‘King Arthur’s [to self ] and the Family wasn’t one. (Watson nights: chapter one’, 29 April 1976) 1978: 70) Manson’s Family also employed sexuality Even earlier he had indicated that monoga- instrumentally as a means of attracting con- mous marriage was by no means sacrosanct verts (Zamora 1976: 79). Through sexuality in the Children of God, and could not be the Children of God believed they showed permitted to endanger the solidarity of the God’s love, and the Manson Family the love movement: of Charlie (Watson 1978: 68–9). We do not minimize the marriage ties as such. The life of the world-rejecting movement We just consider our ties to the Lord and the tends to require considerable subordination larger Family greater and more important. of individual interest, will, and autonomy in And when the private marriage ties interfere order to maximize collective solidarity with Our Family and God ties, they can be and to eliminate disruptive dissent. Naranjo readily abandoned for the glory of God and (1979: 27) reports from her observations that the good of the Family! ...partiality toward ‘members are expected to learn that Synanon your own wife or husband or children strikes places the explicit needs and demands of the at the very foundation of communal living – community over and above the needs of any against the unity and supremacy of God’s individual’. A common theme in world- Family and its oneness and wholeness. (Moses rejecting movements is that of having been David, ‘One wife’, 28 October 1972) reborn on joining the group. A complete break with past desires, interests, statuses, with any Moses David is quite explicit about the role past identity, is made by dating one’s birth sexual relationships can play in generating sol- from the moment of joining (as, for example, idarity in the Children of God, as in his letter in the Love Israel movement, a small Seattle- reflecting on ‘The real meaning of The Lord’s based, counter-cultural, communal, religious Supper!’ (Moses David, 1 October 1978): group). A new identity will be acquired incor- Boy, there’s a hot one for our Family!: One porating as its central features the beliefs, in the flesh, one body, and one in spirit! . . . norms and values of the collectivity joined. in our Family we are one body, all the way! Typically this nascent identity is signified by Sexually as well, really one Bride of Christ, the convert taking a new name as in the Chil- One Wife, One Body! How much more could dren of God, Love Israel, Krishna Conscious- you be one body than we are, amen? PTL! ness, The Process, and the Manson Family. We’re one all the way! ... The ego or former self must be completely Thank God, in our Family ...we are not only repudiated. The Children of God employ the one in spirit but one in body, both in sex and term ‘forsake all’ to mean not only the process sacrificial service to others. of handing over all worldly possessions to the movement on joining, but also the renuncia- The Manson Family – to take a yet more tion of the past and of all self-interest. Enroth extreme case – also employed sexual promis- reports from some reflections of a COG ‘lit cuity as a means of eliminating the individual shiner’ (i.e. a distributor of the largest number ego and subordinating all individual personal- of MO Letters in her area at a time when ity and goals to those of the collectivity, as for- members were encouraged to maximize their mulated by Charles Manson: output), her aspiration to do even better: ‘I’m

42 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS sure it’s possible to hit 12,000 a week. I know are warned that they may have to die for their it. I have to die more to myself and put more movement or their faith: hours in’ (Enroth 1977: 51, my emphasis). Even the exclusiveness of the marital bond We know that some will suffer and some will must be abandoned for the collective good. As have to die for Thee and Thy Gospel. You Moses David, leader of the Children of God, promised it, Lord, but you said ‘Great is your put it in one of his letters to his disciples: ‘it’s reward in Heaven, for so persecuted they the the last vestige of forsaking all to forsake even prophets which were before you! (MT 5: 12).’ (Moses David, ‘The happy ending’, your husband and wife to share with others’ February 1979) (Moses David, ‘One wife’, 28 October 1972; on sex and marriage in the Children of God, The deindividuation, subordination of self, see Wallis 1979a: ch. 5). Giving up any exclu- and the correlated sense of rebirth, of com- sive claim upon particular others was an plete break with the past are highlighted, in important part of abandoning the self. In the case of the Manson Family, by a recollec- similar vein, Watson recounts the beliefs of the tion of Tex Watson. A prolonged intimate Manson Family: relationship normally results in the partners acquiring substantial background knowledge True freedom means giving up ourselves, of each other, yet Watson observes of the girl letting that [sic] old ego die so we can be free specially assigned to him by Manson that, of the self that keeps us from one another . . . ‘During the months that Mary and I were ‘Cease to exist’, Charlie sang in one of the more or less together, I learned practically songs he’d written. ‘Cease to exist, come say nothing about her past. The past was non- you love me.’ The girls repeated it over and existent for the Family, something to discard over – cease to exist, kill your ego, die – so that along with all the materialistic middle-class once you cease to be, you can be free to programming and the ego that it had built’ totally love, totally come together. (Watson (Watson 1978: 61). 1978: 54) A collective identity may be fostered by various means as Rosabeth Kanter (1972) has Abnegation of personal identity, or self- shown, including a common mode of dress renunciation, to this degree renders more and appearance. This is seen at its clearest in comprehensible the awesome mass suicide of Krishna Consciousness, wherein temple resi- Peoples Temple members in Jonestown, dents wear Indian dress and men shave their Guyana. When the cause and the movement heads but for a topknot. Observers often com- are everything, and the self is nothing, giving mented on the similarity in dress and appear- one’s own life may be a small price for what ance of members of the Unification Church in one has had, or for what may be achieved by its early years of notoriety. To a considerable the gesture. extent this was also true of the Children of When individual identity is so thoroughly God who might not all look precisely alike, tied to a collective identity and subordinated but for whom there was a considerable com- to the will and authority of a leader personi- monality in style. Another expression of this fying that collective identity, and threat to the deindividuation is to be seen in the practice in leader or the community is a threat to the self. the Manson Family of keeping all the clothes Life is far less important than protection of the not in immediate use in one large pile on the leader, defence of the movement’s ideal, or floor (see, for example, Watson 1978: 29). indictment of its enemies. The logical extreme This is echoed in Edwards’s (1979: 97) of ‘forsaking all’ for the common good is not account of induction to the Unification – as Moses David supposes – the abandoning Church: of an exclusive sexual claim upon a spouse, but rather it is the suicidal act. Members of the I left the shower room house, wearing the Unification Church and the Children of God crumpled old clothes I had pulled out of the

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collective laundry hamper ...All our clothes worship, it may lack any developed theology or were thrown together and we dressed on a ethics (in the sense of general, prescriptive prin- first-come, first-serve system, those newest in ciples of human behaviour and intention – the Family choosing the shabbiest clothes to although see Tipton 1982 on est). In compar- show humility and Family leaders picking out ison to the world-rejecting movement, it views the finest as a sign of their status. the prevailing social order less contemptuously, seeing it as possessing many highly desirable Another typical means of fostering and characteristics. Mankind, too, is not so much marking collective identity, so usual as almost reprobate as needlessly restricted, containing to be a defining characteristic of the world- within itself enormous potential power which, rejecting movement, is that of new members until now, only a very few individuals have handing over on joining all belongings (Uni- learned to utilize effectively, and even then nor- fication Church, Children of God, Krishna mally only by withdrawing from the world, and Consciousness, Manson Family, etc.), or major subjecting themselves to the most rigorous assets and income (People’s Temple). Equally disciplines. Silva Mind Control is a training general is the conceptualization of the move- involving techniques of self-hypnosis and ment as a family in which other members are visualization, which is transmitted in 40–48 closer than any physical brothers and sisters, hours and which: and in which the leader occupies the status of father with an appropriate authority over his can train anyone to remember what appears ‘children’. By this means movements as to be forgotten, to control pain, to speed diverse as the Love Family (in Seattle), the healing, to abandon unwanted habits, to Unified Family – a designation employed by spark intuition so that the sixth sense becomes the Unification Church; the Manson Family, a creative, problem-solving part of daily life. and the Family of Love – a later name taken With all this comes a cheerful inner peace, a by the Children of God, have sought to quiet optimism based on first-hand evidence describe the close, emotional bonding and that we are more in control of our lives than corporate loyalty felt by members of the we ever imagined. (Silva and Miele 1977: group. 12–13) Movements such as these, mandated by God through the medium of a messiah, The method – which brings one ‘into direct, prophet or guru to fulfil His demands, tend to working contact with an all-pervading higher be highly authoritarian. The resulting con- intelligence’ (ibid.: 17) – was invented by a straints of the communal life and an authori- Mexican American, Jose Silva, in the 1950s. tarian leadership provide a basis for the claim An advertising leaflet for Silva Mind Control by hostile outsiders that the youthful members avers that: have lost their identity, personality, and even their ‘free will’ in joining. Such claims have In 48 hours you can learn to use your mind formed a major part of the rhetoric of the to do anything you wish ...There is no limit ‘anti-cult’ movement (Shupe, Spielmann and to how far you can go, ...to what you can Stigall, 1977; Wallis 1977) . . . do, because there is no limit to the power of your mind.

The World-Affirming New Religion Transcendental Meditation (TM) involves – as its name makes clear – a meditational tech- The other end of the continuum presents a nique taught to those who are initiated in a sharp contrast. The style of the world- relatively brief ceremony in which the initiator affirming movement lacks most of the features conveys to the new meditator a ‘personal’ traditionally associated with religion. It may mantra, in fact selected according to the new have no ‘church’, no collective ritual of meditator’s age, on which the individual med-

44 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS itates for twenty minutes each morning and est is clearly part of the same domain as its evening. The technique was brought to the more overtly religious counterparts among West by the Maharishi Mahesh Yogi in the late movements of this type. As will be argued sub- 1950s, but achieved celebrity mainly as a result sequently, movements of this type tend to of the Beatles becoming initiated and visiting possess a more secularized and individualized the Maharishi in India in 1968. Although their conception of the divine. Moreover, they offer interest shortly waned, numbers undertaking access to supernatural, magical and spiritual initiation into TM increased dramatically in powers and abilities which legitimize the attri- the late 1960s and 1970s. (For data on the bution to them of the label ‘religious’. Partic- expansion of TM in the USA, see Bainbridge ipants in the est training are not expected to and Jackson 1981.) A pamphlet published submit to any severe preparatory trials or by one of the organizations of Transcendental rigours. They are required merely to observe Meditation announces the super-normal a series of rules during the 60 hours the train- powers to which it provides access: ing involves (normally spread over two week- ends in four approximately 15-hour days). The TM-Siddhis programme ...creates the They may not smoke in the training room, eat ability to function from the level of . . . except at the specified meal break, drink unbounded awareness. Any thought con- alcohol or take any drug (except as medically sciously projected from that unbounded prescribed) during the training period and the awareness will be so powerful, will be so sup- intervening week. The ‘asceticism’ involved in ported by all the laws of nature, that it will be securing enlightenment through est goes no fufilled without problems, without loss of further than being permitted breaks for time. (Mahesh Yogi 1977) smoking or the lavatory only three or four times during each 15–16 hour day; being Movements approximating the world- required to sit in straight-backed chairs during affirming type claim to possess the means to much of the training with the consequent mild enable people to unlock their physical, mental physical discomfort; and being obliged to raise and spiritual potential without the need to one’s hand, be acknowledged, and stand to withdraw from the world, means which are use a microphone before speaking. Persons readily available to virtually everyone who wishing to be initiated into Transcendental learns the technique or principle provided. No Meditation are asked to cease drug use for arduous prior period of preparation is neces- fifteen days beforehand. sary, no ascetic system of taboos enjoined. No Just as no rigorous discipline is normally extensive mortification of the flesh nor force- involved, so, too, no extensive doctrinal com- ful control of the mind. At most, a brief period mitment is entailed, at least not at the outset. of abstention from drugs or alcohol may be There may even be no initial insistence that requested, without any requirement even of the adherent believe the theory or doctrine at continued abstention after the completion of all, as long as he is willing to try the technique a training or therapy period. and see if it works. Examples are readily avail- est (the italicized initial lower-case form is able in Transcendental Meditation and in est: used even at the beginning of a sentence) is the commonly used designation for Erhard Seminar’s Training, an organization which No one is required to declare a belief in TM, provides a 60-hour training, the purpose of in the Maharishi, or even in the possible which is ‘to transform your ability to experi- effects of the technique in order for it to ence living so that the situations you have work. It works in spite of an individual’s been trying to change or have been putting up disbelief or skepticism. (Robbins and Fisher with, clear up just in the process of life itself’. 1972: 7) While it is one of the less transcendental of the Q. Do I have to believe the training will work new world-affirming salvational movements, in order for the training to work?

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A. No. est is not a system of beliefs or tech- within it are normally accepted. They have niques to be learned and practised. Some joined such a movement not to escape or with- people approach the training with enthusi- draw from the world and its values, but to asm, and some with skepticism – and some acquire the means to achieve them more easily with both. Your willingness to be there is all and to experience the world’s benefits more you need. (Questions People Ask About The est fully. Snow (1976: 67) argues that, for most Training, 1977, no pagination) rank and file members, the philosophy of Nichiren Shoshu of America is: Nichiren Shoshu, also known as Soka Gakkai, is a movement of Japanese origin usually interpreted and defined in terms of the which – although formed prior to the Second various things which collectively yield a sense World War – only flourished with the return of personal satisfaction and well-being in of religious liberty to Japan under the postwar one’s everyday life in the immediate here and American administration. From 1951, it now. For most, happiness or value creation is began an aggressive programme of proselyti- thus constituted by the attainment of a zation which led to rapid expansion in Japan semblance of material well-being, family and the conversion of some American service harmony, friends, good health, inner security, men, often married to members of Soka and a sense of meaning, purpose and Gakkai. It was largely as a result of their return direction. to America, bearing their new faith, that it spread to the West (Dator 1969). From inter- In world-affirming movements, the social views, I understand that it was by a similar order is not viewed as entirely and irre- process that the movement was brought to deemably unjust, nor society as having Britain. Soka Gadkai members believe that by departed from God as in the world-rejecting chanting the Lotus Sutra, believed to be the case. The beliefs of these movements are highest and most powerful scripture, and the essentially individualistic. The source of suf- mantra Namu Myoho Renge Kyo (‘Adoration fering, of disability, of unhappiness, lies within be to the Sutra of the Lotus of the Wondrous oneself rather than in the social structure. This Law’), Before the Gohonzon (a copy of a scroll view is stated for TM by Forem (1973: 235), representing the Buddha, the original of but could be duplicated for many movements which was inscribed by Nichiren, the thir- of this type: teenth-century monk, founder of this branch of Buddhism) (White 1970: 30), kept in a When individuals within a society are tense, household shrine, they can attain personal strained and dissatisfied with life, the founda- happiness, economic improvement, and other tion is laid for conflict in its various forms: this-worldly goals as well as spiritual rewards. riots, demonstrations, strikes, individual and Individuals drawn into an initial discussion collective crimes, wars. But a society com- meeting by Nichiren Shoshu proselytizers are posed of happy, creative individuals could not customarily told: give rise to such outbreaks of discord.

These meetings are to get you to experiment Hence, it follows that producing social change with the practice, not to believe in it. The is dependent upon producing individual reason for having you come to this meeting change. The individual must ‘take responsibil- is to get you to try and test the practice. We ity’ for the circumstances around him and for don’t expect you to believe in it right away, transforming them: but we do want you to give it a try. (Snow 1976: 236) While it does not as yet provide them with political power, NSA [Nichiren Shoshu of While followers of such movements may America, the corporate name in America for object to some limited aspects of the present Soka Gakkai] philosophy does teach that social order, the values and goals which prevail responsibility lies with the individual . . .

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rather than despairing or complaining, (World Government News, issue No. 2, individuals are encouraged to think about Nov./Dec. 1978, Jan. 1979: 6) and discuss solutions to the problems they see, chant for them and work in any The ‘Governors’ then educate local leaders in capacity they can, where they are, to bring the virtues of TM and the ‘Siddhi pro- about better societal conditions. (Holtzapple gramme’, and secure their assistance in teach- 1977: 138) ing these in that locale. By such means world peace is ensured. Transcendental Meditation articulates its Similarly the Hunger Project sponsored by version of this theory through the notion of est engages in promotional activities con- the ‘Maharishi Effect’, which refers to the nected with ending starvation in the world, social consequences of the practice of TM and raises money for that purpose. However, by a significant proportion of the population the Hunger Project does not send money (once 10 per cent was aspired to, but, more to feed the starving, nor otherwise directly recently, as the following quotation shows, provide aid to the underdeveloped world, nor the movement has lowered its recruitment even advocate any particular social or eco- expectations): nomic remedy:

The phenomenon known as the Maharishi It is not the purpose of The Hunger Project Effect is the basis of Maharishi’s prediction to feed hungry people ...but rather to speak that every nation will soon become invinci- to the world on behalf of hungry people . . . ble in the growing sunshine of the Age of Your contribution to the Hunger Project Enlightenment. This phenomenon has been goes directly to generate the most important verified in about 1,100 cities around the process on our planet – creating the end of world, where it was found that crime, acci- hunger and starvation as an idea whose time dents, sickness, and other negative trends fell has come. (A shift in the wind [The Hunger sharply, as soon as just one per cent of the Project Newspaper], 4, February 1979: 15) population began the Transcendental Medi- tation technique. The Maharishi Effect on a global scale results in ideal societies every- The Hunger Project exists to convey to the where and invincibility for every nation. world that hunger can be ended within twenty (World Government News No. 8, August years. Its purpose, that is, is to change our 1978: 4) consciousness about the possibility of ending starvation. World hunger is inevitable only Leading Transcendental Meditators, called because we believe it to be inevitable. The ‘Governors of the Age of Enlightenment’, Hunger Project therefore exists ‘to create a have been despatched in large numbers to context of commitment among a critical mass areas of civil crisis. There they in no way par- of people, to create the elimination of death ticipate in relief programmes or in providing due to starvation as “an idea whose time has physical assistance, but rather engage in come’” (Babbie 1978: 16). meditation and the ‘Siddhi programme’ (a This should not be taken to mean that more advanced set of practices which produce world-affirming movements never have gen- magical abilities, such as levitation), and thus: uinely reformist aims. A number of groups within the Human Potential tradition have Without going out of their comfortable hotel aspirations which combine the personal and rooms, the Governors of the Age of Enlight- the political. Human Potential enthusiasts enment enliven the ground state of natural often see a need for action to effect liberation law deep within themselves and produce the at the level of social structure as well as that gentle impulses of coherence which neutral- of personal psychology. Such issues as femi- ize turbulence and disorder in collective con- nism, the ecology, peace, siting of nuclear sciousness ...Violence naturally calms down. power stations or nuclear weapons facilities,

47 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS race, and community action are often part of ages its followers to bring their minds into the agenda of such groups as Re-evaluation states where they produce alpha waves. Its Counselling, which devotes resources to pub- founder argues that ‘when you are working licizing precisely these issues and educating its dynamically in Alpha you are in touch with members and others in their implications. Higher Intelligence . . .’ (Silva and Miele Even a movement such as Scientology has 1977: 37), although Higher Intelligence may undertaken campaigns for the protection of be less than God Himself. For many of these the civil rights of mental patients, although, groups and movements, the self is the only as in so much of the activity of this group, it God there is, or at least the only one that is sometimes difficult to disentangle a disin- matters. One observer of the Human Poten- terested desire for social reform from the tial Movement notes that, rather than ‘God’, pursuit of enhanced power and security for adherents are likely to refer to ‘my ground of Scientology. being, my true nature, the ultimate energy’; However, characteristically in world-affirm- and that, ‘The most common image of God is ing movements, the individual is responsible the notion of cosmic energy as a life force in not only for the environment around him but which all partake’ (Stone 1976: 102). He also for everything he is and does. The individual’s relates the experience of one follower: ‘A psy- nature and behaviour is not viewed as a com- chiatric social worker said she formerly used posite of predispositions, situations, and a psy- terms like God to explain suffering and the chological biography, but simply in terms of source of happiness and love. Subsequent to free choice at the point of performance. est, for the est (Erhard Seminars Training) training, example, even views stories about predisposi- she did not use these terms so often, sensing tions, situations and psychological biographies that she is god in her universe and thus creator as part of the individual’s ‘act’, by means of of what she experiences’ (Stone 1976: 103). which he avoids experiencing what is happen- Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, founder and leader ing to him. The individual is the only one who of Transcendental Meditation and the Spiri- experiences (for him) what is happening to tual Regeneration Movement, makes the same him, and hence he is responsible for (his expe- point, that ‘the inner man is Divine, is fully rience of) life’s vicissitudes for him; even his Divine . . .’ (Mahesh Yogi 1962: 7), although disasters and his illnesses. The individual he may not always know it consciously therefore chooses his (experience of his) (Mahesh Yogi 1962: 14). John-Roger, the circumstances, his illnesses, etc. And as one American founder of the Movement of Spiri- chooses to be and to behave, so one can tual Inner Awareness, associated with the choose to change. Linda Dannenberg (1975: Insight training, announces to his followers 20) observes from a Silva Mind Control that ‘we are the Holy Spirit, we are Gods lecture: ‘You are free to change ...and can in manifestation’ (John-Roger 1976: 18). make anything of yourself that you wish. You According to Ellwood (1974: 107), in will be as happy, sad, beautiful, ugly, rich or Nichiren Shoshu (Soka Gakkai), ‘All the poor, relaxed or nervous as you make up your promises of religion are made to apply to this mind to be.’ world. All divine potential is within man, it is The spiritual dimension in particular is a said, and can be unleashed.’ matter of individual experience and individual These movements, then, share a view of subjective reality rather than social reality or man as inherently perfectible. People possess a even social concern. Moreover, God is not potential far beyond their current level of perceived as a personal deity imposing a set functioning. The key to attaining the level of of ethical prescriptions upon human society. If their potential lies not in modification of the God is referred to at all it is primarily as a social order or the structure of social oppor- diffuse, amorphous and immanent force in the tunity, but in facilitating the transformation of universe, but present most particularly within individuals. Moreover, such a transformation oneself. Mind Dynamics, for example, encour- is believed to be possible on the basis of tech-

48 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS niques and theories which can be rather from his lay psychotherapy Dianetics – pre- quickly transmitted and learned. sented to the public in 1950 – which briefly The world-affirming movements emphasize attained the proportions of a craze in the USA. the present, what Kurt Back (1972) refers to Scientology, although it describes itself as a as the ‘mythology of the here and now’. They church, has only the most rudimentary of reli- are often hostile to intellectualization and gious practices in any conventional sense. So, rational evaluation, seeing these as a defence too, its activities are principally of an individ- against, or barrier to, feeling and experience. ualistic character, with little value placed upon Understanding, Werner Erhard observes of collective or communal enterprise. Its central the est training and of life in general, ‘is the activity, ‘auditing’, is undertaken between an booby prize’. The world-affirming movement ‘auditor’ and ‘pre-clear’ on a one-to-one basis, offers immediate and automatic benefits of a or even by the pre-clear auditing himself; and concrete kind through the practice of some even training in the theory and practice of Sci- formula or recipe: chanting ‘Namu Myoho, entology is organized in such a fashion as to Renge Kyo’ (Soka Gakkai); fifteen minutes’ enable the student to pursue his course quite meditation on a mantra morning and evening alone. Moreover, involvement in Scientology, (TM): or merely by ‘keeping your soles in the too, is oriented primarily to the pursuit of room and taking what you get’(est). Holtzap- individual goals of success, greater power ple summarizes these characteristics in the case and ability and personal spiritual attainment of Nichiren Shoshu of America (Soka Gakkai): (Wallis 1976). Such developments in therapy and spiritual search have been characterized as The emphasis within NSA is on practice, i.e. a ‘new narcissism’ (Marin 1975; see also Tom ‘doing’, ‘acting’, not theorizing. The ‘bene- Wolfe’s amusing essay deflating many of the fits’ which can be achieved are not just in the pretensions of such movements as est in Wolfe future. They are here and now, because any 1977). goal can be accomplished through the uni- It follows that the world-affirming move- versal mystic law of cause and effect. The right ment rejects the dualism of the world- attitude and right effort automatically lead to rejecting movement, with its concrete con- the right effect. (Holtzapple 1977: 139) ception of the transcendental realm and of the coming transformation of the earth in a phys- It follows from this ethos of individual self- ically tangible millennium. Indeed, it rejects realization that collective activities have little the materialist assumptions upon which such or no sacred quality and indeed are likely to a view is predicated. Its philosophy is idealist have only a small place in the enterprise unless to the degree that perfection is merely the it is particularly centred upon some group- result of realizing that everything is already based or interpersonal technique, such as perfect. John Weldon quotes Werner Erhard encounter groups; and even here the group from an est seminar, expressing a sentiment is of importance only as a means to self- which, with minor modification, could be liberation. est, for example, is presented to 250 found in many other cases: trainees at a time yet requires minimal inter- personal contact, and indeed develops a thor- Life is always perfect just the way it is. When oughly subjective idealist theory of knowledge you realize that, then no matter how strongly and of the world. So subjective is its episte- it may appear to be otherwise, you know that mology that it appears at times to verge on whatever is happening right now will turn out solipsism. Its ontology, as noted above, rests all right. Knowing this, you are in a position on the claim that ‘You’re god in your universe. to begin mastering life. (Weldon, n.d.: 5) You caused it’ (Erhard 1973: n.p.). Scientol- ogy, one of the most notorious of the Three themes can be identified which seem, world-affirming new religious movements, albeit in varying degrees, to be central to was developed by L. Ron Hubbard in America the beliefs and ethos of the world-affirming

49 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS movement. Although these can be distin- Problem No. guished analytically, they none the less some- (a) Loneliness 8 times co-occur empirically, perhaps as major (b) Financial 4 and minor themes within the same movement. (c) Marital 5 There is first the theme of coping with the (d) Other interpersonal relationships 14 demands made upon us to succeed in modern (e) Psychological 15 capitalist societies, of coping with the dilem- (f) Physical illness 11 mas of individual achievement. Underlying (Adapted from Wallis 1976: 170) much of the rhetoric of ‘awareness’ and ‘real- izing potential’ is the theme of personal Re-evaluation Counseling was founded in success in securing the valued goals of this the early 1950s by Harvey Jackins, a one-time world: improved income and personal rela- associate of L. Ron Hubbard. Re-evaluation tionships, greater confidence and self-esteem, Counseling appears to lean heavily upon Dia- enhanced ability to cope with life’s vicissitudes netic theory and to develop central features of (Wallis 1979b). Intelligence will be increased, its practice, notably co-auditing – or, as it is social capabilities immeasurably improved, called in Re-evaluation Counseling, ‘co- psychosomatic illnesses and psychological dis- counseling’ – by lay peers. A member of Re- abilities eliminated. The Inner Peace Move- evaluation Counseling, interviewed by the ment, founded in 1964 by Francisco Coll, author, presents this achievement theme in provides methods for spiritual and psycholog- somewhat lower key: ical growth through the medium of a pyramid sales corporation which encourages recruits to People who come into Counseling are func- move into leadership roles marketing the tioning quite well, but they know they could movement’s product of spiritual growth and be functioning better. They know they’re just inner peace (Scott 1980: 24). Scott argues that not achieving their potential; they’re not ‘Success and its achievement ...are empha- doing things as well as they could do; they’re sized repeatedly in IPM programs and songs’ not behaving to other people as well as they (1980: 73). could. Things aren’t just quite right. But to all external intents and purposes, they’re To achieve success, the IPMer is encouraged doing very well. to develop certain personality attributes, such as being positive, enthusiastic, hard working, In some movements this theme of coping assertive, dynamic, motivated, committed, with the expectations of individual happiness confident and organized . . . Given these and achievement prevailing in the Western success concerns, many IPM classes center world appears in the form of its converse, i.e. around success, such as an ALC [American the dominant theme is one of the reduction Leadership College] class entitled ‘Success, of expectations from life to a realistic level. Goals, and Motivation’. Many techniques are This has its clearest embodiment in est which designed to show participants what they need encourages participants to make the most of to do to obtain success ...(Scott 1980: their present experience, to live for the present 74–5) rather than future aims or past aspirations. est assures its adherents that ‘This is all there is’, A small sample of Scientologists completed a and they might as well enjoy it rather than questionnaire in Wallis’s (1976) study, which constantly compare their present condition included a question asking them what kinds of unfavourably with some other, non-existent problems they hoped Scientology would solve state of affairs. Even if they did achieve the for them. Twenty-five of the twenty-nine who new job, wife, home, image they want – est answered this question indicated a wide range informs them with considerable, if mortifying, of problems to which they had been seeking realism – they would only be happy with it for solutions (they could indicate more than one): a couple of days before they began to feel as

50 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS dissatisfied with that as they are with what they Arica provides practices, exercises, ritual and a have now. Werner Erhard assures his followers conceptual system which will enable the indi- that ‘Happiness is a function of accepting what vidual to transcend mere ‘ego consciousness’, is’. Moreover, ‘Life is a rip off when you and thus to recover some of his capabilities expect to get what you want. Life works from before the fall. Bernard Gunther, author when you choose what you get’ (Erhard of two best-selling books on the topic of sen- 1973: n.p.). sitivity training and a major teacher in the A second theme, clearly closely related to Human Potential Movement, has commented the desire to achieve one’s full potential, is that on his own approach as follows: of coping with our sense of constraint, of facil- itating the desire for liberation from social I guess largely I feel that most people in our inhibitions, of breaking free from the bonds of culture tend to carry around a lot of chronic social roles to reach the ‘real’ person beneath. tension, and that they tend to respond largely The individual will be released from conven- on the basis of habit behavior ...what I call tional ritual; from habitual modes of speech or sensory awakening is a method to get people interaction; from inhibitions acquired in child- to . . . let go their tension and focus their hood; from repressions of instinctual life; or awareness on various parts of the body. And from a learned reserve. He will thereby be of experiencing the moment, experiencing enabled to ‘get in touch with’ his feelings, his what it is they are actually doing, as opposed to any kind of concept or conditioned kind of emotions; and encouraged to express the habit behavior (Back 1972: 81). ‘authentic’ self beneath the social facade; to celebrate spontaneity, sensual pleasure and the In his book, The Human Side of Human indulgence of natural impulse. Beings, Harvey Jackins provides an illustration The shifting congeries of groups, organiza- of the interrelated themes of a desire to tions and activities which form the Human achieve one’s full capacity, held to be vastly Potential Movement take this to be a funda- greater than is manifested at present, and a mental assumption. Human beings possess belief that this achievement is to be gained vast potential by way of ability, awareness, through liberation from those constraints creativity, empathy, emotional expressiveness, upon our powers which society has imposed capacity for experience and enjoyment, and upon us. Reminiscent of early Dianetics, the like. The pristine human being possesses Jackins (1978: 19–20) argues that, these characteristics and qualities, but is believed to lose or to repress them as a result of the impact of society and the constraining if any of us could preserve in operating condi- structures it imposes upon the individual. tion a very large part of the flexible intelligence Oscar Ichazo, founder of Arica, a gnostic that each of us possesses inherently, the one school drawing much upon Gurdjieff, but who did so would be accurately described as an ‘all round genius’ by the current standards eclectic in its synthesis of concepts and prac- of our culture. This is not, of course, the tices, has said that: impression that most of us have been condi- tioned to accept. We have heard, from our ear- A person retains the purity of essence for a liest age, that ‘Some have it and some don’t, short time. It is lost between four and six Where were you when the brains were passed years of age when the child begins to imitate out?’. ‘Don’t feel bad, the world needs good his parents, tell lies and pretend. A contradic- dishwashers, too’, and similar gems. These tion develops between the inner feelings impressions and this conditioning, however, of the child and the social reality to which seem to be profoundly wrong. Each of us who he must conform. Ego consciousness is the escaped physical damage to our forebrain limited mode of awareness that develops as a began with far more capacity to function intel- result of the fall into society. (Interview with ligently than the best operating adult in our Sam Keen see Keen 1973) culture is presently able to exhibit.

51 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

Successful adults, Jackins calculates, are oper- open themselves to relationships which have ating on only about 10 per cent of their ‘orig- hitherto seemed threatening. The activities of inal resources of intelligence, ability to enjoy these movements may provide opportunities life and ability to enjoy other people’ (Jackins wherein with barriers lowered, participants 1978: 59). Re-evaluation Counseling offers a may find it possible to make contact with method which will enable its practitioners to others without elaborate and socially sophisti- recover this enormous inherent capacity. cated preliminaries, and indeed without any Arianna Stassinopoulos, a recruit to Insight, necessary long-term commitment or enduring an American self-realization movement which responsibilities. Kurt Back (1972: 33) has she subsequently introduced to Britain, repre- argued, for example, that ‘Encounter groups sented particularly sharply the theme of liber- have become a respectable “lonely hearts ation at a public presentation in London in club” for newcomers or those without roots 1979, when she announced that the purpose in a community.’ of Insight could be summarized as ‘getting Many ‘graduates’ of the est training under- free’. It offered, she said, freedom from the take voluntary work for the movement and melodrama which goes on in many of our Adelaide Bry (1976: 76), a sympathetic com- heads most of the time, the fear, anxiety, guilt mentator, describes how intimacy forms and recrimination; the burden of the past at least one reward of such continued which continues to dominate our present participation: responses, and produces exaggerated or inap- propriate reactions to current circumstances. Working at est means instant friends, confi- Freedom from ‘self-limiting images and dants, and people who sincerely are interested beliefs’ which make us feel we are not terribly in one another ...Someone would burst into worthwhile; which sabotage us at points of tears and immediately find both a sympathetic crisis, by making us feel we simply cannot ear and assistance in getting whatever the do whatever the situation requires. But also, tears related to. The problems shared were from contrary images of ourselves as perfect, intimate ones – a bad trip with parents, a leading to self-judgment, guilt and a burden lover, a boss. Nothing seemed too private, too of blame. It offered freedom from the sense of embarrassing, too crazy to [have to] hide. oneself as victim, as the passive recipient of life’s circumstances. Thus, like est on which As the world-affirming movement does not it is substantially based, the Insight training reject the world and its organization, it will purveys the view that we are ‘totally responsi- quite happily model itself upon those aspects of ble for our lives’. Finally, the training offers, the world which are useful to the movement’s it was claimed, freedom from the limitations purpose. The salvational commodity includes a imposed by a rationalistic and cerebral culture; set of ideas, skills and techniques which can be realization that the heart is equally an ‘energy marketed like any other commodity since no centre’, and thus the opportunity to celebrate sense of the sacred renders such marketing one’s emotional nature. practice inappropriate (as it might, for example A third theme is that of coping with the per- in, say, the idea of marketing the Mass, or Holy vasive loneliness of life in modern society. The Communion). The logic of the market is desire for liberation, therefore, readily shades wholly compatible with the ethos of such over into that of attaining a sense of intimacy, movements. Thus the salvational product will of instant if highly attenuated community. In be tailored for mass-production, standardizing a safe, secure environment – or at least one content, instructional method, and price, dis- sufficiently separated from the normal world tributing it through a bureaucratic apparatus and normal routine so that rebuff or failure which establishes or leases agencies, just as in can be effectively isolated from everyday the distribution of Kentucky Fried Chicken or reality – individuals seek not only to discover Ford motor cars. Scientology, for example, pos- themselves, but to make contact with others, to sesses a substantial bureaucratic structure

52 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS which invests a great deal in the collection of thereafter, a total of probably no more than statistics, maintenance of records and the 12–15 hours. Encounter and other forms of implementation of a considerable body of human potential training are usually pro- rules. Professional practitioners may operate as grammed to take place over a maximum of a employees of the central organizations of the fortnight at a time, in the evenings. Although movement, as ‘Field Auditors’, i.e. relatively clients may sometimes subtly be encouraged independent practitioners teaching and audit- to engage in further participation, full-time ing the lower levels of Scientology, or they involvement and complete commitment are might establish ‘franchises’, expected to send a not normally required. Membership is a proportion of their receipts to the central orga- leisure activity, one of the multiple role-differ- nization in return for assistance, preferential entiated pursuits of the urban dweller. His discounts and other concessions (Wallis 1976: involvement will be partial and segmentary 127–56). rather than total. The Inner Peace Movement is organized Such movements tend to employ quite on the model of the modern multinational normal, commercial means for generating corporation. Like Scientology, it possesses an income. Their followers are mostly in ortho- elaborate fee structure, offering introductory dox employment, and the movement simply courses as ‘loss-leaders’ at rates as low as $1.00 sells them a service or commodity for an estab- per hour, but moving up to as much as $600 lished price plus local taxes, sometimes even for advanced courses. Like Scientology too, it with facilities for time-payment or discounts employs modern methods of marketing: for cash! Only for the staff of full-time pro- fessionals employed by the organization will Besides soliciting business from those already life normally approximate to any degree the committed, the group makes a major effort to ‘total institution’ setting of the contemporary recruit newcomers through newspaper, TV world-rejecting religions. and radio promotions ...This kind of hard- It is evident, then, that in the context of a driving promotional push draws heavily from Christian culture, the world-rejecting move- the corporate business model and system- ment appears much more conventionally reli- atizes the selling of spiritual growth. (Scott gious than the world-affirming movement. 1980: 38) Christianity has tended to exhibit a tension between the church and the world, based in The methods of mass instruction employed part on the institutional differentiation of in universities or mail-order colleges are drawn Christianity from society, which leads us to upon for pedagogic technique by world- expect religious institutions to be distinct in affirming movements. The outlets are situated form. This differentiation is much less evident in large cities where the market exists, rather in Hindu and Buddhist culture, where, too, than reflecting an aspiration for a return to the the more immanent conception of God, the rural idyll. And, as with the sale of any com- idea of each individual as a ‘divine spark’, and mercial service or commodity, the normal that of the existence of hidden wisdom which round of life of the customer is interfered with will lead to salvation, are also familiar. Many as little as possible. Courses of instruction or of the world-affirming movements have been practice are offered at weekends or in the to some extent influenced by Hindu and evenings, or during periods of vacation. est Buddhist idealist philosophies. But they have offers its basic training over two consecutive also drawn substantially upon developments weekends, albeit at the rate of 15–16 hours in modern science and psychology for their for each of the four days. TM is transmitted beliefs and practices – or at least for the on the basis of an initial lecture, a talk with rhetoric of their presentation – and, market- the initiator explaining it in more detail, an ing a soteriological commodity in quite highly initiation an practice session lasting perhaps a secularized surroundings, the tendency has couple of hours, and brief checking sessions been to emphasize the scientific character of

53 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS their ideas and techniques, and to suppress passed.) TM has even unsuccessfully fought a the more overtly religious aspects, although an legal action to defend itself from being attitude of pragmatism has informed their declared a religion in New Jersey, since this practice in this regard. Transcendental Medi- would inhibit its presentation in public tation, for example, was first presented in the schools. Scientology, on the other hand, was West in much more explicitly religious terms made more explicitly religious when it seemed than it is today (see, for example, Mahesh this would be a useful public-relations device Yogi 1962), the religious rhetoric being in the face of government hostility an inter- dropped largely on marketing grounds. vention (Wallis 1976; see also the case of Robert McCutchan (1977: 146) makes the Synanon discussed later). observation that: The world-affirming movements could per- haps be conveniently called ‘quasi-religious’ in Publications dating from the late fifties are recognition of the fact that, although they overtly religious and spiritual ...Other early pursue transcendental goals by largely meta- publications such as Love and God, Commen- physical means, they lay little or no stress on tary on the Bhagavad-Gita, The Science of the idea of God or transcendent spiritual enti- Being and Art of Living, are overtly Hindu ties, nor do they normally engage in worship and religious. After about 1970, however, (Soka Gakkai is an exception here, since for the movement focused entirely (at least in this movement worship at the sacred shrine of terms of its public face) on the scientific ver- the Gohonzon is a very significant element of ification of psychological, physical, and social its practice). As Donald Stone notes, these benefits of TM. None of the more recent movements tend to prefer the term ‘spiritual’ publications even mentioned God, much less Hindu cosmology. Simply, one could say that to ‘religious’ as a self-description. They strad- the Hindu cosmology remained, but dle a vague boundary between religion and expressed in more ‘sanitized’ language. God psychology, and which side they are held to became cosmic creative intelligence; atman fall upon will depend entirely on the nature of became the pure field of creative intelligence the definition of religion employed. within; karma became the law of action and reaction; Brahman became the ground state of physics. The World-Accommodating New Religion Scott (1978: 217) presents evidence of the rationale behind this shift. He reports a The world-accommodating new religion conversation between Professor Robert Bellah draws a distinction between the spiritual and and an official of the Maharishi International the worldly in a way quite uncharacteristic of University in which the latter replied to Dr the other two types. Religion is not construed Bellah’s inquiry concerning why TM denied as a primarily social matter; rather it provides its religious nature, by stating that this was solace or stimulation to personal, interior life. for ‘public relations reasons’. He also reports Although it may reinvigorate the individual for a public lecture by Charles Lutes, a leading life in the world, it has relatively few impli- figure in TM, in which Lutes declared: ‘The cations for how that life should be lived, popularization of the movement in non- except that it should be lived in a more spiritual terms was strictly for the purpose of religiously inspired fashion. Any consequences gaining the attention of people who wouldn’t for society will be largely unintended rather have paid the movement much mind if it had than designed. While it may strengthen the been put in spiritual terms.’ (See also Spiritual individual for secular affairs and heighten his Counterfeits Project, 1976, for a report of the enjoyment of life, these are not the justifica- affidavit from which this evidence derives. See tions for its practice. The benefits it offers also Woodrum, 1977, for an analysis of the are not of the thorough-going instru- phases through which the TM movement has mental variety to be found in world-affirming

54 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS movements. Michael Harper, a leader in form of practice in worship or ritual will char- Charismatic Renewal, has said that: acteristically be collective. At a conscious level at least, the innovatory Its main strength, and for many its attractive- religious movement with a world-accommo- ness, lies in its spontaneity, and in the fact that dating orientation will be seen not so much as it is so far comparatively unstructured. It is a protest against the world or society, but as not basically a protest movement, but a a protest against prevailing religious institu- positive affirmation of faith in God and His tions, or their loss of vitality. These are seen to power to change people and institutions. It is have abandoned a living spirituality, to have a new style of Christian life. (Quoted in eschewed experience for an empty formalism. Quebedeaux 1976: 71) The new movement restores an experiential element to the spiritual life and thereby Neo-Pentecostalism, or the Charismatic replaces lost certainties in a world where reli- Renewal Movement, comprises a wide range gious institutions have become increasingly of bodies, organizations and groups both relativized. The membership of such move- within and beyond the major denominations ments is drawn from the ‘religiously musical’ (including the Catholic Church), which have middle and ‘respectable’ working classes, flourished since the early 1960s. They typically firmly integrated into the prevailing social consist of individuals who, although commit- order, who are not entirely unhappy with it, ted Christians before joining the Renewal but who seek none the less some experiential Movement, felt something to be lacking in reassurance of their general spiritual values. their spiritual loves, particularly an active ex- Movements approximating this type are likely perience of God’s power working within them to draw their associational forms from tra- and within the church. Involvement in the ditional social models of churches or other Renewal Movement was often motivated by religious voluntary associations. Religious the desire for experience of the power of the activities will tend to be regular and frequent Holy Spirit, the most obvious and characteris- but none the less leisure-time commitments. tic sign of which was normally glossolalia, the As I indicated earlier, all actual cases are ‘gift of tongues’. It would also be accompa- likely to be mixed in some degree, but the nied by enthusiastic participation in worship – Charismatic Renewal or Neo-Pentecostal other religious activities of a less formally Movement embodies this orientation to a structured and more fully participatory kind significant extent. Meredith McGuire (1975), than the normal religious services – which they for example, argues of the former that: would often also continue to attend, perhaps even more zealously than before. Fichter, pentecostal Catholics can be considered a speaking of the Catholic Pentecostal move- cognitive minority relative to the rest of ment on the issue of its social consequences, American society in general because of their argues that: insistence on a religion which over-arches all spheres of everyday life. With the rest of The goal of the renewal movement is personal society, hoverer, the pentecostal Catholics spiritual reform not organized social reform, tend to accept most of the prevailing social but this does not imply the absence of social and political system, but interpret it within concern. The movement’s basic conviction is their religious framework. Nevertheless, the that a better society can emerge only when pentecostal belief system, with its emphasis people have become better, yet it would be upon interior spiritual concerns, has an inher- completely erroneous to interpret this as an ent bias toward accepting the status quo in individualistic and self-centred attitude. ‘worldly’ affairs. (Fichter 1975: 144) Fichter’s survey of American Catholic Nevertheless, while its beliefs and the benefits Pentecostals showed them to be predomi- of practice are personalistically oriented, the nantly strongly attached to the church before

55 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS becoming charismatics and for the most part political and environmental changes, albeit by even more so afterwards. Eight out of ten magical means. But the world is ameliorable. affirmed the Pope to be the infallible Vicar of Its ills can be remedied if treated in time, and Christ (Fichter 1975: 25); 76 per cent thus the followers of the Aetherius Society do reported that they attended mass, and 77 per not cut themselves off from the world around cent that they received Holy Communion them. Their response to the world is one of more than before joining the Charismatic accommodation, while they pursue their Renewal (ibid.: 30). Fichter argues that the mission of striving to save it from its self- movement originated in the middle classes and inflicted fate. that there has been a gradual spread down into An interesting contrast is formed by the the working classes. His sample showed the Western supporters of the Japanese move- following distribution (ibid.: 49) ment, Soka Gakkai, called in America Nichiren Shoshu of America (NSA), and in Britain % Nichiren Shoshu of the United Kingdom Professional–Managerial 40.5 (NSUK). In this movement, transition to White collar 29.4 Western, particularly American, culture has led Blue collar 30.1 to substantial changes in style which render it an apparently stable combination of world- Bradfield (1975: 98) found 65 per cent of accommodating and world-affirming types. his sample of members of the Protestant While its main message is one of individual Neo-Pentecostal Full Gospel Businessmen’s self-improvement through the chanting of the Fellowship to be in professional–managerial movement’s mantra, it began during the late occupations (on Catholic charismatics, see also 1960s to recruit larger numbers of American Hammond 1975). followers and to undergo considerable adap- Such movements need not be of Christian tation as a result. The early membership of the origin. Subud, for example – a Muslim mystic movement in the USA was among Japanese- movement introduced to the West by an Americans, many of whom were GI brides, Indonesian, Pak Subuh – seems to fit this cat- and in some cases their converted husbands. egory. A slightly greater admixture of world- Proselytization was predominantly among the rejection produces a group like the Aetherius Japanese community. During the late 1960s, Society (Wallis 1974). The Aetherius Society the movement attracted a large number of is a movement founded by a Londoner, Caucasian Americans, mostly single, under George King, in the mid-1950s, on the basis thirty, and often students or lower white-collar of an eclectic synthesis of ideas drawing heavily workers (Snow 1976: 133–4). upon the Theosophical tradition but modified In the course of this revolution in its social to the degree that the Masters were now to be composition, the movement sought self- found not in the Himalayas, but in space craft. consciously to accommodate to American Members engage in rituals designed to trans- society and to ingratiate itself with Americans. mit energies for the good of humanity, and The Japanese-born president of the movement undertake – at set times of the week and in in America became a United States citizen, special pilgrimages and ceremonials – a cosmic and changed his name to George Williams. battle against the forces of evil. The rest of Members are encouraged to dress in a their time, they, by and large, conduct them- respectable middle-class fashion. English is selves conventionally as accountants, shop- now used, rather than Japanese as formerly, at keepers, housewives, and the like (Wallis meetings. The American flag is prominently 1974). This movement is world-rejecting to displayed in movement buildings. NSA partic- the extent that it advances a critique of con- ipated actively in the American bicentennial temporary greed and materialism which have celebrations. Thus, by every possible means, it led to violence and ecological despoliation, seeks to foster ‘the impression that its values, and mobilizes its efforts to produce social, aims, and conduct are in conformity with, or

56 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS at least not incongruent with certain values, fly He would have given him wings.’ No pub- traditions, and normative standards within its lisher given. community or society of operation’ (Snow Fichter, Joseph H. 1975: The Catholic Cult of the 1976: 190). Paraclete. New York: Sheed and Ward. Forem, Jack 1973: Transcendental Meditation: Maharishi Mahesh Yogi and the Science of Creative Intelligence. New York: Dutton. References Hammond, Judith Anne 1975: ‘A Sociological Study of the Characteristics and Attitudes of Babbie, Earl 1978: ‘Unseating the Horseman: Southern Charismatic Catholics.’ Ph.D. disserta- World Hunger.’ Downtown Magazine (Novem- tion, Florida State University. ber), Honolulu. Holtzapple, Vicki Rea 1977: ‘Soka Gakkai in Back, Kurt W. 1972: Beyond Words: The Story of Midwestern America: A Case Study of a Trans- Sensitivity Training and the Encounter Movement. positional Movement.’ Ph.D. dissertation, Wash- New York: Russell Sage Foundation. ington University (St. Louis). Bainbridge, William Sims and Daniel H. Jackson Jackins, Harvey 1978: The Human Side of Human 1981: ‘The Rise and Decline of Transcendental Beings: The Theory of Re-evaluation Counselling. Meditation.’ Pp. 135–58 in Bryan Wilson, ed., Seattle, WA: Rational Island Publishers. The Social Impact of New Religious Movements. John-Roger 1976: The Christ Within. New York: New York: Rose of Sharon Press. Baraka Press. Bradfield, Cecil D. 1975: ‘An Investigation of Neo- Judah, J. Stillson 1974: Hare Krishna and the Pentecostalism.’ Ph.D. dissertation, American Counterculture. New York: Wiley. University. Kanter, Rosabeth Moss 1972: Commitment and Bromley, David G. and Anson D. Shupe, Jr. 1979: Community: Communes and Utopias in Sociolog- ‘Moonies’ in America: Cult, Church, and Crusade. ical Perspective. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Uni- Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. versity Press. Bry, Adelaide 1976: est: 60 Hours that Transform Keen, Sam 1973: ‘Arica.’ Psychology Today (July). Your Life. New York: Harper and Row. Kerns, Phil (with Doug Wead) 1979: People’s Bryant, M. Darroll and Susan Hodges 1978: Temple, People’s Tomb. Plainfield, NJ: Logos Exploring Unification Theology. New York: Rose International. of Sharon Press. Mahesh Yogi, Maharishi 1962: The Divine Plan: Bugliosi, Vincent (with Curt Gentry) 1977: Helter Enjoy Your Own Inner Divine Nature. Los Skelter: The Manson Murders. Harmondsworth: Angeles: SRM Foundation. Penguin. —— 1977: Celebrating Invincibility to Every Daner, Francine Jeanne 1976: The American Chil- Nation. Pamphlet, Oct. 21, Geneva: MERU dren of Krsna: A Study of the Hare Krsna Move- Press. ment. New York: Holt, Rhinehart and Winston. Marin, Peter 1975: ‘The New Narcissism: The Dannenberg, Linda 1975: ‘Tuning in to Mind Trouble with the Human Potential Movement.’ Control.’ Family Circle (August). Harpers 25, 1505: 45–56. Dator, James Allen 1969: Soka Gakkai: Builders McCutchan, Robert 1977: ‘The Social and the of the Third Civilization. Seattle: University of Celestial: Mary Douglas and Transcendental Washington Press. Meditation.’ The Princeton Journal of Arts and Edwards, Christopher 1979: Crazy for God: The Sciences 1: 130–63. Nightmare of Cult Life. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: McGuire, Meredith 1975: ‘Toward a Sociological Prentice-Hall. Interpretation of the Catholic Pentecostal Move- Ellwood, Robert S. 1973: One Way: The Jesus Move- ment.’ Review of Religious Research 16: 94–104. ment and Its Meaning. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Naranjo, Betty Ann 1979: ‘Biobehavioral Belong- Prentice-Hall. ing: The Reorganization of Behavior and the Ellwood, Roberts. 1974: Religious and Spiritual Reconstruction of Social Reality During Rites of Groups in Modern America. Engelwood cliffs, NJ: Passage at Synanon.’ Ph.D. dissertation, Univer- Prentice-Hall. sity of California, Irvine. Enroth, Ronald 1977: Youth, Brainwashing Quebedeaux, Richard 1976: The New Charismatics. and the Extremist Cults. Grand Rapids, MI: Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Zondervan. Reis, John P. 1975: ‘ “God is not dead, he has Erhard, Werner 1973: ‘If God had meant man to simply changed his clothes . . .”; A Study of the

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International Society for Krsna Consciousness.’ Wallis, Roy 1974: ‘The Aetherius Society: A Case Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Study in the Formation of a Mystagogic Congre- Madison. gation.’ Sociological Review 22: 27–44. Robbins, Jhan and David Fisher 1972: Tranquillity —— 1976 The Road to Total Freedom: A Sociologi- without Pills. New York: Peter H. Wyden. cal Analysis of Scientology. London: Heinemann. Robbins, Thomas, Dick Anthony, Thomas Curtis —— 1977 ‘Salvation from Salvation.’ The Zetetic 1: and Madalyn Doucas 1976: ‘The Last Civil Reli- 67–71. gion: The Unification Church of Reverend Sun —— 1979a Salvation and Protest: Studies of Social Myung Moon.’ Sociological Analysis 37: 111–25. and Religious Movements. New York: St. Martin’s Scott, Gina Graham 1980: Cult and Countercult: A Press. Study of a Spiritual Growth Group and a Witch- —— 1979b ‘Varieties of Psychosalvation.’ New craft Order. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Society 50: 649–51. Scott, R. D. 1978: Transcendental Misconceptions. Watson, Tex 1978: Will You Die For Me? Old San Diego, CA: Beta Books. Tappan, NJ: Revell. Shupe, Anson D., Roger Spielmann and Sam Stigall Weldon, John n.d.: The Frightening World of est 1977: ‘Deprogramming: the New Exorcism.’ (pamphlet). Berkeley, CA: The Spiritual Coun- American Behavioral Scientist 20: 941–56. terfeits Project. Silva, Jose and Philip Miele 1977: The Silva Mind White, James W. 1970: The Sokagakkai and Mass Control Method. New York: Pocket Books. Society. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Snow, David Alan 1976: ‘The Nichiren Shoshu Whitworth, John McKeivie 1975: ‘Communitarian Buddhist Movement in America: A Sociological Groups and the World.’ Pp. 117–37 in Roy Examination of its Value Orientation, Recruit- Wallis, ed., Sectarianism: Analyses of Religious ment Efforts and Spread.’ Ph.D. dissertation, and Non-religious Sects. London: Peter Owen. University of California, Los Angeles. Wolfe, Tom 1977: ‘The Me Decade and the Third Stone, Donald 1976: ‘The Human Potential Move- Great Awakening.’ Pp. 111–47 in Tom Wolfe, ment.’ Pp. 93–115 in Charles Glock and Robert Mauve Gloves and Madmen, Clutter and Vine. Bellah, eds, The New Religious Consciousness. London: Bantam. Berkeley: University of California Press. Woodrum, Eric 1977: ‘The Development of the Tipton, Steven M. 1982: ‘The Moral Logic of Transcendental Meditation Movement.’ The Alternative Religions.’ Pp. 79–107 in Mary Zetetic 1: 38–48. Douglas and Steven M. Tipton, eds, Religion and Zamora, William 1976: Bloody Family. New York: America. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Kensington.

58 CHAPTER FOUR

Cult Formation: Three Compatible Models

WILLIAM SIMS BAINBRIDGE AND RODNEY STARK

The origins of the great world faiths are to make their views social – to convince other shrouded by time, but cult formation remains persons to share their convictions. We con- available for close inspection. If we would ceptualize successful cult innovation as a social understand how religions begin, it is the process in which innovators both invent new obscure and exotic world of cults that religious ideas and transmit them to other demands our attention. This essay attempts to persons in exchange for rewards. synthesize the mass of ethnographic materials available on cult formation [arguing that] . . . three fundamental models of how novel reli- Religions as Exchange Systems gious ideas are generated and made social can be seen dimly . . . Human action is governed by the pursuit of The three models of cult formation, or reli- rewards and the avoidance of costs. Rewards, gious innovation, are (a) the psychopathology those things humans will expend costs to model, (b) the entrepreneur model, and (c) obtain, often can be gained only from other the subculture-evolution model. While the humans, so people are forced into exchange first has been presented in some detail by relations. However, many rewards are very other social scientists, the second and third scarce and can only be possessed by some, not have not previously been delineated as formal all. Some rewards appear to be so scarce that models. they cannot be shown to exist at all. For Cult formation is a two-step process of example, people act as if eternal life were a innovation. First, new religious ideas must be reward of immense value. But there is no invented. Second, social acceptance of these empirical evidence that such a reward can be ideas must be gained, at least to the extent that gained at any price . . . a small group of people comes to accept them. Faced with rewards that are very scarce, or Therefore, our first need is to explain how and not available at all, humans create and why individuals invent or discover new reli- exchange compensators – sets of beliefs and gious ideas. It is important to recognize, prescriptions for action that substitute for the however, that many (perhaps most) persons immediate achievement of the desired reward. who hit upon new religious ideas do not found Compensators postulate the attainment of the new religions. So long as only one person desired reward in the distant future or in some holds a religious idea, no true religion exists. other unverifiable context. Compensators are Therefore, we also need to understand the treated by humans as if they were rewards. process by which religious inventors are able They have the character of IOUs, the value of

59 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS which must be taken on faith. Promises that imported cults but in those novel cult move- the poor will be rich following the revolution ments that are innovative alternatives to the or that the mortal will be immortal in another traditional systems of religious compensators world are such compensators. that are normal in the environment in which Just as rewards differ in the value accorded the cult originated. them by humans, so do compensators. Fur- Having briefly described our theoretical thermore, compentsators vary in the extent to perspective and defined key concepts, we are which they are specific (substituting for spe- now ready to understand the three models of cific, limited rewards of moderate value) or cult innovation and to see their common general (substituting for a great number of propositions. highly desired rewards). A magical “cure” for headaches is a specific compensator, while The Psychopathology Model Heaven is the most general compensator, of Cult Innovation promising an unlimited stream of future rewards to those humans fortunate or virtu- The psychopathology model has been used by ous enough to be admitted. Relatively specific many anthropologists and ethnopsychiatrists, compensators are offered by many kinds of and it is related closely to deprivation theories secular institutions, as well as by religion, of revolutions and social movements (Smelser while the most general compensators seem to 1962; Gurr 1970). It describes cult innovation require the supernatural agencies postulated as the result of individual psychopathology by religious doctrines. that finds successful social expression. Because We define religions as social enterprises of its popularity among social scientists, this whose primary purpose is to create, maintain, model exists in many variants, but the main and exchange supernaturally based general ideas are the following. compensators (Stark and Bainbridge 1979). We thus eliminate from the definition many 1 Cluts are novel cultural responses to per- non-supernatural sources of compensators, sonal and societal crisis. such as political movements. We also exclude 2New cults are invented by individuals suf- magic, which deals only in quite specific com- fering from certain forms of mental illness. pensators and does not offer compensators on 3 These individuals typically achieve their the grand scale of Heaven or of religious doc- novel visions during psychotic episodes. trines about the meaning of life (cf. Durkheim 4 During such an episode, the individual 1915). invents a new package of compensators to We define cults as social enterprises primar- meet his own needs. ily engaged in the production and exchange of 5 The individual’s illness commits him to his novel and exotic compensators. Thus not all new vision, either because his hallucina- cults are religions. Some cults offer only magic, tions appear to demonstrate its truth, or for example psychic healing of specific diseases, because his compelling needs demand and do not offer such general compensators as immediate satisfaction. eternal life. Magical cults frequently evolve 6 After the episode, the individual will be toward more general compensators and most likely to succeed in forming a cult become full-fledged religions. They then around his vision if the society contains become true cult movements: social enterprises many other persons suffering from prob- primarily engaged in the production and lems similar to those originally faced by the exchange of novel and exotic general compen- cult founder, to whose solution, therefore, sators based on supernatural assumptions. they are likely to respond. Often a cult is exotic and offers compen- 7 Therefore, such cults most often succeed sators that are unfamiliar to most people during times of societal crisis, when large because it migrated from another, alien numbers of persons suffer similar unre- society. Here we are not interested in these solved problems.

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8If the cult does succeed in attracting invention of Christian Science apparently was many followers, the individual founder a successful personal response to a classic case may achieve at least a partial cure of his of hysteria (Zweig 1932). illness, because his self-generated compen- In other cases a manic-depressive pattern is sators are legitimated by other persons, found. John Humphrey Noyes, founder of the and because he now receives true rewards Oneidia community, had an obsessive need to from his followers. be “perfect,” and in his more elevated periods was able to convince a few dozen people that The psychopathology model is supported by he had indeed achieved perfection and that he the traditional psychoanalytic view that magic could help them attain this happy state as well. and religion are mere projections of neurotic But the times of elation were followed by wish-fulfillment or psychotic delusions (Freud “eternal spins,” depressive states in which 1927, 1930; Roheim 1955; La Barre 1969, Noyes was immobilized by self-hatred 1972). However, the model does not assume (Carden 1969). that cultic ideas are necessarily wrong or insane. Clssical paranoia and paranoid schizophre- Rather, it addresses the question of how indi- nia also have been blamed for producing cults. viduals can invent deviant perspectives and A person who founds a cult asserts the arro- then have conviction in them, despite the lack gant claim that he (above all others) has of objective, confirmatory evidence. achieved a miraculous cultural breakthrough, All societies provide traditional com- a claim that outsiders may perceive as a pensator-systems which are familiar to all delusion of grandeur. For example, L. Ron members of the society and which have con- Hubbard announced his invention of siderable plausibility, both because their Dianeties (later to become Scientology) by assumptions are familiar and because of the saying that “the creation of dianeties is a mile- numbers of people already committed to them. stone for Man comparable to his discovery of Why, then, would some persons reject the con- fire and superior to his inventions of the wheel ventional religious tradition, concoct appar- and arch” (Hubbard 1950). ently arbitrary substitutes, and put their trust Martin Gardner has shown that the position in these novel formulations? The psy- of the cultist or pseudoscientist in his social chopathology model notes that highly neurotic environment is nearly identical to that of the or psychotic persons typically do just this, clinical paranoid. Neither is accorded the high whether in a religious framework or not. By social status he demands from conventional definition, the mentally ill are mentally deviant. authorities and is contemptuously ignored by Furthermore, especially in the case of psy- societal leaders or harshly persecuted. Gardner chotics, they mistake the products of their own notes that paranoia actually may be an advan- minds for external realities. Thus their pathol- tage under these circumstances because without ogy provides them not only with abnormal it the individual “would lack the stamina to fight ideas, but also with subjective evidence for the a vigorous, single-handed battle against such correctness of their ideas, whether in the form overwhelming odds” (Gardner 1957). of hallucinations or in the form of pressing Many biographies of cult founders contain needs which cannot be denied. information that would support any of these A number of authors have identified occult diagnoses, and often the syndrome appears to behavior with specific psychiatric syndromes. be a life pattern that antedated the foundation Hysteria frequently has been blamed. Cult of the cult by a number of years. However, the founders often do suffer from apparent phys- symptoms of these disorders are so close to the ical illness, find a spiritual “cure” for their own features that define cult activity that simplistic ailment, then dramatize that cure as the basis psychopathology explanations approach tau- of the cult performance (Messing 1958; Lévi- tology. Lemert (1967) has argued that social Strauss 1963; Lewis 1971). A well-known exclusion and conflict over social status can American example is Mary Baker Eddy, whose produce the symptoms of paranoia. It may be

61 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS that some cult founders display symptoms of future cult founder receives his supernatural mental illness as a result of societal rejection of vision. “What follows then is the eruption into their cults. Another problem faced by the psy- the field of attention of a flood of archaic chopathology model is the fact that the vast imagery and attendant lower-order referential majority of mental patients have not founded processes such as occur in dreams or reverie cults. ...Ideas surge through with peculiar vivid- The simplest version of the model states ness as though from an outside source” (Sil- that the founder’s psychopathology had a verman 1967: 28). In the fifth stage, cognitive physiological cause. Religious visions may reorganization, the individual attempts to appear during psychotic episodes induced by share his vision with other people. If he fails, injury, drugs, and high fevers. If an episode he lapses into chronic mental illness, but if he takes place outside any medical setting, the finds social support for his supernatural claims, individual may find a supernatural explanation he can become a successful shaman or cult of his experience most satisfactory (Sargant leader. If his followers reward him sufficiently 1959). Innumerable examples exist. Love with honor, the originally damaged self- Israel, founder of a cult called The Love esteem that provoked the entire sequence will Family, told us that his religious vision was be repaired completely, and the cult founder triggered by hallucinogenic drugs which may even become one of the best-adapted enabled him to experience a state of fusion members of his social group. with another man who subsequently became a The theory of revitalization movements pro- prominent follower. The stories of some posed by Anthony F. C. Wallace (1956) is persons who claim to have been contacted by similar to Silverman’s model but adds the flying saucers sound very much like brief epi- important ingredient of social crisis. Wallace sides of brain disorder to which the individual suggests that a variety of threats to a society has retrospectively given a more favorable can produce greatly increased stress on interpretation (Greenberg 1979). members: “climatic, floral and faunal change; More subtle variants of the psychopathol- military defeat; political subordination; ogy model present psychodynamic explana- extreme pressure toward acculturation result- tions and place the process of cult formation ing in internal cultural conflict; economic dis- in a social context. Julian Silverman (1967) tress; epidemics; and so on” (Wallace 1956: outlined a five-step model describing the early 269). Under stress, some individuals begin to career of a shaman (sorcerer, witch doctor, go through the process outlined by Silverman, magical healer) or cult founder. In the first and under favorable circumstances, they stage, the individual is beset by a serious per- achieve valuable cultural reformulations which sonal and social problem, typically severely they can use as the basis of social action to damaged self-esteem, that defies practical solu- revitalize their society. While Wallace advo- tion. In the second stage, the individual cates a pure form of the psychopathology becomes preoccupied with his problem and model, he concludes “that the religious vision withdraws from active social life. Some cul- experience per se is not psychopathological tures even have formalized rituals of with- but rather the reverse, being a synthesizing drawal in which the individual may leave the and often therapeutic process performed settlement and dwell temporarily in the under extreme stress by individuals already wilderness. The Bible abounds in examples of sick” (Wallace 1956: 273). withdrawal to the wilderness to prepare for a The importance of the psychopathology career as a prophet. This immediately leads to model is underscored by Wallace’s suggestion the third stage in which the individual experi- that many historically influential social move- ences “self-initiated sensory deprivation,” ments, and perhaps all major religions, origi- which can produce very extreme psychotic nated according to its principles. This view is symptoms even in previously normal persons. held by Weston La Barre (1972) who says that Thus begins the fourth stage, in which the every religion without exception originated as

62 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS a “crisis cult,” using this term for cults that normal, but in many cases even rather lengthy emerge according to the pattern described by biographies fail to reveal significant evidence Wallace. Among many examples, he specifi- of pathology. While the psychopathology cally describes even Christianity as a typical model focuses on cult founders who invent crisis cult. Writing in an orthodox Freudian new compensator-systems initially for their tradition, La Barre identifies the source of a own use, the entrepreneur model notes that cult founder’s vision: “A god is only a cult founders often may consciously develop new shaman’s dream about his father” (La Barre compensator-systems in order to exchange them 1972: 19). He says the shaman is an immature for great rewards. Innovation pays off in many man who desperately needs compensation for other areas of culture, such as technological his inadequacies, including sexual incapacity, invention and artistic creativity. If social cir- and in finding magical compensations for cumstances provide opportunities for profit in himself, he generates compensators for use by the field of cults, then many perfectly normal more normal persons as well (La Barre 1972: individuals will be attracted to the challenge. 138). Models of entrepreneurship have been pro- Claude Lévi-Strauss, an exchange theorist as posed to explain many other kinds of human well as a structuralist, emphasizes that the activity, but we have not found adequate shaman participates in an economy of social-scientific models specifically designed to meaning. Normal persons want many kinds of explain cult innovation. Journalists have doc- rewards they cannot obtain and can be con- umented that such a model would apply well vinced to accept compensators generated by to many cases, and our own observations in fellow citizens less tied to reality than they. “In several cults amply confirm that conclusion. a universe which it strives to understand but Therefore, we shall sketch the beginnings of whose dynamics it cannot fully control, an entrepreneur model, with the understand- normal thought continually seeks the meaning ing that much future work will be required of things which refuse to reveal their signifi- before this analytic approach is fully devel- cance. So-called pathological thought, on the oped. The chief ideas of such a model might other hand, overflows with emotional inter- be the following. pretations and overtones, in order to sup- plement an otherwise deficient really” 1 Cults are businesses which provide a (Lévi-Strauss 1963: 175). In shamanism, the product for their customers and receive neurotic producer of compensators and the payment in return. suffering normal consumer come together in 2 Cults are mainly in the business of selling an exchange beneficial to both, participating novel compensators, or at least freshly in the exchange of compensators for tangible packaged compensators that appear new. rewards that is the basis of all cults. 3 Therefore, a supply of novel compen- sators must be manufactured. 4 Both manufacture and sales are accom- The Entrepreneur Model of plished by entrepreneurs. Cult Innovation 5 These entrepreneurs, like those in other businesses, are motivated by the desire The entrepreneur model of cult innovation has for profit, which they can gain by not received as much attention from social sci- exchanging compensators for rewards. entists as the psychopathology model. We have 6 Motivation to enter the cult business is known for decades that the psychopathology stimulated by the perception that such model could not explain adequately all cultic business can be profitable, an impression phenomena (Ackerknecht 1943), but attempts likely to be acquired through prior to construct alternate models have been desul- involvement with a successful cult. tory. Of course, it is difficult to prove that 7 Successful entrepreneurs require skills any given cult founder was psychologically and experience, which are most easily

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gained through a prior career as the The simplest variant of the entrepreneur employee of an earlier successful cult. model, and the one preferred by journalists, 8The manufacture of salable new compen- holds that cult innovators are outright frauds sators (or compensator-packages) is most who have no faith in their own product and easily accomplished by assembling com- sell it through trickery to fools and desperate ponents of pre-existing compensator- persons. We have many examples of cults that systems into new configurations, or by were pure confidence games, and we shall the further development of successful mention examples of fraud in three kinds of compensator-systems. cult: audience cults, client cults, and cult 9 Therefore, cults tend to cluster in lin- movements. eages. They are linked by individual Audience cults offer very specific and weak entrepreneurs who begin their careers in compensators, often no more than a mild, vic- one cult and then leave to found their arious thrill or entertainment, and they lack own. They bear strong “family resem- both long-term clients and formal member- blances” because they share many cul- ship. Client cults offer valued but relatively tural features. specific compensators, frequently alleged cures 10 Ideas for completely new compensators for particular diseases and emotional prob- can come from any cultural source or per- lems, and they may possess a relatively stable sonal experience whatsoever, but the skill- clientele without counting them as full ful entrepreneur experiments carefully in members of the organization. Cult movements the development of new products and deal in a much more elaborate package of incorporates them permanently in his cult compensators, including the most general only if the market response is favorable. compensators based on supernatural assump- tions, and they possess committed member- Cults can in fact be very successful busi- ship. In terms of their compensators, these nesses. The secrecy that surrounds many of three levels of cults can be described conve- these organizations prevents us from report- niently in traditional language: audience cults ing current financial statistics, but a few figures provide mythology; client cults add serious have been revealed. Arthur L. Bell’s cult, magic; cult movements give complete religion. Mankind United, received contributions In 1973, Israeli prestidigitator Uri Geller totalling four million dollars in the ten years barnstormed the United States presenting preceeding 1944 (Dohrman 1958: 41). In the himself as a psychic who could read minds and four years 1965–1959, the Washington, DC, bend spoons by sheer force of will. As James branch of Scientology took in $758,982 and Randi (1975) has shown, Geller’s feats were gave its founder, L. Ron Hubbard, $100,000 achieved through trickery, and yet untold plus the use of a home and car (Cooper 1971: thousands of people were fascinated by the 109). Today Scientology has many flourishing possibility that Geller might have real psychic branches, and Hubbard lives on his own 320- powers. The whole affair was a grand but foot ship. In 1973 a small cult we have called short-lived audience cult. The Power was grossing $100,000 a month, Medical client cults based on intentional four thousand of this going directly to the fraud are quite common. A number of con husband and wife team who ran the operation artists not only have discovered that they can from their comfortable Westchester County use the religious label to appeal to certain estate (Bainbridge 1978). In addition to kinds of gullible marks, but also have learned obvious material benefits, successful cult that the label provides a measure of protection founders also receive intangible but valuable against legal prosecution (Glick and Newsom rewards, including praise, power, and amuse- 1974). In many of these cases it may be impos- ment. Many cult leaders have enjoyed almost sible to prove whether the cult founder was unlimited sexual access to attractive followers sincere or not, and we can only assume that (Orrmont 1961; Carden 1969). many undetected frauds lurk behind a variety

64 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS of client cults. In some cases the trickery is so dard of value. Many cult founders do appear blatant that we can have little doubt. Among to be convinced by testimonials from satisfied the most recent examples are the Philippine customers that their compensator-packages psychic surgeons Terte and Agpaoa, and their are valuable. This was probably the case with Brasilian colleague, Arigo. These men perform Franz Anton Mesmer, who saw astonishing fake surgery with their bare hands or bran- transformations in his clients, apparently the dishing crude jackknives. In some cases they beneficial results of his techniques, and who may actually pierce the patient’s skin, but found in them ample evidence of the truth of often they merely pretend to do so and then his theories (Zweig 1932; Darnton 1970). spread animal gore about to simulate the Practitioners of all client cults frequently see results of deep cutting. Through a skillful per- similar evidence in favor of their own ideas, formance they convince their patients not only no matter how illogical, because all such that dangerous tumors have been removed cults provide compensators of at least some from their bodies, but also that the surgeon’s strength (Frank 1963). psychic powers have instantaneously healed Another source of confidence for the cult the wound. But their failure actually to innovator is his experience with other cults. perform real operations in this manner must Early in their careers, innovators typically join be clear to the psychic surgeons themselves one or more successful cults, and honestly (Flammonde 1975). may value the cults’ products themselves. Arthur L. Bell’s cult movement was a fraud However, the innovator may be dissatisfied based on the traditional Rosicrucian idea that with the older cults and come to the sincere a vast benevolent conspiracy prepares to rule opinion that he can create a more satisfactory the world and invites a few ordinary people to product. Despite their often intense competi- join its elite ranks. Bell claimed only to be the tion, cult leaders frequently express respect Superintendent of the Pacific Coast Division, and admiration for other cults, including in constant communication with his superiors the ones with which they themselves were in the (fictitious) organizational hierarchy. In previously associated. For example, L. Ron this way he was able to convince his followers Hubbard of Scientology has praised Alfred that they were members of an immensely Korzybski’s General Semantics, and Jack powerful secret society, despite the fact that Horner of Dianology has praised Hubbard’s the portion of it they could see was modest in Scientology. size. Like several similar fraudulent move- Once we realize that cult formation often ments, Bell’s cult did not originally claim involves entrepreneurial action to establish a religious status, but only became a “church” profitable new organization based on novel after encountering legal difficulty (Dohrman culture, we can see that concepts developed to 1958). understand technological innovation should In order to grow, a cult movement must apply here as well. For example, a study of serve real religious functions for its committed entrepreneurship and technology by Edward followers, regardless of the private intentions B. Roberts (1969) examined the cultural of the founder. Many older cults probably impact of the Massachusetts Institute of were frauds in origin, but have been trans- Technology, the preeminent center of new formed into genuine religious organizations technological culture. Over 200 new high- by followers who deeply believed the technology companies had been founded by founder’s deceptions. former MIT employees who concluded they But fraud need not be involved in entre- could achieve greater personal rewards by preneurial cult innovation. Many ordinary establishing their own businesses based on businessmen are convinced of the value of what they had learned at MIT. The current their products by the fact that customers want cult equivalent of MIT is Scientology, studied to buy them, and cult entrepreneurs may like- by one of us in 1970. Cultic entrepreneurs wise accept their market as the ultimate stan- have left Scientology to found countless

65 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS other cults based on modified Scientology commercialism of many such organizations ideas, including Jack Horner’s Dianology, in contemporary America. Werner Erhard, H. Charles Berner’s Abilitism, Harold founder of est, had some experience with Thompson’s Amprinistics, and the flying Scientology in 1969. Later, he worked for a saucer cult described in the ethnography while in Mind Dynamics, itself an offshoot of When Prophecy Fails (Festinger et al., 1956). José Silva’s Mind Control. After Erhard Scientology, like MIT, is a vast storehouse of started his own cult in 1971, he decided to exotic culture derived from many sources. emulate Scientology’s tremendous success and Social scientists studying patterns of cultural hired two Scientologists to adapt its practices development should be aware that an occa- for his own use. We should note that conven- sional key organization can be an influential tional businesses, such as auto companies and nexus of innovation and diffusion. television networks, often imitate each other Future research can determine the most in pursuit of profit. Erhard’s research and common processes through which entrepre- development efforts were rewarded, and by neurial cult founders actually invent their the beginning of 1976, an estimated seventy novel ideas. We suspect the main techniques thousand persons had completed his $250 involve the cultural equivalent of recombinant initial seminar (Kornbluth 1976). DNA genetic engineering. Essentially, the We suggest that cult entrepreneurs will innovator takes the cultural configuration of imitate those features of other successful cults an existing cult, removes some components, which seem to them most responsible for and replaces them with other components success. They will innovate either in non- taken from other sources. Often, the innova- essential areas or in areas where they believe tor may simply splice pieces of two earlier cults they can increase the salability of the product. together. In some cases, the innovator pre- In establishing their own cult businesses serves the supporting skeleton of practices and they must innovate at least superficially. They basic assumptions of a cult he admires, and cannot seize a significant part of the market merely grafts on new symbolic flesh. Rosicru- unless they achieve product differentiation. cianism affords a sequence of many connected Otherwise they will be at a great disadvantage examples (McIntosh 1972; King 1970). In in direct competition with the older, more creating the AMORC Rosicrucian order, H. prosperous cult on which theirs is patterned. Spencer Lewis took European Rosicrucian The apparent novelty of a cult’s compensator- principles of the turn of the century, includ- package may be a sales advantage when the ing the hierarchical social structure of an ini- public has not yet discovered the limitations tiatory secret society, and grafted on a veneer of the rewards that members actually will of symbolism taken from Ancient Egypt, thus receive in the new cult and when older capitalizing on public enthusiasm for Egyptian compensator-packages have been discredited civilization current at that time. His head- to some extent. Much research and theory- quarters in San José, California, is a city block building remains to be done, but the insight of simulated Egyptian buildings. Later, Rose that cults often are examples of skillful free Dawn imitated Lewis in creating her rival enterprise immediately explains many of the Order of the Ancient Mayans. In great features of the competitive world of cults. measure, she simply replaced AMORC’s symbols with equivalent symbols. Instead of Lewis’s green biweekly mail-order lessons The Subculture-Evolution Model of emblazoned with Egyptian architecture and Cult Innovation Egyptian hieroglyphics, she sold red biweekly mail-order lessons decorated with Mayan While the psychopathology and entrepreneur architecture and Mayan hieroglyphics. models stress the role of the individual inno- The highly successful est cult is derived vator, the subculture-evolution model empha- partly from Scientology and well illustrates the sizes group interaction processes. It suggests

66 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS that cults can emerge without authoritative In writing about juvenile delinquency, leaders, and it points out that even radical cul- Albert K. Cohen (1955) described the process tural developments can be achieved through of mutual conversion through which interact- many small steps. Although much social- ing individuals could gradually create a deviant psychological literature would be useful in normative structure. This process may result developing this model, we are not aware of a in criminal behavior, but it may also result in comprehensive statement on cult innova- the stimulation of unrealizable hopes and of tion through subcultural evolution, so faith in the promise of impossible rewards. again we will attempt to outline the model Thus, mutual conversion can describe the ourselves. social process through which people progres- sively commit each other to a package of com- 1 Cults are the expression of novel social pensators which they simultaneously assemble. systems, usually small in size but composed It begins when people with similar needs and of at least a few intimately interacting desires meet and begin communicating about individuals. their mutual problems. It takes place in tiny, 2 These cultic social systems are most likely even imperceptible exploratory steps, as one to emerge in populations already deeply individual expresses a hope or a plan and involved in the occult milieu, but cult evo- receives positive feedback in the form of lution may also begin in entirely secular similar hopes and plans from his fellows. “The settings. final product ...is likely to be a compro- 3 Cults are the result of sidetracked or failed mise formation of all the participants to what collective attempts to obtain scarce or we may call a cultural process, a formation nonexistent rewards. perhaps unanticipated by any of them. Each 4 The evolution begins when a group of actor may contribute something directly to the persons commits itself to the attainment growing product, but he may also contribute of certain rewards. indirectly by encouraging others to advance, 5 In working together to obtain these inducing them to retreat, and suggesting new rewards, members begin exchanging other avenues to be explored. The product cannot rewards as well, such as affect. be ascribed to any one of the participants; it is 6As they progressively come to experience a real ‘emergent’ on a group level” (Cohen failure in achieving their original goals, 1955: 60.) they will gradually generate and exchange Cohen says all human action “is an ongoing compensators as well. series of efforts to solve problems” (1955: 7 If the intragroup exchange of rewards 50). All human beings face the problem of and compensators becomes sufficiently coping with frustration because some highly intense, the group will become relatively desired rewards, such as everlasting life, do not encapsulated, in the extreme case under- exist in this world. Through mutual conver- going complete social implosion. sion, individuals band together to solve one or 8Once separated to some degree from more shared problems, and the outcome pre- external control, the evolving cult devel- sumably depends on a number of factors, ops and consolidates a novel culture, ener- including the nature of the problems and the gized by the need to facilitate the exchange group’s initial conceptualization of them. We of rewards and compensators, and inspired suspect a cultic solution is most likely if the by essentially accidental factors. people begin by attempting to improve them- 9 The end point of successful cult evolution selves (as in psychotherapy) or to improve is a novel religious culture enbodied in a their relationship to the natural world, and distinct social group which must now cope then fail in their efforts. Criminal or political with the problem of extracting resources outcomes are more likely if people believe that (including new members) from the sur- other persons or social conditions are respon- rounding environment. sible for their problems.

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The quest for unavailable rewards is not into an authoritarian cult movement that reserved for poor and downtrodden folk recruits persons who never suffered from drug alone. Many elite social movements have been problems. dedicated to the attainment of goals that Two important factors render cultic evolu- ultimately proved unattainable. One well- tion more likely. First, the process will documented example is The Committee for progress most easily if there are no binding the Future, an institutionally detached little external constraints. For example, psychiatrists organization that formed within the network and psychologists who work in institutional of technological social movements oriented settings (such as hospitals or universities) may toward spaceflight. Founded in 1970 by a be prevented by their conventional commit- wealthy couple, the CFF was dedicated to the ments from participating in the evolution of a immediate colonization of the moon and cult, while independent practitioners are more planets and to beginning a new age in which free. Second, the process will be facilitated if the field of man’s activity would be the entire the therapist receives compensators as well as universe. The biggest effort of the CFF, gives them and thus participates fully in the Project Harvest Moon, was intended to estab- inflation and proliferation of compensators. lish the first demonstration colony on the A good example is The Power, founded in moon, planted using a surplus Saturn V launch London in 1963, which began as an indepen- vehicle. Ultimately, high cost and questionable dent psychotherapy service designed to help feasibility prevented any practical accomplish- normal individuals achieve super-normal ments. In struggling to arouse public support, levels of functioning. The therapy was based the CFF held a series of open conventions on Alfred Adler’s theory that each human at which participants collectively developed being is impelled by subconscious goals, and grand schemes for a better world. Blocked it attempted to bring these goals to con- from any success in this direction, the CFF sciousness so the person could pursue them evolved toward cultism. The convention sem- more effectively and escape inner conflict. The inars became encounter groups. Mysticism founders of The Power received the therapy as and parapsychology replaced spaceflight as the well as gave it, and frequent group sessions topic of conversation. Rituals of psychic fusion brought all participants together to serve each were enacted to religious music, and the pre- other’s emotional needs. The Power recruited viously friendly aerospace companies and clients through the founders’ pre-existing agencies broke off with the Committee. friendship network, and the therapy sessions Denied success in its original purposes, and greatly intensified the strength and intimacy of unfettered by strong ties to conventional insti- their social bonds. tutions, the CFF turned ever more strongly As bonds strengthened, the social network toward compensators and toward the super- became more thoroughly interconnected as natural (Bainbridge 1976). previously distant persons were brought Cults are particularly likely to emerge together. The rudiments of a group culture wherever numbers of people seek help for evolved, and many individuals contributed intractable personal problems. The broad ideas about how the therapy might be fields of psychotherapy, rehabilitation, and improved and expanded. Participants came to personal development have been especially feel that only other participants understood fertile for cults. A number of psychotherapy them completely, and found communication services have evolved into cult movements, with outsiders progressively more difficult. A including those created by some of Freud’s social implosion took place. immediate followers (Rieff 1968). Other inde- In a social implosion, part of an extended pendent human service organizations may also social network collapses as social ties within it be susceptible to cultic evolution. The best- strengthen and, reciprocally, those to persons known residential program designed to treat outside it weaken. It is a step-by-step process. drug addiction, Synanon, has recently evolved Social implosions may be set off by more than

68 THE NATURE OF NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS one circumstance. In the case of The Power, the extent that the followers also participate the implosion was initiated by the introduc- in pushing the group toward cultism. In this tion of a new element of culture, a “therapy” case, the needs of the followers and their social technique that increased the intimacy of relationships with the leader may have served relations around a point in the network. as a psychopathology amplifier, reflecting back Correlated with the implosion was a mutual to Jones his own narcissism multiplied by the conversion as members encouraged each other strength of their unreasonable hopes. to express their deepest fantasies and to believe they could be fulfilled. The Adlerian analysis of subconscious goals was ideally designed to Conclusion arouse longings and hopes for all the unob- tained and unobtainable rewards the partici- Each of the three models identifies a system of pants had ever privately wished to receive. The production and exchange of compensators. powerful affect and social involvement pro- In the psychopathology model, a cult founder duced by the implosion were tangible rewards creates compensators initially for his own use, that convinced participants that the other then gives them to followers in return for rewards soon would be achieved. Concomi- rewards. In the entrepreneur model, the cult tant estrangement from outside attachments founder sets out to gain rewards by manufac- led The Power to escape London to the isola- turing compensators intended for sale to tion of a ruined seaside Yucatan plantation. followers. The subculture-evolution model Remote from the restraining influence of describes the interplay of many individual conventional society, The Power completed its actions in which various individuals at differ- evolution from psychotherapy to religion by ent times play the roles of producer and con- inventing supernatural doctrines to explain sumer of novel compensators. how its impossible, absolute goals might ulti- While the models may appear to compete, mately be achieved. When the new cult in fact they complement each other and can returned to civilization in 1967, it became be combined to explain the emergence of par- legally incorporated as a church (Bainbridge ticular cults. After a cult founder has escaped 1978). a period of psychopathology, he may act as an Since non-religious groups can evolve into entrepreneur in promoting or improving his religious cults, it is not surprising that cults cult. An entrepreneur threatened with loss of also can arise from religious sects – extreme his cult may be driven into an episode of psy- religious groups that accept the standard reli- chopathology that provides new visions that gious tradition of the society, unlike cults that contribute to a new success. The subculture- are revolutionary breaks with the culture of evolution model may include many little past churches. An infamous example is The episodes of psychopathology and entrepre- People’s Temple of Jim Jones that destroyed neurial enterprise participated in by various itself in the jungles of Guyana. This group members, woven together by a complex began as an emotionally extreme but cultur- network of social exchanges . . . ally traditional Christian sect, then evolved into a cult as Jones progressively became a prophet with an ever more radical vision. Of References course, either the psychopathology or entre- preneur models may apply in this case. But the Ackerknecht, Erwin H. 1943. “Psychopathology, primitive medicine and primitive culture.” “Bul- committed members of the sect probably con- letin of the History of Medicine 14: 30–67. tributed to the transformation by encouraging Bainbridge, William Sims. 1976. The Spaceflight Jones step-by-step, and by demanding of him Revolution. New York: Wiley. the accomplishment of impossible goals. Even —— 1978. Satan’s Power. Berkeley: University of when a single individual dominates a group, California Press. the subculture-evolution model will apply to Bainbridge, William Sims, and Rodney Stark. Forth-

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coming. “Sectarian tension.” Review of Religious Lewis, Ioan M. 1971. Ecstatic Religion. Baltimore, Research. MD: Penguin. Carden, Maren Lockwood. 1969. Oneide: Utopian Lofland, John, and Rodney Stark. 1965. “Becom- Community to Modern Corporation. Baltimore, ing a world-saver: a theory of conversion to MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. a deviant perspective.” American Sociological Cohen, Albert K. 1955. Delinquent Boys. New York: Review 30: 862–75. Free Press. McIntosh, Christopher. 1972. Eliphas Lévi and the Cooper, Paulette. 1971. The Scandal of Scientology. French Occult Revival. New York: Weiser. New York: Tower. Messing, Simon D. 1958. “Group therapy and Darnton, Robert. 1970. Mesmerism and the End of social status in the Zar cult of Ethiopia.” Amer- the Enlightenment in France. New York: ican Anthropologist 60: 1120–6. Schocken. Orrmont, Arthur. 1961. Love Cults and Faith Dohrman, H. T. 1958. California Cult. Boston, Healers. New York: Ballantine. MA: Beacon Press. Randi, James. 1975. The Magic of Uri Geller. New Durkheim, Emile. 1915. The Elementary Forms York: Ballantine. of the Religious Life. London: Allen and Regardie, Israel. 1971. My Rosicrucian Adventure. Unwin. St. Paul, MN: Llewellyn. Evans, Christopher. 1973. Cults of Unreason. New Rieff, Philip. 1968. The Triumph of the Therapeutic. York: Dell. New York: Harper. Festinger, Leon, H. W. Riecken, and S. Roberts, Edward B. 1969. “Entrepreneurship and Schachter. 1956. When Prophecy Fails. New York: technology.” Pp. 219–37 in Willian H. Gruber Harper. and Donald G. Marquis (eds.), Factors in the Flammonde, Paris. 1975. The Mystic Healers. New Transfer of Technology. Cambridge, MA: MIT York: Stein and Day. Press. Frank, Jerome D. 1963. Persuasion and Healing. Roheim, Geza. 1955. Magic and Schizophrenia. New York: Schocken. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Freud, Sigmund. 1962 (1930). Civilization and its Sargant, William. 1959. Battle for the Mind. New Discontents. New York: Norton. York: Harper and Row. —— 1964 (1927). The Futue of an Illusion. Silverman, Julian. 1967. “Shamans and acute schiz- Garden City, NY: Doubleday. ophrenia.” American Anthropologist 69: 21–32. Gardner, Martin. 1957. Fads and Fallacies in the Smelser, Neil J. 1962. Theory of Collective Behavior. Name of Science. New York: Dover. New York: Free Press. Glick, Rush G., and Robert S. Newsom. 1974. Stark, Rodney. 1965. “A sociological definition of Fraud Investigation. Springfield, IL: Thomas. religion.” Pp. 3–17 in Charles Y. Glock and Greenberg, Joel. 1979. “Close encounters – all in Rodney Stark, Religion and Society in Tension. the mind?” Science News 115: 106–7. Chicago, IL: Rand McNally. Gurr, Ted Robert. 1970. Why Men Rebel. Prince- Stark, Rodney, and William Sims Bainbridge. 1979. ton, NJ: Princeton University Press. “Of churches, sects, and cults: preliminary con- Hubbard. L. Ron. 1950. Dianetics, The Modern cepts for a theory of religious movements.” Science of Mental Health. New York: Paperback Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 18: Library. 117–31. King, Francis. 1970. The Rites of Modern Occult —— 1980 “Networks of faith: interpersonal bonds Magic. New York: Macmillan. and recruitment to cults and sects.” American Kornbluth, Jesse. 1976. “The Fuhrer over est” New Journal of Sociology 85: 1376–95. Times, March 19: 36–52. —— 1980 “Towards a theory of religion: religious LaBarre, Weston. 1969. They Shall Take up Serpents. commitment.” Journal for the Scientific Study of New York: Schocken. Religion 19: 114–28. —— 1972. The Ghost Dance. New York: Dell. Wallace, Anthony F. C. 1956. “Revitalization Lemert, Edwin. 1967. “Paranoia and the dynamics movements.” American Anthropologist 58: of exclusion.” Pp. 246–64 in Edwin Lemert, 264–81. Human Deviance, Social Problems and Social Wallis, Roy. 1977. The Road to Total Freedom: A Control. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Sociological Analysis of Scientology. New York: Lévi-Strauss, Claude. 1963. “The sorcerer and his Columbia University Press. magic.” Pp. 161–80 in Claude Lévi-Strauss, Zweig, Stefan. 1932. Mental Healers. New York: Structural Anthropology. New York: Basic Books. Viking.

70 III

New Religious Movements in Historical and Social Context

This reader examines the social scientific Christianity, and most of the other so-called response to the latest wave of public contro- world religions (e.g., Buddhism and Islam), versy about NRMs. One of the things this began as extremely small groups steeped in research has revealed is that the recent con- controversy (e.g., Stark 1996). As Christianity troversy is very reminiscent of earlier religious was established the early Church Fathers controversies, and yet significantly different as waged a prolonged cultural war against what well (as suggested by chapter 2). It is impor- they deemed to be other heretical groups, and tant to understand these similarities and dif- much of European history has been marked by ferences. The two readings in this section struggles between opposed sets of religious were chosen to provide some of the broader “fanatics” (e.g., during the Protestant Refor- interpretive context for understanding the mation). Later, many religious minorities fled contemporary situation, and hence the signif- to America to secure their freedom (e.g., icance of the cult controversy. In chapter 5, the Pilgrims), only to begin to persecute other Philip Jenkins evocatively describes some of religious minorities that they feared were the many similar episodes of social strife sur- subversive of their own new societies (e.g., the rounding “new religions” in America in the Quakers). nineteenth century. He notes the close and In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries surprising parallels to current events and con- the expanding American frontier proved to be cerns. In chapter 6, Robert Wuthnow helps us a fertile environment for religious innovation to understand how the recent upsurge in new and the new ideas stimulated many social con- religious activity is related to major new shifts flicts (e.g., the Mormons). More specifically in the religious and spiritual sensibilities of though, it is important for people to realize Americans. Today’s controversy stems from that the very language and issues used to criti- the rise of new social and spiritual concerns, cize “cults” today have their historical roots in orientations, and opportunities. the campaigns of negative propaganda directed It is wise to realize, as Jenkins documents in at groups like the Catholics, Mormons, “False Prophets and Deluded Subjects: The and Freemasons in the nineteenth century. Nineteenth Century,” that new religions have Catholics, for example, were once accused in inspired fear and evoked harsh criticism for America of the same bizarre and threatening many centuries. Disputes between established activities that the anti-cult movement now uses and new religions are a constant of human to discredit the Unification Church (i.e., history, though the disputes have been more the Moonies), the International Society for numerous and significant at different times. Krishna Consciousness, The Family, and other

71 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT new religions (see Swatsky 1978; Bromley and religions and quasi-religious sources of inspi- Shupe 1979; Kent 1987). To borrow a famous ration and practice). phrase, the study of the controversy over As Wuthnow’s analysis suggests, the NRMs “cults” suggests that “the more things change, and our responses to them, whether positive the more they stay the same.” or negative, often reflect our involvement in But while there is continuity in the defen- larger processes of social change that we only sive ways in which societies tend to react to vaguely discern. Sociology shows that our lives new religions, it is equally important to realize are often shaped by social forces beyond our that each new wave of religious innovation is immediate control, by changes in the division the result, in part, of a societal response to the of labor, the distribution of wealth, the exer- changed conditions of life. Religious changes cise of political power, or the values, norms, tend to happen in conjunction with larger and motivations to which we are socialized. social changes. They are not simply caused by These changes usually have unanticipated them. Rather it is more accurate to say that consequences. Wuthnow delineates why some religious changes are simultaneously both the Americans would be favorably disposed to product of larger processes of social change, what the NRMs had to offer, and most readers adaptive responses to these changes in society, will likely recognize the ways in which their and in some cases actual causes of social own lives have been gripped by the tensions change. The relationship is dialectical and and shifts in sensibilities he discusses. This complex. But to understand the NRMs in our realization will help bring home the greater midst we must grasp how being religious in significance of studying these small religious general has changed as a result of changes in groups and the strife surrounding them. They the structures and values of the rest of society. often act as cultural barometers, warning us In chapter 6, Robert Wuthnow traces the of changes occurring outside our range of changes in the spiritual life of Americans since awareness. the 1960s, when the current surge of new religious activity began. Using interviews and survey data, Wuthnow creates a vivid impres- References sion of the changing religious sensibilities of Americans, isolating some of the reasons Bromley, David G. and Anson D. Shupe, Jr. 1979: for change: the impact of the increased The Tnevnoc Cult. Sociological Analysis 40 (4): anonymity, mobility, and consumer orienta- 361–6. tion of life, the influence of the civil rights and Kent, Stephen A. 1987: Puritan Radicalism and feminist movements, and rising levels of edu- the New Religious Organizations: Seventeenth- cation and prosperity. Wuthnow argues that Century England and Contemporary America. Americans have turned increasingly from a In R. F. Tomasson (ed.), Comparative Social spirituality of “dwelling,” based on identifica- Research, vol. 10. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, tion with a geographically fixed community, to 3–46. a spirituality of “seeking,” free of many tradi- Stark, Rodney. 1996: The Rise of Christianity. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. tional constraints. NRMs are the beneficiaries Swatsky, Rodney. 1978: Moonies, Mormons, and of a new religious environment marked by a Mennonites: Christian Heresy and Religious Tol- historically unique emphasis on “freedom of eration. In M. D. Bryant and H. W. Richardson choice” (as opposed to mere “freedom of con- (eds.), A Time for Consideration: A Scholarly science”) and the pursuit of unconventional Appraisal of the Unification Church. New York: sources of spiritual enlightenment (i.e., other Edwin Mellen Press, 20–40.

72 CHAPTER FIVE

False Prophets and Deluded Subjects: The Nineteenth Century

PHILIP JENKINS

In what civilized country do evidences of religious fanaticism more abound? Frederick M. Davenport, Primitive Traits in Religious Revivals

Modern opposition to cults and cultlike or charismatic authority is likely to be viewed behavior has deep historical roots. The as a rogue or a maniac, and his or her follow- modern cult stereotype is a complex con- ers are portrayed as unstable dupes ready struction, drawing on concepts originally to perform any action, however degraded or developed to confront several quite distinct criminal. As America has been so richly religious groups that would over time merge productive of prophets and visionaries, it is into one barely differentiated attack. When only to be expected that so many would be a modern critic attacks a deviant religious denounced as dangerous charlatans. group as a cult, the images evoked are ulti- mately a mélange of rumors and allegations variously made against Catholics, Masons, Prophets and Fanatics Mormons, Shakers, radical evangelicals, and others. Anticult rhetoric encapsulates the The contemporary image of the cult leader whole history of American religious polemic. who seduces his fanatical followers into In the 1870s and 1880s, attacks on deviant destructive conflict with the established religions developed something very like their authorities is centuries old; it is even men- modern form, owing in large part to the emer- tioned in the New Testament. In the gence of the mass circulation press in those European Middle Ages, a recurrent nightmare years and the rise of exposé journalism.1 figure was the prophetas, the charismatic leader At every point, the stereotypes applied to who decided that he (it was usually a man) had modern “Moonies” and “Hare Krishnas” find a special revelation from God to uproot parallels dating back many centuries. Perhaps the current political and ecclesiastical order the persistence of these charges just means that and initiate a new order of righteousness, the deviant behaviors in question have always commonly by force of arms. Prophets were existed, that small religious groups have always also accused of sexual unorthodoxy, of orgies engaged in the familiar sorts of violent and or plural marriage. These deviant practices exploitative behavior. However, the continuity were sometimes justified by antinomian ideas, of rhetoric does have a consistent internal the view that moral laws had been repealed by logic. Given that claims to perfection or supe- the new revelation.2 The sexually promiscuous rior sanctity automatically arouse suspicions of messiah leading his armed devotees to a hypocrisy, it is not surprising that we so regu- fortress in the wilderness was a stereotypical larly find the same stereotype of religious figure in Europe centuries before the image fanaticism. Basically, anyone claiming mystical reappeared in Utah or Texas.

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Such military millenarians arose sporadically face in America over the next two centuries. throughout the medieval centuries, culminat- Already Edwards was attacking Ranters and ing in the great Anabaptist risings of the antinomians, pantheists and nudists, commu- sixteenth century. In 1534, the prophet nists and perfectionists, self-anointed prophets Jan of Leyden introduced communism and and disorderly women.3 Like their counter- polygamy in the German city of Münster, in a parts in later centuries, conservatives were Utopian regime enforced by the ruthless vio- reluctant to credit that such extravagant beliefs lence of the “saints,” the Children of God. could have been held seriously, or spread The experiment was destroyed with utmost without deceit, so Edwards and his like bor- ferocity by the established order of lords, rowed from the contemporary true crime bishops, and patricians. The Anabaptist sects literature to depict sect leaders as confidence became over time a far gentler breed, whose tricksters, thieves, and sexual exploiters. modern heirs are found among the Amish In understanding these outbreaks, critics and Mennonites, but Jan of Leyden and his like Edwards turned to the writings of the like were cited for centuries afterwards as the Church Fathers, who had confronted so many logical outcome of religious excess. The names heresies in the early Christian centuries – to of the Münster prophets had the same reso- authors like Irenaeus, Eusebius, and Augus- nance in the seventeenth or eighteenth cen- tine. They found there the vocabulary turies that Jim Jones and David Koresh have required to combat the newly labeled “fanat- for modern ears. ics” and “enthusiasts.” These epithets had a The equation seemed obvious: claims of long history. The fanatic exemplified the sort personal revelation led to violent subversion of mindless devotion expected of the adherent and unrestrained sexuality, which if unchecked of the temple, or fana (as in Samuel Butler’s would destroy the social order. Lacking a reference to “our lunatic, fanatic sects”), while central mechanism to regulate religious belief the enthusiast literally claimed to be filled and practice, society would be at the mercy of with the power of God, or of a god. Both fanatics, prophets, and imposters. The full words, “fanatic” and “enthusiast,” have consequences of unregulated religious debate become debased in later speech (“fanatic” is emerged during the English Civil Wars of the origin of “fan”), but at the time, they con- the 1640s, when the government lost control veyed an all-too-serious threat. Well into the of public preaching and printing. The result eighteenth century, “fanatic” was the normal was an upsurge of every kind of extreme and word for describing those Protestant sects and heretical belief. The crisis reached its blasphe- preachers who lay outside the established mous climax in 1656 when Quaker James Anglican Church, including Presbyterians, Nayler staged a messianic entry into the city Baptists, and Congregationalists. of Bristol with himself as Christ, mounted on From earliest times, the English colonies in a donkey, while faithful women followers America likewise saw themselves as imperiled strewed his path with branches and cried, by subversive religious doctrines and sects of “Hosanna to the son of David.” dubious sanity. The most alarming was the Though the word “cult” would have meant Quaker, or Friends, movement of the 1650s, little to Nayler’s contemporaries, this genera- the spiritual kin of James Nayler: the Friends tion was in fact creating the first anticult argued that Christ was found in the Inner literature in English. In 1646, orthodox Light that guided each believer. Outsiders Protestant writer Thomas Edwards published observing their enthusiastic worship style his encyclopedic Gangraena (“gangrene”), dubbed them “Quakers,” which was an insult- which provided “[a] catalogue ...of many of ing epithet, rather like later smear words such the errors, heresies, blasphemies and perni- as Shaker, Methodist, Mormon, and Moonie. cious practices of the sectaries of this time.” In As radical democrats, the Quakers rejected the process, he offered a list of almost every tokens of social hierarchy and challenged the extreme and esoteric belief that would resur- power of clergy by vocally disrupting the

74 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT formal services of the “steeple houses.” pers and pamphlets depicted lay Catholics as Equally shocking, their most active preachers ignorant puppets, whose priests were sexually were often women. Between 1659 and 1661, exploitative and conspiratorial. All the later four members of the sect were hanged on anticult images were present here: Catholics Boston Common. exemplified mindless obedience to a deceitful Subversive images recurred during the religious leader, and authority was founded Great Awakening of the 1730s and 1740s, upon bloodthirsty enforcement. These ideas when the ordained clergy were challenged by were long-lived. A Sinclair Lewis character revivalists asserting that only those properly noted in 1927 that the Church “requires you filled with the Spirit could lead the churches. to give up your honesty, your reason, your The stress on direct revelation opened the heart and soul,” while some years later the way to the emergence of charismatic leaders, Harvard Journal described the Legion of some of whom created scandal by their wild Decency as a “Catholic organization, with its excesses, and revived shades of Münster. And regimental draft of blindly obedient under- when some evangelical leaders created their lings on the one hand, and its Machiavellian own communes and religious settlements, pontiff on the other.”5 rumors about orgiastic celebrations and This alien religion proselytized vigorously, polygamy soon followed. In Pennsylvania, the drew naive young people into its web, and Moravian leader Count Zinzendorf, who held lured them to renounce their careers and daring ideas about sex and spirituality, was a prospects in order to enter celibate and totalis- special target for charges that he exploited his tic religious communities. Convents and reli- female disciples: his enemies christened him gious houses, which were found in all major the Herzens Papa, or “Hearts’ Daddy.”4 Like American cities by the Civil War era, seemed its successor revivals over the next two cen- as glaring an offense to personal freedom turies, the Great Awakening was also criticized and intellectual liberty as the cult houses and for encouraging bizarre and enthusiastic headquarters of the 1970s. The notion of behavior. In the second great revival, which “escaping” from a religious community first reached its height in 1799 and 1800, we hear appeared in the context of Catholic convents. of believers driven into ecstatic trances, con- Some of the bloodiest urban riots of the ante- vulsions, and jerks – wild frenzies that sup- bellum period erupted when citizens tried to posedly endangered their sanity. Conservatives liberate nuns from their supposed captivity or charged that abandoning restraints in this else to seek evidence of their crimes. Particu- way opened female believers to wild sexual larly sought after were the secret tunnels said excesses, so that the legendary camp meetings to link the dwellings of priests and nuns, and were criticized as orgies of debauchery. the hidden cemeteries in which were buried the murdered babies resulting from these liaisons. Also foreshadowing modern trends, the Awful Disclosures: America, anti-Catholic movement paraded defectors 1830–1870 from this evil organization, purported former nuns and priests whose firsthand accounts American suspicions of fringe religious move- confirmed the worst charges about the sexual ments escalated rapidly during the 1830s exploitation said to be rampant behind the and 1840s, as simultaneous campaigns against walls of convents and rectories. These ideas Catholics, Freemasons, and Mormons pro- surfaced in the sensational Awful Disclosures of vided rich new materials for conceptualizing Maria Monk (1836), which told of life in a religious exploitation. The anti-Papist image Quebec convent and is the prototype for all had colonial roots, but was amplified by the subsequent defector memoirs. The book presence of significant numbers of Catholic portrayed nuns as sex slaves, and its lurid immigrants from the 1830s onwards. Virulent depictions of flagellation added to its strong anti-Papist propaganda in American newspa- sadomasochistic appeal. Later bestsellers in

75 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT this prurient tradition included The Priest, namely Freemasons and Latter-Day Saints. the Woman and the Confessional (1875), by As David Brion Davis has shown, the move- the apostate priest Charles Chiniquy, who ments against these three menaces drew on described the sexual exploitation of women very similar images: “If Masons, Catholics, parishioners by lustful priests. It was in the and Mormons bore little resemblance to one early 1890s that the American Protective another in actuality, as imagined enemies they Association propaganda campaign reached merged into a nearly common stereotype.”8 its height, with its tales of convent life as According to their enemies, Masons and “grotesque ceremonies, orgies of sex and Mormons, like Catholics, belonged to a sinis- sadism” at the hands of “licentious and ter false religion with clandestine methods lecherous priests ...seeking to lure young and secret goals of secular power. Each was a and innocent girls into sin.”6 Even in the closed secretive organization that maintained mid-twentieth century, every issue of the order and discipline through the threat of vio- Converted Catholic Magazine recounted lence. The anti-Masonic movement erupted in horror stories of Catholic misdeeds, which 1826 because the group had supposedly included sinister associations with every kidnapped and murdered William Morgan, a dictatorship and massacre in modern history. defector who had threatened to reveal their Through the 1940s, there was a substantial secret rituals, with all their threats of bloody industry in lecture tours by purported former vengeance. The condemnation of the move- nuns recounting pornographic fantasies to ment reached its height in the next decade, entranced Protestant audiences. when an Anti-Masonic political party became Anti-Catholicism can be seen as the largest a national political force.9 and most potent anticult movement in Anti-Mormon literature integrated the anti- American history. Several mass political move- Catholic charges with the older image of the ments aimed to destroy Catholic power, from prophetas, who claimed to be motivated by the Nativists and Know-Nothings of the mid- special direct revelations from God and who nineteenth century to the American Protective replaced the Christian scriptures with his Association (APA) of the 1890s and the Ku own invented texts. These attacks drew on Klux Klan of the 1920s, and each crusade had the popular Orientalism of the day, framing a sizable impact on the national politics of its Joseph Smith in terms of the Prophet Muham- day. Each and its scurrilous press, which mad, whom contemporary Christians saw as rehearsed stories of the Inquisition, the sedi- the prototypical religious impostor.10 Muham- tious secret oaths taken by the Knights of mad was viewed as a self-proclaimed prophet Columbus, the conspiratorial nature of the or messiah who attracted a blindly obedient Jesuit order, and always, of course, the promis- following prepared to die or kill for the new cuous nuns and lecherous priests. Reading the cause. His divine messages opened a new age lurid charges presented in propaganda sheets of sexual excess, allowing the leader and his like The Menace was enough “to make any boy key followers sexual access to any woman fol- wonder if the priest kept beautiful young girls lower. Finally, this new movement was trans- tied up in the confessional booths, and if there formed into a worldly kingdom, as followers was really an arsenal in the church basement.”7 carved out a secular realm. Joseph Smith The most damaging feature of APA pro- himself drew the Muslim analogy, warning in paganda was the publication of bogus state- 1838 that he “will be to this generation a ments and documents allegedly derived from second Mohammed, whose motto for treating Catholic sources, which warned that Catholics for peace was ‘The Alcoran or the sword.’ ” planned to exterminate all American Protes- His movement became “the Islam of tants as heretics. America.”11 Muslim analogies became more In the mid-nineteenth century, anti- pronounced in 1852 when the new sect Catholic rhetoric and folklore merged with the overtly declared its doctrine of polygamy. polemic against other scapegoat groups, Polygamy became a prominent element in the

76 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT anti-Mormon critique, both because it repre- name, Matthias consciously identified himself sented the most flagrant violation of conven- with the sixteenth-century Anabaptist Jan tional morality and because polygamy, like Mathys, one of the leaders of the revolu- Catholic nunneries, offered such scope for tionary commune in Münster. The New York prurient imaginations. affair ended in disaster, when Matthias was charged with swindling and murdering one of his followers.13 Together with the sensational Flawed Utopias publicity about the Mormons, the case of Matthias revived ancient ideas of the prophet Every element of the modern anticult polemic as exploiter and false teacher. was a familiar component of American culture Still more enduring, and more widespread, by about 1840, and the critique was power- were the charges against the Shaker movement. fully reinforced from the upsurge of outré Established in the United States since the late religious groups between about 1830 and eighteenth century, the communal and celibate 1860. Apocalyptic notions gave rise to the Shakers enjoyed their greatest period of expan- new Adventist churches, and millenarian ideas sion during the religious fervor of the 1840s. reached new intensity nationwide with the By 1860, perhaps six thousand members were great revival of 1857. Mesmerist and Sweden- scattered among nineteen settlements. The borgian mystical notions were well established more converts there were, however, the more by the 1830s: these contributed to the new grounds for controversy. Shakers attracted spiritualist movement, which emerged follow- popular hatred for much the same reasons as ing the accounts of supernatural visitations at modern-day cult groups. Their religious Hydesville, in New York state, in 1848.12 system was believed to be anti-Christian, with Common in the religious thought of the its extreme veneration of prophetic founder time was a sense of utopianism, the idea that Mother Ann Lee, whom critics painted as a humanity could achieve perfection in this life, drunkard and lecher. And Shaker rituals were without postponing that prospect to heaven dismissed as unorthodox and blasphemous, or the Day of Judgment. Perfectionist ideas with services that involved ritual dancing, and were implemented in utopian communes, enemies charged that secret ceremonies were which tried to reform the human condition carried out in the nude. through new patterns of property ownership, Most damaging (said critics) were the effects sexual relationships, and changes in diet and of membership on individuals and families. healing methods. One celebrated colony was Families joined the Shaker communities en established by John Humphrey Noyes on the masse, but individuals resisted losing control of principle that the second coming had already their children to the elders, who inflicted occurred. His group practiced community of extreme physical punishments on them. When property and experimented with ideas of a member of a family tried to defect, the issue complex marriage, dismissing monogamy as arose of his or her access to the children who “idolatrous love.” In 1847, the commune took remained within the sect; property signed over up residence at Oneida, in New York state, to the Shakers was another tender issue. Defec- where it flourished into the 1880s; at its height, tors fought to regain access to their children the membership reached almost three hundred. and, in so doing, aroused public sympathy for Alongside the noble experiments of these their cause by publishing harrowing accounts exciting years, there were more worrying of Shaker misdeeds: obviously, these docu- developments on the religious fringe. Scandal ments made no attempt at objectivity and followed Robert Matthews, the Prophet painted the worst possible picture. During the Matthias, who declared himself the incarnated first half of the century, these sensational con- Spirit of Truth, and who gathered a band of flicts regularly appeared in local newspapers dedicated followers in the New York City of across the country, but mainly in the Shaker the 1830s. Partly on the strength of his similar heartland in the northeast.

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The Shakers’ most determined enemy was scandals and exposés led to a public reaction Mary Dyer, who was with her husband a against fringe religions and a demand for offi- member of the community from 1799 to cial restrictions. The assault was sufficiently 1815, and who left (“escaped”) after the col- intense and widespread to permit us to speak lapse of her marriage, and the deaths of of a cult scare, or at least a national anticult two of her children. Her printed revelations reaction. No one book offers the kind of of Shaker atrocities went into several editions, generic denunciation of fringe religions that the most comprehensive of which appeared in would become so commonplace in the 1920s 1847. She placed Ann Lee in the long succes- or 1970s, but the concatenation of scandals sion of religious impostors that began with the produced an impression of a broad social serpent in the garden of Eden, and progressed threat. Between 1875 and 1887, public through Simon Magus and Muhammad. attacks on religious deviance were intense Despite the sect’s affected piety and egalitari- enough to foreshadow the outbreaks of the anism, Dyer claimed that Shaker communities “cult wars” that would occur in the 1920s, were slave societies, in which the leaders and The 1940s, and the late 1970s (see table elders lived richly, and violated rules against 5.1).15 drunkenness and sexual vice, while ordinary The new hostility to marginal groups partly believers became serfs once they had signed reflected real evidence about fraud and crimi- over their property. Families were divided, so nal practice in these quarters, but political that spouse was not able to talk to spouse or leaders were also more prepared than hitherto parent to child. The elite enforced their rule to enforce a degree of Christian religious through physical violence, backed with sweep- orthodoxy. Both Evangelicalism and revival- ing threats of hellfire for any who should leave. ism were riding high, and the Protestant ethos Throughout, Dyer’s story is substantiated by of this time saw few difficulties in using the affidavits from former Shakers who had lost law to enforce public morality. Between 1864 their families and goods to the sect, and who and 1874, evangelicals sponsored a lively cam- testified that youngsters were savagely beaten. paign to pass a constitutional amendment that Dyer also described the secret sexual practices would have formally declared the United of the Shaker leadership, who purportedly States a Christian nation.16 Despite the enhanced their pleasure by means of electric rhetoric of religious freedom, toleration was charges. Shakers were accused of employing extended only grudgingly to groups outside both electricity and mesmeric spiritual powers the Judaeo-Christian tradition. Toleration did for their secret ends, and Mesmerism was cited not comprehend Native American religious as the means by which they recruited converts upsurges like the Ghost Dance movement, and broke their wills. In summary, “this which was brutally suppressed in 1890. As late Shaker system is a combination of paganism, as the 1920s, the federal Bureau of Indian atheism and a spurious gospel, by means of Affairs was actively seeking the suppression of which every member of the community is Native American religion and fighting mani- made a lanced spy upon the rest ...The sub- festations of “paganism.”17 ordinate members are taught that it is a duty to keep within the bounds of those revelations The Mormon crisis which their leaders blasphemously pretend to receive from the Deity.”14 One major target among the new religions was the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. Although their settlement in Utah Fighting the Sects, 1870–1890 would soon be seeking statehood, the religion was bedeviled by attacks on its bloodthirsty Though controversy had always surrounded record. Between 1856 and 1858, the US gov- marginal religious groups, it was during the ernment had fought a literal war against the 1870s and 1880s that an accumulation of sect, a conflict marked by guerrilla operations

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Table 5.1 Cults and cult scandals, 1875–1888 1875 Theosophical Society founded. Charles Nordhoff publishes The Communistic Societies of the United States. Ann Eliza Young, Wife No. 19, or The Story of a Life in Bondage. Charles Chiniquy, The Priest, the Women and the Confessional. Mary Baker Eddy, Science and Health. 1877 Execution of Mormon bishop John Lee for his part in the Mountain Meadows massacre. Fanny Stenhouse, Tell it All: The Story of a Life’s Experience in Mormonism. Publication of Mormonism Unveiled. H. P. Blavatsky, Isis Unveiled. 1878 Formation of the Anti-Polygamy Society. 1879 US Supreme Court decides case of Reynolds v. US J. H. Noyes flees the Oneida colony. Alleged human sacrifice in Pocasset, Massachusetts. First Church of Christ, Scientist, founded. First publication of The Watch Tower. 1881 Assassination of President Garfield by Charles Guiteau. 1882 Federal Edmunds Act criminalizes polygamy. Fanny Stenhouse, An Englishwoman in Utah. Jennie Anderson Froiseth edits The Women of Mormonism. Society of Psychical Research formed. 1883 Joseph Pulitzer acquires the New York World. 1884 Madame Blavatsky’s associates accuse her of faking mediumistic phenomena. 1885 Society of Psychical Research condemns Blavatsky in its “Hodgson Report.” 1887 Arthur Conan Doyle publishes A Study in Scarlet. Federal Edmunds-Tucker Act introduces more intrusive procedures to detect and suppress polygamy. Preliminary Report of the Seybert Commission published. 1888 Margaret Fox describes deception in origins of Spiritualist movement. Reuben Briggs Davenport, The Death-Blow to Spiritualism. H. P. Blavatsky, The Secret Doctrine.

and punitive raids. The most notorious event when “the whole United States rang with its was the Mountain Meadows massacre of horrors.” Twain also told of the Mormons’ 1857, in which 120 emigrants on a wagon Destroying Angels, the Danites, who were train, both men and women, were killed by “set apart by the Church to conduct perma- Mormon paramilitaries. The incident was nent disappearances of obnoxious citizens”: eclipsed by the worse horrors of the struggle generally, Utah was “a luscious country for between abolitionist and slaveholding sup- thrilling evening storier about assassinations porters in Bleeding Kansas and then the Civil of intractable Gentiles.”18 The Mountain War itself, but the massacre cast a long Meadows slaughter was again in the headlines shadow. In 1872, Mark Twain’s popular book, in the mid-1870s, when Bishop John Lee Roughing It, reminded readers of the crime, went on trial for ordering the attack; Lee was

79 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT eventually executed in 1877. One explosive Band or the Avenging Angels is a sinister and element of the case was the charge that real ill-omened one.” Conan Doyle added another guilt should be assigned to Brigham Young, twist to the mythology of polygamy when he for whom Lee was serving as a scapegoat, “an charged that Church leaders kidnapped official assassin of the Mormon church under women for their harems. the late Brigham Young.” One 1904 account The polygamy question now led to one of of Young’s rule in Utah highlighted “the the most sweeping episodes of religious per- Mountain Meadow massacre – the reign of secution in American history. From 1862, terror in Utah – the doctrine of human sacri- federal antipolygamy laws threatened the fice . . . the facts of polygamy.”19 whole legal basis of the religion and invali- Anti-Mormon tracts appeared at an acceler- dated Utah laws sanctioning multiple mar- ating rate from the early 1870s, with sensa- riage. After the Civil War, the federal tional books on polygamy like Wife No. 19: A government had even less tolerance for Complete Exposé of Mormonism, by “Brigham regions claiming the right to defend local tra- Young’s Apostate Wife.” A later edition of this ditions that violated national law. Appealing to book bore the elaborate title Life in Mormon this centralizing principle, critics of polygamy Bondage, and promised “a complete exposé cited the practice as Utah’s “peculiar institu- of its false prophets, murderous Danites, tion,” a phrase that recalled southern slavery. despotic rulers and hypnotized deluded sub- In 1878, Protestant women formed an Anti- jects,” which is a fair epitome of the whole Polygamy Society, explicitly modeled on the tradition of anticult polemic. Drawing from old Anti-Slavery Society. The traditional reli- anti-Catholic stereotypes, a Massachusetts gious critique of polygamy was now reinforced paper described Mormonism as founded upon by a feminist assault on the male subjugation “the ambition of an ecclesiastical hierarchy to of women.22 wield sovereignty, to rule the souls and lives of The religious freedom issue found its way its subjects with absolute authority, unre- to the US Supreme Court, which had recently strained by any civil power.”20 ruled in 1871 that “[t]he law knows no heresy, Charges that Mormon death squads and and is committed to the support of no dogma, Danites wrought bloody vengeance upon the the establishment of no sect.” However, movement’s enemies were sufficiently well- that case, Watson v. Jones, had concerned a known to provide the basis of the first theological squabble within an established Sherlock Holmes story, A Study in Scarlet, denomination, namely the Presbyterians; the which appeared in 1887 and is perhaps the laissez-faire principle was not extended to new first example of the use of a cult setting in a sects. In 1879, the Court overruled objections mystery story. Conan Doyle’s story relies on that antipolygamy statutes violated the con- the anti-Mormon tracts that publishers had stitutional freedom of religion, affirming in poured out over the previous two decades, the case of Reynolds v. US the principle that especially the autobiographical memoir pub- religious freedom extended only to belief, not lished by Fanny Stenhouse.21 A Study in to action. “Congress was deprived of all Scarlet depicts a region living under a reign of legislative power over mere opinion, but was religious terror: “To express an unorthodox left free to reach actions which were in viola- opinion was a dangerous matter in those days tion of social duties or subversive of good in the Land of the Saints.” The Church’s order.” secret enforcement arm “appeared to be New federal measures fought polygamy omniscient and omnipotent, and yet was with draconian policies that made serious neither seen nor heard. The man who held out inroads into traditional constitutional and against the Church vanished away, and none legal protections, and that brought the federal knew whither he had gone or what had government deep into the business of enforc- befallen him ...To this day in the lonely ing religious orthodoxy. The Edmunds Act of ranches of the West, the name of the Danite 1882 declared polygamy a felony and made

80 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT polygamous “unlawful cohabitation” a mis- turbing changes in personality – and possibly demeanor. The law disfranchised polygamists, mental instability. excluded them from public office or jury Of much more concern to the critics was the service, and banned most Mormons from par- liberated sexual ambience at Oneida, which ticipating in the government of a territory in encouraged the idea that “commune” was which they made up 85 percent of the popu- simply a code word for group sex. By 1870, the lation. Polygamist exclusion was enforced by press was denouncing the commune for its test oaths, and in 1887, a new law demanded depravity: surveying press reports about them- that wives testify against their husbands. selves, the Oneida community’s news sheet Mormon leaders were arrested or forced to reported, “The word filth, with its derivatives flee, and some 1,300 men were convicted filthy, filthiness, etc, occurs nine times; abomi- under the Edmunds law. The Church of the nation, abominable, etc, six times; depravity, Latter-Day Saints was disincorporated and its depraved, etc, six times; lust four times; blas- property escheated to the United States. The phemy three times; licentiousness three times; crisis ended only in 1890, when Mormon bestial, foul, and horrible, each twice.” President Wilford Woodruff declared that he Pubescent youngsters were encouraged to had received a revelation ending polygamy at enter freely into the communal sex life, and least as earthly practice (Mormon men could community head J. H. Noyes was often the one still enjoy plural wives in the afterlife). This to offer sexual initiation to girls of twelve or change of doctrine paved the way for Utah’s thirteen. Given the contemporary age-of- admission as a state in 1896, though the tra- consent laws, this was not necessarily criminal ditional anti-Mormon polemic would often in itself, but there was always the danger of resurface in the new century. other sex-related charges, like fornication. By 1879, the clergy and media were pressing for prosecution: using an ominous analogy, a Syra- cuse newspaper saw “the Oneida Community Attacking the communes as far worse in their practices than the polyga- The communes were also attracting critical mists of Utah.”24 In response, Noyes suddenly interest in these years. Since the 1840s, various abdicated from Oneida and fled to Canada. communes had been rent by accusations that Two years later, the commune received they were being usurped by dictatorial and more scandalous publicity when one of its authoritarian self-appointed spiritual elites. alumni assassinated President Garfield. The Even in the liberated Transcendentalist group culprit, Charles Guiteau, had been a member at Fruitlands, women members charged that of the Oneida group from 1860 to 1866, overweening male leaders trampled their leaving in part because of the impossibility of rights. In 1875, Charles Nordhoff, in The finding sexual partners. In 1867 he launched Communistic Societies of the United States, a moralistic campaign against Oneida and its published sympathetic accounts of groups as alleged vices. Adding to the “cult” element of diverse as the Zoarites, Icarians, and Shakers. the assassination, Guiteau was a profound Nordhoff nevertheless raised troubling ques- believer in spiritualism, and he blamed the tions about the fate of the individual will and spirits for motivating him to undertake the key personality in such settings and about the lack decisions of his life, including the attack on of privacy. He also described one of the har- Garfield. In the ensuing trial, Guiteau’s reli- rowing group criticism meetings by means of gious fanaticism was cited as a textbook which the Oneida group maintained internal example of the conditions likely to drive a order.23 Though still a long way from the person to violent insanity.25 charges of brainwashing that would be Other commune leaders were haunted by directed against the cults of the 1970s, critics sexual allegations. One such was Thomas Lake of the communes cited Nordhoff’s account to Harris, whose career on the religious fringe show that group pressure could produce dis- spanned the second half of the nineteenth

81 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT century. Originally a spiritualist and a which photographic images were crudely Swedenborgian minister, he operated a series retouched to suggest the presence of a ghost. of communes from 1850 onwards and led a sect The pioneer of this process went on trial in known as the Brotherhood of the New Life, 1869. In 1882, the Society for Psychical which he ruled autocratically as “Man, Seer, Research was formed, and it publicized the Adept, and Avatar.” Harris preached a complex extensive evidence of trickery and deception sexual mysticism that presumed the existence it found among the vast majority of the of both masculine and feminine divine spirits: mediums it examined. Deriding mediums believers were urged to find their spiritual became a literary cliché: in 1883, Twain’s Life “counterparts” with whom they would beget on the Mississippi offered a transcript of a seance spiritual offspring. Though commune mem- in which the medium characteristically spoke in bers apparently lived in strict chastity, tales of utter generalities, omitting any concrete fact orgies, wife swapping, ritual nudity, and child that might have proved the truth of communi- molestation followed the Brotherhood from cation from the beyond. By the 1880s, spiritu- the late 1860s onwards. Also criticized was the alism had to a large extent lost its niche in high practice of breaking up earthly families and society, and a Henry James character could removing children from their parents. Perhaps scoff at the progressive subculture of Boston’s to escape the scrutiny of the New York news- “witches and wizards, mediums and spirit papers, Harris’s group migrated to northern rappers, and roaring radicals.”27 California in 1875, but through the 1880s, the The reaction against spiritualism culminated sect was riven by personal feuds, in which each with several developments from 1887 to 1888. faction publicly denounced its rivals as fanatics. The most damaging involved Margaret Fox, A delighted press picked up the ensuing scan- one of the two girls who had been at the center dals, reporting on orgies in the Santa Rosa of the original visitation at Hydesville forty commune and charging that Harris used his years previously. On joining the Catholic hypnotic powers to control his followers and Church, Fox published a full confession of “this victims. In 1892, the San Francisco Wave stated horrible deception” perpetrated by her sister that “his religion is just a trifle worse than Mor- and herself. The mysterious knocks and clicks monism ...the place is an idealized house of had been quite material things, which the girls sin, a den of iniquitous debauchees, whose only had done by rapping with their feet, or manip- religion is the satisfaction of the passions, ulating the joints in their toes and fingers. where there are no ties of affection, and where Margaret demonstrated the whole technique to both sexes of one family bed together like dogs a journalist for Pulitzer’s New York World, for in a kennel.”26 whom she was able to summon forth answers from the great beyond. Among other things, she produced the spirits of Napoleon Bona- The crisis of spiritualism parte and Abraham Lincoln, and Napoleon Another new religious system that now found obligingly stated, through rapping, that he had itself under attack was spiritualism, which known the journalist well, eighty years before. predictably boomed following the Civil War, as Although she would later recant her recanta- thousands of grieving families sought to tion, the whole affair was ruinous. In 1888, a contact their lost loved ones. Religious critics sensational New York trial resulted in the had long attacked the movement as criminal imprisonment of medium Ann O’Delia Diss necromancy, charging that spirit manifestations Debar, for attempting to defraud a client.28 were the work of deceptive demons. The new About the same time, the University of critique was strictly secular and practical, Pennsylvania published the results of an inves- branding spiritualism as a blatant confidence tigative commission that had been established trick. The movement was discredited by with funds left by Henry Seybert, who had copious evidence of fraudulent mediums, par- wished to see the truth of spiritualist claims ticularly the racket in spirit photography, in established for the public record. The Seybert

82 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT commission was made up of ten open-minded Brotherhood, a select club that included scholars, who worked for three years witness- Jesus, the Buddha, Confucius, Mesmer, and ing some of the best-known mediums of the Cagliostro, as well as real-life occultists she day. Even under these optimum conditions, had consulted over the years. spiritualism could not be verified: “In every Theosophy was enjoying a global boom by case with but one exception the result was the early 1880s and its ideas would have a pro- either a blank seance, a positive failure, or a found influence on all subsequent occultism, deliberate cheat.” Margaret Fox easily con- but the movement entered a period of crisis in vinced the commission that she had been 1884 with a series of scandals. There were the faking her claims, and shortly afterwards the usual mediumistic tricks and equally embar- Fox story was reported in a book with the rassing was the leadership’s use of letters optimistic title The Death-Blow to Spiritualism. supposedly channeled from higher spiritual It was no such thing, and a new Nationalist realms. The contents of these letters provided Spiritualist Alliance of Churches was formally all-too-convenient ammunition for internal organized in 1893, but the movement’s factional squabbles. Blavatsky’s other difficul- popularity reached a low ebb at the turn of ties involved the living Masters, whom she had the century.29 In 1898, an Episcopalian critic exalted into mythological supernatural beings: claimed to “see in spiritualism nothing but “Mahatmas, who ...could hold the Mount useless and profitless imposition, deceit and Meru on the tip of their finger, and fly to and trickery, accompanied by most mercenary fro in their bodies at their will, and who were motives. Moreover, even if these mediums are ...more gods on earth than a God in Heaven influenced by spiritualistic powers, they are the could be.” The discovery that these indi- forces of darkness, not of the light.”30 viduals were all too human led to general dis- appointment among the group’s followers, but critics were delighted.31 Theosophy Theosophy also suffered from troubling A similar skepticism extended to sects with charges of literary fraud and plagiarism, of the practices akin to spiritualism, like Theosophy. sort that were continually directed against the The Theosophical Society was formed in New Mormon scriptures. Reviewers pointed out that York City in 1875 by Helena P. Blavatsky and if in fact ascended Masters or Mahatmas had Henry Olcott, both of whom had a long- assisted Blavatsky in writing her great spiritual standing interest in seances and mediumship: texts, then they had a nasty tendency to plagia- the two leaders met when both came to the rism. One scholar claimed to demonstrate that defense of two allegedly bogus mediums. As everything in the pioneering Theosophical text outlined in Blavatsky’s influential books Isis Isis Unveiled was derived from a corpus of about Unveiled (1877) and The Secret Doctrine a hundred books, all avaiable to the supposed (1888), the Theosophical movement inte- channeller, Madame Blavatsky. The Masters grated spiritualist ideas with a great deal of also demonstrated a remarkable ignorance of Hindu and Buddhist thought, including the Indian culture and tended to rely on modern theories of karma and reincarnation. The popularizations. In 1898, the magazine Con- movement also offered an extensive history of temporary Literature attacked the founder of human civilizations dating back millions of Theosophy in a biting article entitled “Madame years through the time of Atlantis, incorpo- Blavatsky and Her Dupes.”32 rating the stories of many lost races and civi- lizations. Blavatsky claimed to have obtained her wisdom in hidden lamaseries in Tibet and The Media and the Cults central Asia, where she had found secret texts like the (imaginary) Stanzas of Dzyan. She also During the latter years of the nineteenth relied on material channeled from great super- century, the climate for the new sects became natural Masters, members of the Great White chillier as the news media became more

83 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT sensational in tone, finding rich material in the figure was John Alexander Dowie, who prac- religious fringe. When, for instance, a murder ticed spiritual healing until in 1895, when he case could be linked to religious extremism, it was denounced by the Chicago Tribune for was interpreted as the outcome of cult fanati- unlicensed practice of medicine. By 1901, he cism rather than simple insanity. In 1879, a had founded a theocratic commune at Zion brutal child murder in Pocasset, Massachu- City, Illinois, and declared himself Elijah the setts, was reported in a contemporary pam- Restorer; he believed that the earth was flat phlet, The Victim of a Father’s Fanaticism! and was described as a “paranoiac swindler.” According to this account of “the Pocasset The affairs of Zion City offered lively scandal fanatics ...Charles Freeman, the ‘second to the press until the settlement was finally Adventist,’ imagining himself another burned to the ground in 1937.36 Abraham, slays his little daughter, offering up Just as eccentric as Dowie was Dr. Cyrus R. his darling child as a human sacrifice!”33 Teed, who adopted a range of quasi-Hindu American journalism experienced a revolu- and reincarnationist beliefs. He also preached tion in the 1880s, inaugurated by Joseph that the world was hollow and that we are Pulitzer’s acquisition of the New York World living within it. Teed developed a colony of in 1883. The Pulitzer press pioneered the true believers at the Church Triumphant in modern era of crusading exposés, the “new Florida, where he took the messianic name journalism,” also known less flatteringly as Koresh, recalling the Hebrew title of the “yellow journalism.” The tradition was pushed biblical king Cyrus. He survived until 1906, to even greater lengths after William Ran- becoming something of a tourist attraction in dolph Hearst bought the New York Journal in the Fort Myers area, where his sect survived 1895. The phenomenal success of the World into the 1940s. After his death, his disciples and the Journal inspired other press lords kept watch over his body in expectation of his across the nation: the number of daily news- resurrection, giving up only when he showed papers in the United States rose from 574 in unmistakable signs of decomposition. The 1870 to 2,600 by 1909, their combined cir- same story about followers expecting a culation from 2.6 million to 24.2 million. deceased messiah to arise is told of several Both Hearst and Pulitzer chains made cam- other groups in this era, suggesting that the paigns against cults and bogus religions a motif had become a media cliché: it had been staple of their coverage, so that any new claims applied to Ann Lee and also appears in the to divine inspiration could expect to be context of Thomas Lake Harris and Benjamin greeted with the debunking zeal that had been Purnell.37 directed against Theosophy and spiritualism. Apart from depicting cult leaders as cranks, Happy was the newspaper that had within its news stories also reinforced images of sexual market area an eccentric commune ready to be excess and immorality. Even the new sect of investigated and exposed during slow news Christian Science was blamed for dividing periods. Some papers developed a minor spe- families and encouraging vice, and by 1890, cialization in cult debunking, above all the “the odium of increasing divorce and New York World, but also the Los Angeles domestic alienation the land over was often Times and the San Francisco Examiner (the attributed to Christian Science.”38 The lurid Examiner was another Hearst organ). In the publicity surrounding the Mormon poly- first decade of the new century, the Brooklyn gamists was reinforced by other instances of Daily Eagle successively declared war upon “love cults” and “sex cults,” often involving Christian Science, the Emmanuel Movement, underage girls. One such affair in Oregon cul- and the Watch Tower Society.34 minated in 1906 when the outraged relatives The media found a continuing stream of of a young victim murdered a self-proclaimed ludicrous and scandalous material in various Elijah the Prophet, after he had drawn dozens sects, some of which recalled the great days of of local girls and women into his messianic communal expansion.35 One controversial cult.39

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Much more substantial was the House of newer ones ...The 1880s were an exciting David group, which provided a remarkable time of growth for the new movements promis- link with the most extreme sectarian move- ing spiritual healing, which coalesced into the ments of the eighteenth century. The move- church of Christian Science and the various ment traced its spiritual ancestry to the schools of New Thought, while occult and revelations of Joanna Southcott, the English Theosophical groups also prospered. But all prophetess of the 1790s, who claimed to be the emerging movements faced deep hostility the first in a sequence of Divine Messengers from the media and other critics, who now who would usher in the End Times. By the lumped the new creeds together under the sus- 1890s, the Flying Rollers (or Israelites) had picious title of “cult.” formed a communal settlement headed by Michael Mills of Detroit. At the turn of the century, however, Mills went the way of many Notes other messiahs and was convicted of the statu- tory rape of a young colony member during a 1Robert N. Bellah and Frederick E. religious rite. The publicity ignited a scandal Greenspahn, eds., Uncivil Religion (New York: that forced the colony out of Detroit amidst Crossroad, 1987); David H. Bennett, The threats of lynching, and newspaper headlines Party of Fear, 2nd edn. (New York: Vintage, about “A Bestial Religion” and the “Long- 1995). Haired Prince of Darkness.”40 Not for the last 2 For military messiahs in the Bible, see Acts time, the Detroit and Chicago newspapers 5:36–7 (RSV). Norman Cohn, Pursuit of the could rejoice at the presence of the House of Millennium, 3rd end. (London: Paladin, David in their readership area. 1970). 3 Thomas Edwards, Gangraena (London, At just the same time as the Mills affair, the 1646); Jerome Friedman, Blasphemy, Los Angeles Times determined on a crusade Immorality, and Anarchy (Athens: Ohio Uni- against its own local cultists, namely the Theo- versity Press, 1987). sophical commune Katherine Tingley had 4Joseph J. Kelley, Pennsylvania: The Colonial founded at Point Loma, near San Diego. In Years 1681–1776 (Garden City, NY: Double- 1901, accusing the Theosophists of conduct- day, 1980), 221. Sydney E. Ahlstrom, A Reli- ing “weird orgies,” the paper offered head- gious History of the American People (New lines like “Outrages at Point Loma Exposed Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1972). For by an Escape” and “Women and Children the European reaction against religious enthu- Starved and Treated Like Convicts. Thrilling siasm in these years, see Hillel Schwartz, The Rescue.” The Times reported how at mid- French Prophets (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979); Michael Heyd, Be night the pilgrims, “in their nightrobes, each Sober and Reasonable (Leiden, Netherlands: E. holding a torch,” went to a sacred spot on the J. Brill, 1995). Point Loma peninsular where “gross immoral- 5 Jenny Franchot, Roads to Rome (Berkeley: Uni- ities were practised by the disciples of spook- versity of California Press, 1994); Harvard ism.”41 Tingley successfully sued the paper for Journal April 16, 1934; John T. McGreevy, libel and used the threat of legal sanctions “Thinking on One’s Own,” Journal of Ameri- repeatedly against later challenges from other can History 84 (1997): 97–131. powerful papers, including the New York 6 In The Truth About the Catholic Church World. Even so, the affair illustrates the emer- (Girard, KS: Haldeman Julius, 1926), former gence of what had come to be a potent cliché monk Joseph McCabe recounted many scan- dals involving drunkenness and sexual license, of cults and communes, which in the public while as late as 1962, former priest Emmett mind already evoked “gross immoralities” and McLoughlin published his study of Crime and “thrilling rescues.” Immorality in the Catholic Church (New York: The intensity of the criticism directed against Lyle Stuart, 1962). David G. Bromley, ed., The fringe religions did not necessarily impede their Politics of Religious Apostasy (Westport, CT: growth or discourage the emergence of ever Praeger, 1998).

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7 Marcus Bach, They Have Found a Faith 17 Kathleen Egan Chamberlain, “The Native (Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1946), American,” in Religion in Modern New Mexico, 14; Donald L. Kinzer, An Episode in Anti- ed. Ferenc M. Szasz and Richard W. Etulain Catholicism (Seattle: University of Washington (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1964). Press, 1997). James Mooney, The Ghost Dance 8 David Brion Davis, “Some Themes of (North Dighton, MA: JG Press, 1996). Counter-Subversion,” in From Homicide to 18 Mark Twain, Roughing It (Chicago, IL: F. G. Slavery (New York: Oxford University Press, Gilman, 1872); J. H. Beadle, The History of 1986), 137–54. Mormonism (Toronto: A. H. Hovey, 1873); 9 Bennett, The Party of Fear. Gary L. Bunker and Davis Bitton, The Mormon 10 M. Aikin, Memoirs of Religious Impostors Graphic Image, 1834–1914 (Salt Lake City: (London: Jones and Co., 1822). University of Utah Press, 1983). 11 Fawn Brodie, No Man Knows My History, revd. 19 The Mormon Menace, being the confession of end. (New York: Vintage, 1971), 230–1; John Doyle Lee, Danite, an official assassin of Bruce Kinney, Mormonism: The Islam of the Mormon church under the late Brigham America (New York: Fleming H. Revell, Young (New York: Home Protection Publish- 1912); Gary L. Ward, ed., Mormonism I: ing, 1905); Mormonism Unveiled; or, The life Evangelical Christian Anti-Mormonism in the and confessions of the late Mormon bishop, John Twentieth Century (New York: Garland, D. Lee. ...Also the true history of the horrible 1990); Fuad Sha’ban, Islam and Arabs in butchery known as the Mountain Meadows mas- Early American Thought (Durham, NC: sacre (St. Louis, MO: Bryan, Brand, 1877); Acorn, 1991). Juanita Brooks, The Mountain Meadows 12 Jon Butler, “The Dark Ages of American Massacre, revd. edn. (Norman: University of Occultism,” in The Occult in America, ed. Oklahoma Press, 1970); T. B. H. Stenhouse, Howard Kerr and Charles L. Crow (Urbana: The Rocky Mountain Saints (Salt Lake City, University of Illinois Press, 1983), 58–78; Jon UT: Shepard Book Co., 1904). Butler, Awash in a Sea of Faith (Cambridge, 20 Ann Eliza Young, Wife No. 19, or The Story of MA: Harvard University Press, 1990); Anne a Life in Bondage (Hartford, CT: Dustin, Braude, Radical Spirits (Boston: Beacon Press, Gilman, 1875); Jennie Anderson Froiseth, ed., 1991); Robert L. Moore, In Search of White The Women of Mormonism (Detroit, MI: Crows (New York: Oxford University Press, C. G. G. Paine, 1882). The book Life in 1977); Arthur Wrobel, ed., Pseudo-Science and Mormon Bondage discussed here was basically Society in Nineteenth-Century America a reprinting of Wife No. 19 and was published (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, by Philadelphia’s Aldine Press in 1908. The 1987). For the British experience, see Alison quotation from the Massachusetts paper is Winter, Mesmerized (Chicago, IL: University from Ann Taves, “Sexuality in American Reli- of Chicago Press, 1998). gious History,” in Retelling U.S. Religious 13 Paul E. Johnson and Sean Wilentz, The History, ed. Thomas A. Tweed (Berkeley: Uni- Kingdom of Matthias (New York: Oxford versity of California Press, 1997), 45. University Press, 1994). 21 Fanny Stenhouse, Tell It All: The Story of a 14 Mary Marshall (i.e., Mary M. Dyer), The Rise Life’s Experience in Mormonism (Hartford, and Progress of the Serpent from the Garden of CT: A. D. Worthington, 1877); Fanny Sten- Eden to the Present Day (Concord, NH: 1847). house, An English woman in Utah ...Includ- The quote is from 147; the use of electricity is ing a full account of the Mountain Meadows described on 184–5; Mesmerism on 221. massacre, and of the life, confession and execu- Mary M. Dyer, A Portraiture of Shakerism tion of Bishop John D. Lee (London: S. Low, (Concord, NH: 1822). Lawrence Foster, Reli- Marston, Searle and Rivington, 1882). gion and Sexuality (New York: Oxford Uni- 22 Taves, “Sexuality in American Religious versity Press, 1981). History,” 45. 15 Though see ...William Oxley, Modern 23 For Fruitlands, see Anne C. Rose, Transcen- Messiahs and Wonder Workers (London: dentalism as a Social Movement (New Haven, Trubner and Son, 1889). CT: Yale University Press, 1981), 125–8; 16 Isaac Kramnick and R. Laurence Moore, The Louis J. Kern, An Ordered Love (Chapel Hill: Godless Constitution (New York: Norton, University of North Carolina Press, 1981). 1996). Charles Nordhoff, The Communistic Societies

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of the United States (London: J Murray, 1875), IL: Theosophical Society, 1987); Bruce F. 287–98. Campbell, Ancient Wisdom Revived (Berkeley: 24 The survey of hostile press reports is from University of California Press, 1980); Robert Spencer Klaw, Without Sin (New York: S. Ellwood, “The American Theosophical Penguin, 1993), 163; the Syracuse paper is Synthesis,” in Kerr and Crow, eds., The Occult quoted in ibid, 245. in America, 111–34. The quote is from 25 Harry Houdini, A Magician Among the Spirts Blavatsky, in K. Paul Johnson, “Imaginary (New York: Harper, 1924), 187–8; Charles E. Mahatmas,” Gnosis 28 (summer 1993): 28. Rosenberg, The Trial of the Assassin Guiteau Blavatsky made an enormous contribution to (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, the Western mythology depicting Tibet as a 1976). mystic paradise: see Donald S. Lopez, 26 Herbert W. Schneider and George Lawton, A Prisoners of Shangri-La (Chicago, IL: Univer- Prophet and a Pilgrim (New York: Columbia sity of Chicago Press, 1998). University Press, 1942); “Respiro,” The Man, 32 Cited in Barrington, Anti-Christian Cults, the Seer, the Adept, the Avatar, 2nd edn. 101. Edmund Garrett, Isis Very Much (London, E. W. Allen, 1897); Thomas Lake Unveiled: Being The Story Of The Great Harris, Brotherhood of the New Life (Santa Mahatma Hoax (London: Westminster Rosa, CA: Fountain Grove Press, 1891). The Gazette, 1894). For other contemporary quote from the Wave is from Schneider and attacks on Theosophy, see Aidan A. Kelly, ed., Lawton, 556. Theosophy II (New York: Garland, 1990). 27 Barbara Goldsmith, Other Powers (New York: 33 Poor Little Edith Freeman: The Victim of a Knopf, 1998); Howard Kerr, Mediums, Father’s Fanaticism! (Philadelphia, PA: Barclay and Spirit-Rappers, and Roaring Radicals and Co., 1879). (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1972); 34 For campaigns by the Brooklyn Eagle, see The Houdini, A Magician Among the Spirits. Emmanuel Movement: A Brief History of the 28 Houdini, A Magician Among the Spirits. New Cult (Brooklyn: Brooklyn Daily Eagle, 29 “In every case with but one exception” is from 1908); William H. Muldoon, Christian Science Houdini, A Magician Among the Spirits, 195; Claims Un-Scientific and Un-Christian . . . Preliminary report of the Commission Eddyism, its healings and fallacies investigated appointed by the University of Pennsylvania to (Brooklyn: Brooklyn Daily Eagle, 1901) . . . investigate modern spiritualism (Philadelphia, 35 Robert S. Fogarty, All Things New (Chicago, PA: J. B. Lippincott, 1887); Revben Briggs IL: University of Chicago Press, 1990); Davenport, The Death-Blow to Spiritualism Donald E. Pitzer, ed., America’s Communal (1888; New York: G. W. Dillingham, 1897); Utopias (Chapel Hill: University of North Elijah Farrington and C. F. Pidgeon, Revela- Carolina Press, 1997); Timothy Miller, The tions of a Spirit Medium (St. Paul, MN: Quest for Utopia in Twentieth-Century Farrington, 1891); David P. Abbott, Behind America: 1900–1960 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse the Scenes with the Mediums (Chicago, IL: University Press, 1998). Open Court, 1907); William Jackson Craw- 36 Martin E. Marty, Modern American Religion ford, Hints and Observations for those Investi- I: The Irony of It All (Chicago, IL: University gating the Phenomena of Spiritualism (New of Chicago Press, 1986), 234–4. York: E. P. Dutton, 1918). 37 “This Hollow World: Koreshans,” Newsweek, 30 Arthur H. Barrington, Anti-Christian Cults December 6, 1948, 26; Elmer T. Clark, The (Milwaukee, WI: Young Churchman, 1898), Small Sects in America (New York: Abingdon, 29–30. 1949), 147–50; Hugo Hume, The Superior 31 Peter Washington, Madame Blavatsky’s Baboon American Religions (Los Angeles: Libertarian (New York: Schocken Books, 1995); K. Paul Publishing, 1928); Fogarty, All Things New; Johnson, Initiates of Theosophical Masters James E. Landing, “Cyrus Reed Teed and the (Albany: State University of New York Press, Koreshan Unity,” in Pitzer, ed., America’s 1995); K. Paul Johnson, The Masters Revealed Communal Utopias, 375–95. For expectations (Albany: State University of New York Press, concerning Ann Lee, see Marshall, The Rise 1994); Joscelyn Godwin, The Theosophical and Progress of the Serpent. Enlightenment (Albany: State University of 38 Josephine Woodbury, War in Heaven, 3rd edn. New York Press, 1994); Michael Gomes, The (Boston, MA: Samuel Usher, 1897), 43. Dawning of the Theosophical Society (Wheaton, 39 Stewart H. Holbrook, “Oregon’s Secret Love

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Cult,” American Mercury, February 1937, 41 The account of “outrages” at Point Loma is 167–74. The American Mercury was H. L. from Emmett A. Greenwalt, The Point Loma Mencken’s publication, and it delighted in Community in California (Berkeley: Univer- exposing the follies of the fringe religions. sity of California Press, 1955), 67–76; “the 40 Anthony Sterling, King of the Harem Heaven disciples of spookism” is quoted in Carey (Derby, CT: Monarch Books, 1960), 63; McWilliams, “Cults of California,” Atlantic, Robert S. Fogarty, The Righteous Remnant March 1946, 105–10. (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1981), 37–40.

88 CHAPTER SIX

The New Spiritual Freedom

ROBERT WUTHNOW

Shirley Knight turned twelve in 1960. Her “nothing is working for me,” when a new cus- parents had divorced when she was seven. tomer walked in and struck up a conversation. When she was little, they took her to church Shirley married him two weeks later. He was every Sunday, but it was usually a different involved in Alcoholics Anonymous and inter- church each Sunday. They thought it was ested in Sufism. They spent their honeymoon important for her “to explore what was visiting spiritual retreat centers in Europe. out there.” In fourth grade, she attended a Coming home disappointed, they settled Catholic boarding school, and in fifth grade, in Virginia and became active in Alcoholics a private school run by Quakers. In sixth Anonymous. Shirley recalls that she loved grade, she went through confirmation class at the group because the people in it were “so an Episcopal church and in seventh and spiritual.” eighth grade attended Sunday school at the After a decade in Virginia, Shirley, her Methodist church. During high school, she husband, and two children moved to the attended a Christian Science church. Southwest, where they joined an Adult Shirley’s spiritual odyssey continued when Children of Alcoholics group, and Shirley she went to college at a large state university. started taking classes from a Jungian therapist. Some students from a fundamentalist Protes- Through the Waldorf school that her children tant group befriended her, but Shirley soon attended, she became interested in the teach- felt uncomfortable with them. By the end of ings of Rudolf Steiner, called anthroposophy, her freshman year, she was attending services and soon began driving to a retreat center at the Catholic Student Union, attracted by on weekends to learn more about it. At the the beauty of its rituals. During her sopho- moment, she summarizes her religious beliefs more year she studied in Italy, where she by asserting that they focus on “spiritual learned more about Catholicism. A course in freedom and moral imagination.” Buddhism the following year broadened her For people like Shirley, the 1960s and 1970s horizons, and she was soon reading books provided new opportunities to expand their about other world religions. After graduation spiritual horizons. The 1960s began with she moved in with her boyfriend, who was Christian theologians declaring that God was “into yoga and very spiritual.” Within a year dead; it ended with millions of Americans she had broken up with him. She had also finding that God could be approached and worked at seven different jobs. made relevant to their lives in more ways than One day Shirley was sitting at work feeling they had ever imagined. Campus ministries sorry for herself, thinking, as she recalls, that forged new brands of politicized spirituality.

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Evangelical churches and conservative denom- in Massachusetts and had gone to church two inations grew quietly in the suburbs. After or three times a day. My mother’s family had the Second Vatican Council, Catholics began all been preachers in the Unitarian church. I hearing mass in English and participated more think by the time I came along they were both actively than before in Sunday services.1 New a little weary. They certainly didn’t evangelize religious movements of Asian origin, such as their children.” Zen and Hare Krishna, spread in metropolitan Being conditioned to seek spirituality on areas, as did the humanistic spirituality of such his own, he was eager to break out of the groups as Esalen, EST, and Scientology.2 So- subculture in which he was raised. For a long called underground churches and Jesus freak time, however, “I was not aware that there organizations emerged, and monasteries and were any other cultures at all,” he says. His religious communes began to attract new fol- first awareness came when his parents took lowings. For many people, it was difficult to him on a trip that included driving through a know which spiritual path to follow. large city. His father had a small statue of a In retrospect, the 1960s had a dramatic black Buddha in a cabinet at home, so when impact on American spirituality. Research indi- the boy spotted a black person for the first cates that many people were influenced by the time on the trip, he shouted, “Look, Dad, turmoil of these years to adopt a freewheeling it’s the Buddha!” In retrospect, he says, “It’s and eclectic style of spirituality.3 In addition amazing. I lived in a time capsule, sort of Lake to baby boomers like Shirley Knight who Wobegon, a place that time forgot. Everybody matured during the 1960s, many older was white, and there were forty families that Americans participated in the religious changes just sort of lived together [in my town] from of this period, and many younger Americans 1942 to 1960. It’s amazing.” have been influenced by it indirectly, thus As a child, Adam associated religion with a giving the period much wider significance than kind of stodgy, tight-lipped, strictly disciplined can be understood by considering generations New England asceticism. It was a spirituality or cohorts alone.4 What has not been ade- of dwelling that blended imperceptibly into quately considered is how activists in the 1960s the fabric of the town. Only after college did and their subsequent critics reshaped Ameri- he start to reflect on the meaning of his own cans’ understanding of freedom itself, and how spirituality. He attributes his new interest in this new understanding contributed to ...the spirituality to the more open setting in which rise of a spirituality of seeking. he was working. Many of the people were black. One of his closest friends was Jewish. Adam started to realize that whatever spiritual New Horizons path he took, he would have to come to terms with the racial and religious prejudices in his Adam Westfield is especially articulate about background. how the 1960s shaped his views of spirituality. During the 1960s his spirituality was deeply Born in 1942, he grew up in New England, influenced by the civil rights movement. Adam attended a private secondary school, graduated appreciated the freedom to explore new ways of from an elite university, and then embarked on expressing his spirituality. During the Vietnam a career in business. Looking back on his child- war he had to confront impulses toward hood, he says his parents taught him the impor- violence for which his middle-class upbringing tance of family, trying hard, and being good, had not prepared him. Turmoil in his marriage but left him to discover spiritual values on his was also to affect his spirituality. He remains own. He senses a strong shift in the attention involved in a church, but his spirituality is quite given to religion in his family history. “I think different from that of his parents. my parents’ generation had a much more inten- Other people describe different avenues to sive sort of religious pre-history [than I did],” experiencing new spiritual freedoms. Nancy he explains. “My father had been brought up Nystrom, like many teenagers during the

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1960s, experienced the turmoil of the decade control over my own life. I felt released from as conflict within her own life. Her parents the shackles. I still couldn’t quite get a grasp were devout Catholics. During the 1950s they on my life, but I was free of the angry God raised her in a secure home embellished with and hypocritical church experiences of my the trappings of organized religion. Her first childhood.” She still feels this way. She no memories are of Catholic statues “all over the longer seeks counsel from spiritualists. She house,” of saying the rosary and the Lord’s knows herself better than she did before and Prayer with her mother, and of conversations finds it easier to make up her own mind. about God, sin, and divine punishment. She “There’s just something inside my soul that remembers being terrified of God. “I had says God is good.” She says organized religion a naturally curious mind,” she says, “but I did not help her discover that; she needed to was afraid to move, afraid to explore. I felt find it on her own. To be in charge this way doomed, helpless, powerless.” For her, a is liberating. Images of freedom come easily to spirituality of dwelling felt constraining. her. Sometimes she imagines herself floating When she was in seventh grade, Nancy quit like a balloon. When she prays, she imagines attending the Baptist church her parents now herself freeing her thoughts to rise like little attended despite their objections. “I hated the balloons toward God. church, the minister, and God,” she recalls. But Nancy’s journey began in reaction to a in eleventh grade her parents sent her to a family and church environment that she found Catholic high school, and Nancy started think- patriarchal and constraining. But she was also ing again about God. The principal told her it a product of her times. Indeed, her parents was more important to be spiritual in her daily paved the way. Like a growing number of life than to attend mass and confession. Every- people in the 1950s, her parents switched one was friendly to her, and for two years she denominations – from Catholic to Baptist – in found a temporary home that made her feel hopes of finding a spiritual home more to their secure: “I just wanted to belong.” Still, liking. Nancy was put off by both denomina- thoughts about God reminded her of her child- tions’ claims to having absolute truth. She hood fears, so she postponed any serious inves- decided that if it were possible to switch, it tigation of spirituality until she was in college. was possible to do without organized religion “During the hippie era, I began on my own entirely. She was also raised to believe that to read a little about Eastern religions,” she things could be improved if people thought recalls. “I doubted Christianity, and I still felt for themselves rather than clinging to the past. very estranged from God, but I believed in Her parents favored the civil rights movement reincarnation. My brother was reading a lot and voted for John F. Kennedy. Nancy says about the occult, and that got me interested the social reforms of the 1960s “turned up a in numerology and Tarot. I read the Seth little flame” inside her that said she should be books by Jane Roberts. Seth was allegedly a “part of making things right.” The Vietnam spirit guide. I never just embraced these ideas war made her angry because she did not think automatically. I had a lot of questions, but I it was making things right. Eastern religions believed some of the things, like the idea that and the hippie culture were a breath of fresh each person has a spirit guide who is available air. She admits she was naive, but she found if you want them. I also started going to a spir- them liberating because they appealed to the itualist. And I thought a lot about the Ten best in human nature. Commandments. I wasn’t sure they were from God, but I did feel they were a kind of code imprinted on me and that they were a good Understanding the New Freedoms way to live.” The main result of these explorations was an A decade earlier, few observers of American enhanced sense of freedom. Nancy recalls, “I religion had foreseen the kinds of spiritual somehow felt freer. I felt as if I had more exploration in which Shirley Knight,

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Adam Westfield, and Nancy Nystrom engaged In this process, more Americans drew inspira- during the 1960s. Schooled to think that tion from the struggles of the poor, from the spirituality depended on the tight-knit bonds rich spiritual traditions of African Americans, of ethnic and religious attachments, they saw from other world religions, from rock music only the likelihood of spirituality diminishing and contemporary art, and from changing as these attachments weakened. Indeed, the understandings of gender and sexuality. If the 1950s’ revival in established religion was result was more complex, it was at least more regarded as a temporary phenomenon because true to the broad variety of human experience. of the social forces working against it.5 The mood of the sixties was also indebted Intense, introspective spiritual searching was to nearly a century of US and European com- the last thing anyone expected; as Abraham mentary on the growing anonymity of modern Heschel lamented, speaking of Christians and life, ranging from Karl Marx and Ferdinand Jews alike, “The self is silent; words are dead, Toennies to Sinclair Lewis’s Babbitt to William and prayer is a forgotten language.”6 Whyte’s Organization Man and David The upsurge of interest in spirituality in the Riesman’s Lonely Crowd. In these depictions, late 1960s is all the more impressive when the spiritual homes – Marx’s “heart of a heart- viewed against these predictions of declining less world” – that had provided warmth, interest in spirituality. The new quest for the succor, and identity in the past were becom- sacred blossomed despite the break-down of ing increasingly sparse as a result of large-scale social arrangements that had given religion its industry, the assembly line, the bureaucratic communal base. The fact that it could blossom workplace, the city, and finally the suburb. this way attests to the fact that spirituality was Whereas it had once been possible to have indeed shifting from an attachment to place a distinct, nuanced, public sense of who one and becoming increasingly eclectic. was as a result of living in a particular neigh- Although the 1960s was an unusual decade, borhood or attending a certain parish, now, filled with radical ideas and shocking behavior, according to these interpretations, one had it corrected some of the aberrations that the only a numbing feeling of anonymity. In the previous decade had brought to spirituality. suburb of the 1960s, just as in the factory of The clinging to safe, respectable houses of the 1890s, each person was an interchangeable worship in which a domesticated God could part, all fundamentally the same in outward be counted on to provide reassurance was appearances. Whatever distinctive chara- being challenged by religious movements that cteristics of spirit set the individual apart reasserted some of the mystery that had always from others were largely invisible to those been part of conceptions of the sacred. same others. The growing desire to escape was Americans in the fifties chose largely to remain thus less of an inclination to leave home for where they were, opting for security rather the sheer sake of gaining one’s independence than risking their faith in a genuine search for than of wanting to flee the stale sameness of spiritual depth; however, in the 1960s many modernity that was threatening to engulf Americans, having learned that they could one’s very soul. move around, think through their options, The religious efflorescence of the 1960s and select a faith that truly captured what they was also rooted in longstanding traditions of believed to be the truth, took the choice seri- freedom in American religion. These tradi- ously, bargaining with their souls, seeking new tions not only emphasized the right of indi- spiritual guides, and rediscovering that God viduals to choose their own faith but also dwells not only in homes but also in the provided a set of arguments about the basis of byways trod by pilgrims and sojourners. this right. For instance, Thomas Jefferson had The sixties questioned middle-class, white- offered two grounds for the free exercise of bread definitions of who God was and of religion that remained part of thinking in where God could be found, making it more the United States two centuries later (despite uncertain how to be in touch with the sacred. some changes in understandings of basic

92 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT terms). One was that the human spirit was of their seeking was taken to be alienation naturally inclined to think freely, to be curious, from institutions they did not like. Nobody to examine alternatives, and to be influenced quite understood that they were also being by arguments and opinions. The other was pulled by a freedom they did like, nor that that any conviction arrived at short of such this freedom was quite compatible with the free exploration was somehow less than increasingly fluid environment in the United genuine. It was, in Jefferson’s view, similar to States. being coerced, and thus tending “only to It is possible with hindsight to see not only beget habits of hypocrisy and meanness.”7 that freedom was at the heart of the spiritual Although these arguments focused mostly on quest of many Americans during the 1960s preventing the state from interfering with reli- but also that the meaning of freedom was gious expression, they were also associated in changing. Western religious thought has Jefferson’s mind with the need for people to generally held that individuals choose among be free of religious influences that might various courses of action and therefore must encourage them to pay homage to one church have freedom to exercise this choice. Because or pastor rather than seeking another more in individuals are likely to choose evil, however, keeping with their deepest moral convictions. some means of guiding their choices must Throughout the 1960s, interpreters of the also be present. Conscience is an inner voice religious scene supplied connections between guiding individual choice. It restrains individ- what was happening among US youth and ual choice by reminding people of their social larger, historical frameworks. Rather than view- responsibilities or by reflecting time-worn ing the new experimentation as a complete social norms. The key to understanding how break with the past, these interpreters saw the 1960s reshaped ideas of spiritual freedom continuity with important features of Western lies in the difference between freedom of con- religion.8 These interpretations nevertheless science and freedom of choice. presumed that people were still searching for Conscience speaks authoritatively about spiritual homes, albeit different ones from right and wrong. It does not connote shades those of their congregations or families. of gray as much as it does obedience or dis- Indeed, much of what attracted public obedience to clear standards. It is thus, as attention were experiments, such as com- the sociologist Emile Durkheim emphasized munes, underground churches, and student in his classic treatise on religion, a feature of groups, that fit this conception of the pressing community.10 Individuals who live in homo- need for new spiritual homes.9 Freedom was geneous communities with authoritative stan- understood as a desire not so much to discard dards of right and wrong can be mentored by all forms of religious organization as to move an internalized voice. This voice is binding, from organized religion to new religious meaning that freedom lies in the right to vol- communities. Freedom would thus at least be untarily obey or disobey rather than having to constrained by such leavening influences as conform to some arbitrarily imposed or coer- the need to get along with each other and to cive standard. Freedom of conscience implies get things done. Religious tradition could an absence of external intrusion into such embrace some of these alternatives. communities. The sacred space is morally invi- It was less clear whether religious leaders olable, and yet it provides freedom within its could embrace a new mentality that placed boundaries for individual talents and convic- less emphasis on community of any king. tions to be expressed as long as primary loyalty People who were searching on their own were to the community is maintained.11 assumed to be potential members either of In contrast, freedom of choice becomes alternative communities or of established reli- important when individuals must make their gious organizations. The possibility that they way among multiple communities. Decisions might remain permanently on the road was are required about entry and exit into partic- less desirable, particularly because the source ular communities and about whether to

93 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT participate in any community. Under such to be rediscovered and extended so that all conditions, the internal voice decides less Americans could enjoy the fruits of liberty. between right and wrong and more between His argument reflected a progressive view of better and worse. Freedom to choose implies history in which the forces opposing freedom having available an array of options. The would eventually succumb to those favoring it ability to make good choices depends on exer- but not without the active efforts of interested cising the right to weigh these various options. parties. Indeed, King saw a special role for Norman Mailer’s essay on the “hipster,” African Americans to fulfill in bringing the which in many ways presaged the mood of the claims of freedom to the forefront of public 1960s, illustrates the emerging emphasis on attention.13 freedom of choice. A person of character, Although King resorted sparingly to the Mailer wrote, is not so much one who can dis- idea of conscience, he did call on all tinguish between good and bad as one who Americans to heed the “national conscience” can realize possibilities in the face of growing in working together for racial justice. Freedom uncertainty. To make choices is the hallmark was thus associated explicitly in his treatise of freedom because every situation poses “a with freedom from oppression, with the new alternative, a new question” and because attainment of individual and collective dignity, emphasis is placed “on complexity rather than with civic responsibility, and with the spiritual simplicity.” True freedom comes from liberat- health of the nation. The quest for freedom ing oneself from the repressive “superego” of was a way of ridding the United States of the community and from developing one’s evil and of elevating its status as a “colony own moral imagination through a process of of heaven” in which all people were “one in experimentation.12 Christ.” King’s understanding of freedom empha- sized the internalized voice of right and wrong The Rights Revolution that was common to a spirituality of dwelling with God. It was rooted in communal tradi- For many people, these new ways of thinking tions within Christianity and in understand- about spiritual freedom can be traced to the ings of US democracy to a greater extent than civil rights movement. Government was the in the restless desire to experience alternative agent most capable of intruding on taken-for- lifestyles as a way of discovering new concepts granted freedoms of conscience. In the 1960s, of morality. In a broad sense, freedom was government was perceived as a threat by many vitally important to the civil rights movement, who thought it was interfering in their local as activists participated in freedom marches communities, but it also offered new freedoms and fashioned themselves as freedom fighters. to those who felt unable to express themselves Yet its meanings were deliberately framed to adequately. The civil rights movement, calling give it continuity with US political and on government to protect freedom of religious ideals. Politically, it was a feature of conscience and being resisted for the same democracy, an inalienable right to live without reasons, became one of the prominent places restrictions arbitrarily imposed because of in which freedom was redefined – and in ways race, color, or creed. Spiritually, it was rooted that would influence not only civic discourse in a conception of brotherhood that implied a but also understandings of spirituality. responsibility to treat others with equal respect In 1958, Martin Luther King Jr.’s book and to respect the common values on which Stride toward Freedom appeared, quickly that brotherhood was established. selling more than sixty thousand copies and King’s idea of freedom was thus constrained receiving favorable publicity in nearly all reli- by a commitment to equal rights, justice, and gious and secular periodicals. King argued that love of the common good. It was also the type principles of freedom found in Christianity of freedom best understood within a commu- and in the US democratic tradition needed nal or corporate context such as that in which

94 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT a spirituality of dwelling was found. In his “I variety of social service activities attributes the Have a Dream” speech King in fact repeatedly decisive shift in her orientation to a summer invoked metaphors of dwelling. He spoke camp she attended in 1961, when she was a often of African Americans living as exiles in junior in high school. The camp, sponsored by their own land, shunted onto an island of several of the churches in her area, was an poverty in a sea of prosperity. Freedom meant attempt to bring the civil rights movement to full participation in a place where human the local level by putting teenagers from rights were inalienable and happiness could be predominately white neighborhoods into pursued; it meant that all of God’s children mixed racial settings for the first time. She says could sit down at the table together, join the interaction began to “open” her con- hands, and sing together of their beloved sciousness. A few years later she participated land.14 in a summer work program sponsored by the Freedom especially meant the opportunity, American Friends Service Committee. She as theologian Joseph Washington, Jr. added, learned a lot, not only from the inner-city “to enjoy the fruits and shoulder the respon- residents she was helping but also from fellow sibilities of the American society.”15 It was volunteers. “They were quite liberal in social often described as the same kind of assimila- philosophy,” she remembers. She began to tion that European Americans had experi- realize how important it is “to understand enced – not a loss of ethnic identity, but the where different people are coming from,” and chance to build homes and communities and she was inspired by the people she met who to pursue personal ideals without restrictions were disadvantaged. imposed by other groups. In the view of most Gradually this woman came to believe that religious leaders, true freedom was enhanced there are good people wherever you go. She by being part of a religious community that began to think that denominational differ- respected the dignity of all persons. The ences and doctrines were less important than essential mark of spiritual freedom was thus serving others. She was especially influenced the right not to pick and choose but to be by the Friends’ teaching that, as she puts it, included in “the household of faith.”16 “God can speak through anyone; there’s not But the questions that some civil rights just somebody appointed by God to carry out activists were raising about “the establish- his will, but God works through everyone.” ment” gradually became occasions for think- Over the years, she has followed these inclina- ing about deeper meanings of liberation. As tions, switching from church to church, the 1960s unfolded, spiritual liberation came sometimes remaining uninvolved, expressing increasingly to mean a quest that deliberately detachment from theological arguments, and took one outside social institutions. Cynicism feeling that she is seeking God in her own way. resulted in questions being raised about the Jim Sampson provides the clearest example common values in which freedom of con- of how the civil rights movement started to science was grounded. Other writers encour- reshape people’s ideas about the meaning of aged young people to “go into the wilderness” freedom itself. Jim is a retail clothing salesman to confront themselves and to spend time in his late fifties. When he was a teenager, King meditating about the mysteries of life. They preached at the African American church Jim should be, Jack Kerouac had written, “mad to attended with his family in Philadelphia. The live, mad to talk, mad to be saved, desirous of sermon had a deep impact on Jim because he everything at the same time.”17 had been raised to take what people of faith For many of the people we talked to, the said with utmost seriousness. The spirituality civil rights movement was indeed their point Jim was raised with is best characterized as a of departure, teaching them that diversity is spirituality of dwelling. He says his earliest good and that personal exploration is desir- memory having to do with religion is simply able. A woman who still attends church but that “religion was everywhere.” It was on the who expresses her spirituality through a wider lips of his grandmother, with whom he spent

95 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT a great deal of time. “She would stand with whether the core values he had learned in her hands folded behind her, look up, pace up church were right. and down the hallway, and talk to the Lord,” After King was assassinated, Jim’s anger Jim remembers. He recalls in detail the Baptist turned to cynicism. Then his cynicism deep- church he went to several times a week as a ened when the only job he could find – as child: the foyer, the double doors leading into part of a new affirmative-action program spon- the sanctuary, the arrangement of the pews, sored by the city – was washing trucks. Having the pulpit, and the cross behind it. All his been unable to achieve freedom in one way, friends went to the church. he increasingly turned to seeking it in another. What Jim remembers most about King’s For the next several years he tried to enjoy life sermon was its emphasis on God’s love for all as much as possible, even though it was people. He says it pricked his conscience. A often difficult. On two occasions he and his few weeks later, Jim’s conscience was pricked girlfriend sought an abortion. Eventually they again, this time by his own pastor’s preaching. married and had a son, but his wife left him a “I really came in touch with my spirituality – few years later. with my purpose here on earth,” he recalls. Jim recalls this period as being so traumatic The Christian message of love and redemption that he was unable to face most of the people became his own. “Part of my core values,” he he knew. He interacted less with his family, says.18 At this point in his life, Jim understood found new friends, and quit going to church. spiritual freedom largely as the freedom He says his core values did not change. But he that comes to a person whose conscience is did come to think of spirituality in a new way. guided by deep immersion within a Christian Rather than associating it with his place in the community. Describing this understanding as church, he thinks of it in connection with the “freedom in Christ,” he explains that he wider array of choices he has made. “I’m just felt clearer about what was right and what as comfortable with Muslims or Catholics as I was wrong. King became a tangible symbol of am with Baptists,” he observes. “I feel that what was right, an “icon,” somebody who Jim God is in all of us. I’m open to more ideas.” wanted to follow. But several years would pass The greatest change, he says, was that he before the opportunity came. found trying to be obedient to God oppres- When Jim graduated from high school, he sive. It became necessary for him to “push out had no money to attend college, so he took a the boundaries.” job working for a carpenter. Within months he Apart from the civil rights movement, was drafted. After two years in Vietnam, he the 1960s promoted a mood of openness returned to find his neighborhood engulfed that encouraged people to respect diversity by the civil rights movement. Jim still believed and thus to move freely among different in “God and country,” as he puts it, but lifestyles and worldviews. Many of the people he immediately joined one of the civil rights we talked to took pride in having triumphed demonstrations. Protesting for the freedom of over their parents’ religious, ethnic, and racial his people seemed like the right thing to do. prejudices. Having gotten to know people of Jim says the civil rights movement affected other backgrounds, having lived through or his spirituality mainly by fueling his anger. learned about the civil rights movement, and During one of the protest marches, police in many cases having married someone from a turned off the street lights, causing the different faith were decisive experiences. They marchers to panic, and then beat many of felt that life was better as a result. the marchers with clubs. Jim’s uncle, one of Adam Westfield is one example. Even the deacons at his church, was in the hospital though he came from a long line of educated for days. After this episode, Jim sided increas- and professional people, he believes there was ingly with the militant wing of the movement much prejudice to be overcome. “My father being led by Bobby Seale, H. Rapp Brown, was definitely bigoted,” he admits, “and my and Malcolm X. He started questioning mother would never say things particularly,

96 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT but I do remember her saying, ‘It would prob- young women!” As a result, she feels more like ably be better if you didn’t marry a Catholic she has a part in God’s scheme. or a Negro.’ What’s interesting about that As the sixties progressed, millions of comment is that Jews weren’t even on the Americans came to be influenced by changing chart. I ended up marrying a Catholic, and understandings of gender and by a new I felt pretty good about it.” Moving toward a interest in feminist views of spirituality. In more tolerant outlook on life was especially one important respect, feminist spirituality meaningful for him. reinforced the more familiar emphasis on Another way in which people started to freedom of conscience, especially by focusing open out was by experiencing and reflecting greater attention on the internal voices of on the struggle for equality between women which conscience was composed and often by and men, a movement that had grown inde- insisting that these voices be informed by egal- pendently of the struggle for civil rights but itarian and cooperative social relationships.20 that often drew on the same sources for inspi- Yet, in another sense, they also contributed to ration. The spiritual implications of this strug- the growing emphasis on freedom of choice. gle were often profound because people came Choice of lifestyles and careers, as well as the to believe that the teachings of their own right to participate equally in religious services religious traditions were fundamentally biased and institutions, played a role in reshaping against women. People who came to this con- understandings of freedom. More important, viction were thus compelled to reject some of religious symbols themselves became fungible, their religious assumptions and to think how severed from automatic connections with their to find inspiration in new interpretations or in meanings because their patriarchal imagery other traditions.19 was being questioned.21 Increasingly, it proved Adam Westfield is again an example. Asked possible – even necessary – to be intentional how the feminist movement had influenced about the ways one chose to embrace the him, he remarks, “The religious texts – I don’t sacred.22 think it’s just the Torah and I don’t think it’s just the Bible – have really done women an incredible disservice. And that’s such an The Fluidity of Life understatement. In my heart I know that women are my equal in the same way that I Whether they applauded or lamented the know and feel that a black person is my equal, changes taking place, social observers in the or that a Jew is my equal, or whatever. I feel 1960s and early 1970s uniformly emphasized it. I feel it really passionately and deeply. So the fact that life was becoming complex in ways I’m very sympathetic with any feminist activ- that challenged the viability of established ity. I would call myself a feminist to the extent institutions. Theologian Michael Novak (prior that a man can.” to becoming a “neoconservative”) wrote that A woman in her late forties – a life-long communication technology was destroying the member of a Lutheran church – also remem- ability to live within stable geographic places. bered the vivid impact feminist thinking Instead, “the camera zooms in, pulls back, played in her spiritual development. “Talking superimposes, cuts away suddenly, races, slows, once with our minister we got onto the topic flashes back, flicks ahead, juxtaposes, repeats, of how God may view women. The discussion spins.” Our very sense of reality, he argued, turned to the fact that it was women who first becomes more fluid.23 discovered that Christ had risen from the Social theorists who in the 1950s had tomb. That led to the fact that it was Mary, written of the need to construct strong again a woman, who first knew of the coming institutions in order to keep the terror of chaos of the Christ child. But even more interesting at bay were now reinterpreted.24 If institutions was the story of the shepherds. He indicated were truly human constructions, then they that in those days the shepherds were also needed to be questioned, debunked, and

97 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT perhaps replaced. Facing up to the terror 1960 national expenditures on advertising would liberate us. We might be able to with- had doubled, and between 1960 and 1970 stand more chaos than we had imagined. Insti- they doubled again.25 tutions, above all, existed not so much to get Religious entrepreneurs started to the work done as to perpetuate a myth that imitate the strategies of advertisers and retail- work was being done. Social life was largely a ers. Drive-in churches and drive-through fiction of smoke and mirrors. Once people confessionals made headlines as innovative, if realized that, they could create their own bizarre, adaptations of business ideas to the realities. religious world. Less visibly, clergy shortened But the emphasis that many Americans sermons to accommodate the time demands placed on questioning established social con- of their parishioners, religious bookstores ditions was itself rooted in social conditions. began to appear, the bookstore chains that Freedom of choice was the rallying cry of con- developed in shopping malls started to carry sumers even more than it was of civil rights Bibles and inspirational books, and college activists and hippies. Indeed, it is interest- campuses started to provide tracts and sign- ing to recall the enormous expansion in con- up sheets for religious organizations as a sumerism that took place during the 1960s; it cafeteria-style approach to promoting reli- has been overshadowed by the political unrest gious interests along with other student of the period but may have had consequences activities.26 Spirituality, like hamburgers, was that were equally profound. At the end of increasingly something one could get quickly World War II, consumer products were invari- and in a variety of places. ably scarce, and the corner grocery or local If the consumer revolution encouraged hardware store remained at the core of retail- Americans to choose, so did new ideas about ing. By 1960, retailing had already expanded the family. In May 1960, the Food and Drug enormously, including the invention of large Administration approved Enovid as an oral chains, such as Korvette’s, which took in more contraceptive. By the end of 1961 more than than $150 million in that year. In 1954, a four hundred thousand women were taking Chicago businessman, Ray Kroc, had wit- the Pill. This figure rose to 1.2 million a year nessed a new idea on a trip to California that later and reached 2.3 million by the end of would revolutionize the way Americans ate, 1963.27 Journalists heralded the development and by 1960 more than two hundred McDon- as a new era of freedom for women. Religious ald’s restaurants had spread across the country leaders recognized its moral implications but and were rapidly being joined by other fast- could scarcely have predicted its wider social food chains. Over the next three decades, impact. During the 1950s, the average time more than eight thousand McDonald’s would between confirmation class and birth of first be added. Americans learned two important child for US young people had been only lessons from these developments: one, that seven years; by the end of the 1960s, in you could shop around for some of the essen- large measure because of the new contra- tial services that had always been provided at ceptive technologies, this period had more home, and, two, that not only was it valuable than doubled to fifteen years. Since the time to obtain services at a good price but conve- between confirmation and parenthood has nience – especially in the amount of time it always been one in which young people could took – was a valuable commodity itself. Above drop out of established religion and turn their all, Americans were deliberately being taught attention to other things, the doubling of this to shop as never before. The generation who period was of enormous religious significance. came of age during the 1960s was the first In a study of Presbyterians, the effects of cohort of young people to have been reared these social developments were much in evi- in a fully commercialized consumer society dence: young adults who became religiously and to have been exposed to television uninvolved were significantly more likely than advertising since birth. Between 1950 and those who stayed “churched” to remain single

98 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT or to divorce, to have no children, to move during the 1960s, were particularly influenced more often, and to live farther away from by these changes. In contrast to their mothers, their extended families.28 More broadly, there whose twenties were spent mostly at home appears to be a relationship between the loss raising small children, young women in the of family or community ties and a propensity sixties and seventies were much more likely to toward eclecticism in one’s attitudes and be living in dormitories or apartments and activities. For instance, research on musical studying literature and the social sciences or consumption and artistic taste shows that preparing for careers in the professions.33 eclecticism in these areas has increased steadily, Opening out was being promoted act- that it reaches higher levels among single or ively by government and business as well. A divorced people than among married people “mobile, fluid labor force” was championed (taking account of age differences), and that it by employers who wanted workers willing to is reinforced by geographic mobility.29 move as new jobs and markets demanded. Thus, if the 1950s had sanctified the nursery Realizing from the war effort that goods and the family room, the 1960s encouraged and services needed to be brought together in those who had been reared in these places to more complex ways than ever before, policy- explore the wider world. Whereas the fertility makers approved a new forty-one thousand rate had been 3.8 children per woman in mile interstate highway system in 1956, 1957, by 1973 it was only 1.9, the lowest it and oversaw its construction during the next had been is US history. During the same decade and a half. As teamsters and vaca- period, the number of young women who tioners scrambled to benefit from these new remained unmarried increased by a third, and resources, it should not have been surprising the divorce rate soared. Other trends also sig- that new rumblings of the spirit would be naled a more “liberated” orientation toward expressed in books such as Jack Kerouac’s On family: the proportion of first births occurring the Road or in the music of the Rolling Stones. outside of marriage rose from 5 percent in the The emphasis on choice and exploration late 1950s to 11 percent in 1971; a spec- would have made little difference, however, tacular eightfold increase occurred during the had it not been for another important fac- 1960s in the number of household heads who tor. Prosperity made it possible for growing were reported as living apart from relatives numbers of Americans to take advantage of while sharing their living quarters with an the new opportunities available to them. The unrelated adult “partner” of the opposite sex; relative prosperity of the 1960s is evident in and the number of persons reporting in the fact that per capita income grew by more surveys that they had engaged in premarital than 3 percent each year between 1960 and sexual relations increased, as did homosexual 1975 (adjusted for inflation), compared with activity.30 growth of less than 2 percent annually during Accompanying these changes in lifestyle was the following fifteen years. Another indicator an enormous rise in exposure to new ideas and of how this growth affected people is that information. College training was perhaps the families living below the poverty line fell from major source of such exposure. Between 1960 22 percent of the population in 1960 to only and 1970, college enrollments jumped from 12 percent in 1975; in comparison, most of 3.6 million to 8.6 million students.31 Another the growth in the subsequent period benefited way of gauging the impact of this expansion is the rich.34 through the declining numbers of Americans Rising prosperity meant that people like who had not graduated from high school: in Shirley Knight, Adam Westfield, and Nancy 1950, fully two-thirds (66 percent) fell into Nystrom had opportunities to explore new this category; by 1970, fewer than half (48 spiritual horizons that their parents and grand- percent) did; and by 1990, the proportion parents did not have. Young people who was less than a quarter (22 percent).32 Young matured during the 1960s were able to take women, whose numbers on campuses tripled classes in college that exposed them to other

99 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT religious traditions. Many of them traveled, so much good to the world? I really believed sometimes to places that sparked their reli- that he was going to bring good. It was hor- gious imaginations. Many were able to major rible. Everything went crazy.” in the humanities or social sciences, rather Almost three decades later, Nancy Nystrom than specializing in subjects that may not have breaks down and cries as she describes how exposed them to new ideas about religion. she felt when she heard that King had been shot. Such emotion can be understood only in relation to the spiritual meaning with which The Confrontation With Evil the civil rights movement was charged. Nancy was typical of many younger people who Although it is generally pictured as a time of believed that God’s work must somehow hedonism and self-exploration, the 1960s was be done through social reforms because it even more a decade in which Americans who was not being accomplished by the churches. had tried to build a safe world in the 1950s Working hard on behalf of human betterment came to terms with the continuing reality became a kind of religion for her. When these of evil. They did so not in a profoundly efforts met with violent resistance, the basis theological way but through public events and for that religion had to be rethought. “I personal traumas that could scarcely be wondered,” she recalls, “what is prevalent? ignored.35 If meaninglessness and boredom Good or evil?” were (as commentators argued) the well- Military service during the war in Vietnam springs of youthful unrest, concern about suf- was another way in which young people came fering primed the pump. Indeed, new interest to a growing recognition of evil. Adam West- in freedom was inspired as much by a desire field had always been taught to defend his to understand and alleviate suffering as it was country. When he was drafted in 1968, he by sheer self-indulgence. came to realize that there was evil within Adam Westfield remembers how the death himself. He explains, “I don’t think of President Kennedy affected him. When there’s any sensitive and caring human being Kennedy was elected, Adam recalls, “he was who goes into basic training and doesn’t get all tan and he looked amazing. He was one of changed dramatically. What the Army does is us who had gone out and done it, and was it makes you anonymous. It shaves off all your leading the Free World, and we could too. I hair, it keeps you from sleeping, so it really am different in my ambitions and my view of turns you into a nonperson, which is really the world because of him.” Kennedy’s death alarming. One person had told me before I was a serious psychological blow. “When he went in, ‘They’ll break you.’ And they do. died, we were all numb. It was a huge event.” That’s what military discipline does. I also dis- But Adam also says “it seemed random.” covered two things. It’s fun to march. You Thus, the deaths of King and Bobby Kennedy walk along and it’s fun. It feels good: click, had a more radical effect on his thinking. click, click. It’s this deep human thing, for Most of the people we interviewed who boys anyway, fun to march. The other thing is remembered the deaths of the Kennedys and they give you this really light little thing made of King spoke of the shock to their values. In out of aluminum or something, with a handle an instant, the familiar world was shattered, on it, and you carry it around like a little brief- and the fantasy world of better tomorrows case, and it can fire four hundred bullets a came to an end; in its place was the frighten- minute. You push the trigger and you hit the ing reality of a world capable of generating target a hundred yards away or two hundred evil. A woman who turned fourteen the day yards away. That was great; I loved it. It struck Kennedy was killed puts it well: “I was bro- me that men like to kill, that it’s fun. That’s a kenhearted when he died. How could the scary thought that doesn’t leave you – that I world kill this man who was supposed to bring have that in me.”

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Discovering evil – in the society or in teachings of Edgar Cayce, talked with friends yourself – may not lead to a new interest in about Native American spirituality, and read spirituality. But, for many of the people we the Bible. Whenever people asked her her interviewed, this discovery started them on religious preference, she said, “Christian and a journey that led away from the simple reli- Buddhist – and Jewish and everything else.” gious truths they had learned as children or, But a spirituality that emphasized freedom to in other cases, the simple secular pleasures choose anything did not end simply in dabbling they had taken for granted as children. For or self-indulgence. Through these years, Diane Adam Westfield, this was the start of his quest was haunted by her brother’s mental anguish. to learn how to be tolerant, how to wage As he went from hospital to hospital, she peace, and how to encourage what he calls became increasingly interested in learning what “moral civic action.” In her book, Dakota, she could do to help. At first she volunteered Kathleen Norris draws an even stronger con- at a crisis-intervention center. She took courses nection between the confrontation with evil in psychology and toyed with the idea of and the possibilities for liberation. “For one becoming a social worker. For a brief time she who has chosen the desert and truly embraced held an office job at a clinic. Eventually she the forsaken ground,” she writes, “it is not worked her way up to her present position. despair or fear or limitation that dictates how Most of her work now involves networking – one lives. One finds instead an openness and she solicits donations to keep the clinic afloat, hope that verges on the wild.”36 brings health professionals together, and The person we interviewed who best illus- provides services for people like her brother. trates the wild hope that Norris describes is The lesson that Diane gained from trying Diane Mason. A woman in her forties who to make choices about her spirituality – and runs a mental-health clinic, Diane was deeply about her life – was that the most important influenced by the evil she witnessed in the aspect of spirituality is doing. She isn’t sure 1960s and early 1970s. She was sixteen when what to believe. Nor is she sure that what one her brother came home from Vietnam. He believes matters. Her spirituality frees her to was drinking and using drugs, trying hard to do good. “I just believe that we are what we forget the killing. Shortly after he was arrested do,” she asserts. “I live my spirituality. It’s in for disturbing the peace, the church where her everything I do. The reason I exist in this parents taught Sunday school asked them not reality is to make it better.” The connection to come back. between this view of spirituality and the pain Diane says she didn’t lose her faith in God, she witnesses in people like her brother is that but she did lose confidence in the church. helping to alleviate this pain energizes her. From that point on, she decided to live by her “I’ve watched how their faith has helped them own rules. She experimented with drugs until survive,” she says. “It gets them through the she graduated from high school. In college, night. I see miracles. I see people come alive.” she majored in drama because it was an outlet She summarizes, “I mostly see God through for her desire to be creative. Before she grad- the work of other people. And my work is uated, her restlessness took her in a rusty Volk- acknowledging the God in others.” In many swagen bus to the Florida Keys, where she ways Diane Mason’s spiritual journey has been lived for a year. During the year she decided characterized by choices she made mainly to she wanted to have a baby. She met a man, find out where they would lead. She has exer- got pregnant, and eventually came home to cised a great deal of freedom in making these live with her parents. Diane was exercising choices. Yet her view of God became so her freedom to explore spirituality as well. She inclusive that she was led to see God even in took courses in world religions in college, read the people she was trying to help. She hopes books about Tibetan Buddhism, and learned that her work is helping to liberate them. to meditate. She dabbled with the psychic She knows it is helping to liberate her.

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vides insufficient resources to meet the des- Spirituality Takes Wing perate problems that beset us.” Rather than clinging obstinately to this tradition, he sug- The most significant impact of the 1960s for gested, Americans needed to understand the many people’s understandings of spirituality wisdom of Native Americans, the experience was a growing awareness that spirituality and of nothingness expressed in Zen Buddhism, organized religion are different and, indeed, the prophetic elements in African and African might run in opposite directions. Although American cultures, and the encounters with many Americans continued to participate in Mother Earth in primitive and shamanistic churches and synagogues, younger people religions.39 Combining Christian and Marxist increasingly pursued spirituality in other imagery, philosopher Norman Brown encour- venues, and even the religiously involved aged Americans to “leave the place where we found inspiration from a wider variety of belong. The Proletariate has no fatherland, sources. Underlying these changes was the and the son of man no place to lay his head. shift in fundamental understandings of Be at home nowhere.”40 freedom that I described earlier. Critics within organized religion were not Whereas freedom of conscience had once attempting to debunk Christianity or Judaism emphasized an absence of intrusions into but to show ...that religion had become sac- one’s place of worship, freedom of choice now rilegious, worshiping customs and organiza- gave the spiritual quest increased importance tions rather than the Creator. Their imagery and encouraged seekers to make up their own was of a spiritual home, but one too neat minds in matters of the heart. The poet Maya to be lived in. They wrote of chains and con- Angelou, experiencing a spiritual awakening finement, intolerance, nationalism, closed during the 1960s, wrote lyrically of the ex- systems, authoritarianism, and heavy-handed- hilaration associated with this new sense of ness. To live within a sacred habitat was to be freedom: “I am a big bird winging over high tribalistic and thus to dwell among people mountains, down into serene valleys. I am of limited imagination. It was reminiscent of ripples of waves on silver seas. I’m a spring leaf Nazism and similar to communism. Its famil- trembling in anticipation.”37 ism was too secure, bestowing “on all its Academicians were among the first to chal- members an unquestioned place and a secure lenge the monopoly of established religion identity,” answering questions before they and to suggest why the faithful might want were raised.41 Whatever the new era was to look elsewhere. The groundwork for these hailing, it would be open to all manifestations attacks had been laid a generation earlier by of truth. It would be tolerant, respecting the theologians wrestling with the need to mod- insights of all peoples and faiths; it would give ernize in order to accommodate changing people room to doubt, to express their views, social realities. Dietrich Bonhoeffer had and to explore new horizons.42 written of a “religionless Christianity,” which Clergy, too, were becoming increasingly would be free of the political entanglements worried that congregations were not doing that characterized the European churches for enough to attack the status quo. In a cross- so many centuries.38 Harvey Cox, living in denominational survey of clergy in California Berlin just prior to writing The Secular City, conducted in 1968, more than half (52 read Bonhoeffer’s works and was deeply influ- percent) agreed that “Protestant churches enced by them. Cox argued that “dereligion- have become too aligned with the status quo ing” was a good thing because it freed people in the United States to become major agents from oppressive moralities and made them of social reform.” Nearly this many (43 think hard about their own spirituality. percent) agreed that “as long as the churches Others took up similar themes. In a lecture persist in regarding the parish or the local con- given at Harvard Divinity School, Robert gregation as their normative structure, they Bellah asserted that “the biblical tradition pro- will not confront life at its most significant

102 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT point.”43 Hoping that parishioners would logical authority. Nine out of ten thought it remain loyal to the faith even if they were dis- possible to be a good Christian or Jew without illusioned with their churches, these clergy attending religious services; eight out of ten often played a hand in the changes that were thought individuals should arrive at their own taking place. Nancy Nystrom, we saw, was beliefs independent of any religious organi- influenced by the priest at her high school who zations; and seven out of ten thought all counseled students to love their neighbors religions are equally good ways of finding instead of dutifully attending mass. Another ultimate truth.44 Catholic woman who had dropped out of Other evidence points to the wide variety of the church found support from a priest at a ways spirituality was being pursued.45 Accord- marriage-encounter weekend who told her, ing to a 1977 Gallup Poll, 4 percent of the “Many of theology’s greatest ideas have come population said they currently practiced Tran- from people who were not part of the scendental Meditation, 3 percent practiced church.” yoga, 2 percent said they were involved in Many of the people we talked to had thus mysticism, and 1 percent claimed membership come to find special meaning in the contrast in an Eastern religion. Among people under between spirituality and religion. For them, age thirty and among college graduates, these spirituality was a broader term that signaled figures were approximately twice as high as in the value of drawing insights from many the population as a whole.46 In addition to sources, whereas religion was simply the par- Eastern religions, many Christian groups pro- ticular institutional manifestation of different vided alternative styles of worship that would traditions. Adam Westfield explains the dis- alter how people perceived their relationship tinction in these terms: “if one could ever be to congregations. One woman who was in so smart as to understand Moses and Buddha college at the time remembers joining a group and Lao Tsu and the Bantu elders from many called the Church of the Open Doors. She centuries ago, I think you could come very reports, “We went to people’s houses and met close to a common human spirituality and the there rather than at church itself. We were fundamental goodness of man.” Religion, to trying to get closer to what Jesus’s teachings him, means something like denominational- really were as opposed to all of the trappings ism, whereas spirituality is more the core of of organized church. And we had many inter- different religions. Spirituality, he says, “is esting discussions. One that stood out in my closer to nature and closer to oneness with the mind was how much you would help someone planet.” you didn’t know, someone you saw with car Such broadening has been evident in other trouble or something, whether you would studies as well. One study tracked down a chance being taken advantage of yourself to large number of adults who had participated stop and help the person and what was the in confirmation classes at churches in the right thing to do.”47 1960s. It found that after two decades fewer The impact of some of these changes was than a third remained in their denomination, clearly evident in 1978, when a national study while nearly half (48 percent) had become of religious participation was conducted. Of “unchurched.” Of the unchurched, a relatively the people in that study who had been born small portion (8 percent) claimed to be between 1944 and 1960, nearly half were entirely without religious interests. Most still single or divorced, a majority had lived in their entertained some religious views, participated present community fewer than five years, more occasionally in organized religion, but largely than two-thirds had changed residences in the pursued spirituality in their own ways. Indeed, past five years, two-thirds had stopped partic- they legitimated their spiritual eclecticism by ipating in religious organizations for a period identifying themselves as religious liberals and of at least two years, and only 13 percent cur- by espousing universalistic views of salvation rently attended a church or synagogue weekly. and individualistic orientations toward theo- The fact that only one in eight was an active

103 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT churchgoer was especially striking, given the tional practice took on added meaning for fact that 66 percent had attended regularly those who sought to include breathing tech- as children. Dissatisfaction with established niques, exercise, chanting, or emotional work, religion was evident in attitudes as well as in all in an effort to make spirituality a “whole behavior: three quarters agreed that “most person” activity. churches and synagogues today have lost the But devotional practice in another sense was real spiritual part of religion,” and a majority devalued. People were told they needed to felt that “most churches and synagogues today escape the security of their religious enclaves are too concerned with organizational, as and to participate fully in the world. Like Jim opposed to theological or spiritual issues.”48 Sampson and Diane Mason, they learned that The study also revealed a little-suspected the sacred could also be found in secular fact about the religious defection that was society. In work or at play, it was possible to taking place among young people: in addition experience moments of transcendence without to the liberalizing influences of the classroom knowing any special creeds or performing any and the counterculture, defection was most religious rituals. Thus, one could read Cox’s likely among young people who were being Secular City, for example, and find no mention severely affected by the dislocations of social of prayer, meditation, family devotions, or change: semiskilled workers, sales and service Bible reading. Ordinary work and play were workers, divorced persons, African American sufficiently sacred to remind the enlightened men, people who had moved more often, and of God’s kingdom. Similarly, ethicist Gibson those earning lower incomes.49 The longer- Winter’s Being Free encouraged Americans to term significance of these developments was be critical of technology on religious grounds, also suggested in the study. Of those in the but it was enough to form a critical attitude 1944–1960 birth cohort who had children, rather than having to adopt an alternative only half were exposing their children to lifestyle or to engage in devotional practices.50 formal religious training of any kind, com- Faced with the realities of secular society, pared with 86 percent who themselves had critics as different as Charles Reich and received religious training as children. Signifi- Theodore Roszak argued that consciousness cant exposure was even lower: only 34 percent should (and probably would) be transformed, were sending their children to Sunday school but doing anything special to communicate classes, whereas 63 percent had themselves with the sacred received little attention.51 attended such classes . . . In the most widely read treatises, therefore, Ultimately the freedom that triumphed in subjectivity was elevated as a central concern, the 1960s was freedom to feel one’s own feel- opening the way for increased attention to the ings and to experience one’s own sensibilities. interior life ...But intentional action toward How one might deliberately go about seeking social or personal transformation was often a relationship with the sacred also underwent implicitly devalued. Writers pondered feelings serious rethinking. Americans still believed of alienation and meaninglessness and coun- that deliberate effort was valuable. But prayer seled readers that life could be better if and Bible reading rooted in habit were no they only released their inner thoughts from longer as highly valued. Devotional routines bondage. And, in this respect, the new argu- that reinforced unthinking loyalty to family ments were not so different from the advice of and church diminished in importance com- positive thinkers and thought-reform special- pared with those that encouraged people to ists of the past. Americans did not have to sac- think for themselves. New translations and rifice comfortable lifestyles as long as they paid paraphrases of the Bible proliferated, attract- attention to how they felt about their lives. ing readers who wanted to think about cant The specific spiritual disciplines found in phrases in new ways. Many people saw value Transcendental Meditation, Zen Buddhism, in learning about other world religions as ways kundalini yoga, and various “human poten- of sharpening insights about their own. Devo- tial” groups attracted widespread attention

104 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT but were generally marginalized in popular social movements led by misguided, charis- interpretations as esoteric practices. They were matic figures. In this interpretation, people depicted as magical cures that would soon dis- forsook the faith of their parents, escaped the appoint their devotees or as the teachings of uncertainties of their own lives, and allowed gurus whose dress and language set them themselves to be brainwashed by authoritarian apart from mainstream culture. Devotional cult leaders. The result was submersion in a practice could thus be experimented with as totalitarian community that resembled a theo- part of a counterculture but just as easily aban- cratic family, only with higher walls against the doned once the counterculture was no longer outside world. in vogue. There were plenty of examples, especially Nancy Nystrom illustrates these under- from former cult members and from so-called standings. She feels her spirituality is stronger deprogrammers, to support this interpreta- than her parents’ because she has had to strug- tion. More common, however, was a form of gle harder with hers. Over the years, she has religious experimentation that involved short- gotten over most of her previous hatred of term exposure to a variety of leaders, ideas, the church. She imagines she might even start and spiritual disciplines. Typical accounts of attending church again in the future; it would spiritual journeys took the form: “I tried feel good, she thinks, to worship with other everything from A to Z,” perhaps followed by people. In the meantime, she thinks a lot a list starting with aikido and ending with Zen. about God and about spirituality. Various But much of the impetus to experiment was activities prompt her to do so: listening to clas- short-lived; experimentation staggered to a sical music, conversations with a friend. But halt once the Vietnam war ended and the she does not actively do anything to culti- economic downturn accompanying the oil vate her sense of spirituality. Other than her embargo of 1973 forced young Americans to “thought balloons,” she does not pray. Her become serious about finding jobs and paying view of freedom is heavily imbued with the their bills. Yet the idea that spirituality needed value of being in control, so prayer seems to to be pursued on one’s own and perhaps even her like asking God to serve as a crutch. Med- in tension with social institutions did not itation is more interesting but not something die easily. A decade later most Americans still she practices regularly. She explains that God thought it was important to arrive at their reli- is always present, so it makes sense just to gious values on their own and to be skeptical meditate “when the spirit moves me.” Some- of accepting the words of religious authorities. times she talks to God in the bathtub, and The lingering question from the standpoint sometimes she prays just as a way of doing of organized religion, of course, is why the something nice for someone else. The way churches and synagogues did not oppose – or spirituality influences her daily life is thus to oppose more vehemently – a cultural devel- quiet her thoughts. She feels less impatient opment that was to contribute so greatly to when things go wrong and more capable of the weakening of religion’s traditional monop- making them go right. oly over spirituality. The answer can be found only partly in liberal tendencies in mainline theology or in inadequate organizational The Limits of Freedom responses to demographic shifts. Moderate mainline denominations, Catholics, Jews, and By the end of the 1970s, many of the new reli- evangelical Protestants also participated in the gions that had been formed during the pre- redefinition of spirituality that took place ceding decade were being described as “cults.” in the 1960s. The reason for this participa- The mass suicide that took place in Guyana in tion was organized religion’s own desire to November 1978 among the followers of reli- promote intense spiritual conviction in the gious leader Jim Jones fueled the tendency face of a rising tide of secularism, scientific to view religious experiments as bizarre, anti- agnosticism, and implicit indifference bred

105 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT from taking spirituality for granted as part of friends who share her journey. Nevertheless, one’s lineage and community. In order to she still imagines herself living in a huge house mobilize increased commitment, religious that she continues to explore. “I have an leaders opted for two seemingly innocent pro- abiding feeling that new doors are still waiting posals: that the faithful could gain knowledge to be opened.” She adds, “There are lessons only by being exposed to a variety of argu- in spirituality to be learned outside those ments and counterarguments, and that faith avenues that advertise themselves as spiritual was ultimately a matter of inner conviction places.” more than of rational or scientific persuasion. Other people had returned to a sacred space As they endorsed the ancient teaching that more narrowly defined where they could feel “the truth shall make you free,” religious safe and secure. To an outsider, they some- leaders took an important step toward accom- times appear to have rejected the pronounced modating the growing cultural diversity of the freedom offered by the 1960s, but it is clear period. No longer able to prevent parishioners that even their search for a spiritual home from learning about spirituality in ways other was influenced by the idea of choice. One than those prescribed by established religious man illustrates these influences with particu- bodies, the leaders of these organizations lar clarity. Todd Brentwood was attending a chose, in effect, to argue that their own tradi- Catholic high school in the late 1960s. He tions did not stand in the way of freedom but recalls that these were “turbulent times” in the offered true freedom. Americans who heard church as well as in the society. The result was this message often took it quite literally, acting a “big change” in the school that led him to as if the truth on which freedom depended become “more liberal” and “antiestablish- was less important than the exercise of ment” in his thinking. Although he had been freedom itself. In the future, organized reli- active in the church since infancy, he now gion would thus be able to compete with found himself confused. “I couldn’t really other media that also offered spiritual tell what the church’s teachings were.” When freedom, but its leaders would have to work he went away to college, he found himself harder to say what freedom entailed, and they without spiritual support. “There was no rail would find themselves engaged in a broader that I could hang onto for spiritual guidance. arena of competition from which there was no Everything had to come from me.” His return. response was to embrace a carpe diem view of Individuals who left their spiritual homes life. “Everything was transitory. Get it while also found it difficult to return to them or to you can. Gather ye rosebuds while ye may, for find alternatives. Some of the people we inter- tomorrow ye may die.” He played college viewed were trying to make the world their basketball, studied, worked at UPS, and home, thus maximizing their freedom to pick enjoyed life. and choose. When the whole universe is per- By the late 1970s, Todd was at a turning ceived as God’s home, there is enormous point. Deciding that the purpose of life is to freedom to roam; but no particular place can achieve happiness for oneself, he had become ultimately be more sacred than any other. For part of the Me Generation. He became a example, Wilma Nichols believes God loves coach because basketball made him happy. At everybody. “Would he reject anyone from his the high school where he worked, he taught house?” she asks. “God has a limitless capac- his students to question authority and to ity for forgiveness, so I doubt it.” Looking dream their own dreams. But he was lonely. back on her Catholic upbringing, she says it His marriage had ended in divorce. His carpe was a necessary first step, like learning the diem attitude made it hard to pursue – or to multiplication tables. There was security and take pleasure in – long-term projects because order, “but I had to reject it as a young adult.” acquiring the skills for these projects was con- Searching for spirituality on her own was a trary to keeping his options open from day to taxing experience, so she is glad to have found day. He also began to realize that he desper-

106 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT ately missed his mother, who had died when isn’t a religion; it is just a way of life based on he was thirteen. He wanted a home, spiritu- love. In his daily life, it helps him to relax and ally as well as socially. be himself. Like a growing number of Americans, Todd If my argument is correct, then, the 1960s sought a spiritual home in an evangelical did not simply introduce new religions that church. It offered fellowship (his new girl- encouraged Americans to be more eclectic in friend attended there) and a compelling their spirituality; rather, during the 1960s the message about Jesus as the answer to life’s nature of freedom itself was contested and questions. But Todd’s new commitment was redefined. The freedom that living in a secure not a repudiation of his freedom. Indeed, his community of like-minded individuals offered choice illustrates that conservative Christians was gradually replaced by a freedom to exer- were also influenced by the liberating themes cise choice in a marketplace of ideas and of the time. Although he became a “born- lifestyles. Freedom of choice was attractive to again” Christian, Todd did so on his own those who in fact were confronted with an terms. He says he retained his critical, ques- immense array of alternatives. Yet most people tioning attitude toward what he heard at the recognized that some choices are less healthy church but was able to participate because the than others and that exercising choice for its service gave him “a good feeling inside.” As own sake is not always the most desirable alter- he read the Bible and developed a stronger native. As a way of reining in freedom of belief in Jesus, he was propelled mainly by the choice, a new emphasis was also placed on the “inner happiness” that resulted. This happi- dangers of external constraints, such as those ness allowed him to ease up on himself a bit. imposed explicitly by government or implicitly He decided that “Christian morals” – broadly by technology. In the process, freedom came defined – provided a good basis for life and to be more subjective. In spirituality, freedom that he should “find the path the Lord wants of conscience thus came to mean paying at- you to take.” This attitude gave him a new tention to the inner voices of feelings, and sense of freedom. Unlike churchgoers who he freedom of choice meant exposing oneself says are “just programmed,” he feels he has a to alternative experiences that would help “more open approach to things.” His favorite develop these voices. book is Stephen Covey’s Seven Habits of The concept of freedom that emerged Highly Successful People. He likes it because it during the 1960s proved to be unstable emphasizes “your inner self ” and gives him because it did not sufficiently take into confidence that the right decisions in life are account the social forces shaping it. It made consistent with the “moral fiber” that runs freedom largely into a matter of lifestyle, sub- through the Christian approach to life. jective opinion, and choice. The grand narra- For people like Todd Brentwood, evangeli- tive of religious and philosophical tradition cal Christianity is a new home that offers was replaced by personalized narratives of security in a world gone wild. But it is a com- exploration and expression. As critics have mitment that rests lightly on their shoulders. observed, it was not clear how a society could The moral certainty it provides is almost self- be ordered in these terms. People needed legitimating: when Todd makes decisions he reasons to limit their choices other than the now does so with the feeling that he’s proba- sheer fact that they were exhausted or broke. bly doing God’s will. And going to church is Freedom of choice was also unworkable in a way to feel good and to make friends rather the terms that visionaries of the 1960s had than a deep, enduring commitment to truth. themselves articulated it. People could not be Just being there gives him “peace of mind” motivated simply by a historical narrative that and makes him “lighthearted.” Todd says his envisioned ever greater freedom and sophisti- spiritual journey “has mostly to do with indi- cation. Coming to terms with the evil embed- viduals,” even though he admits the church ded in US society required more than a had an “indirect” effect. He says Christianity critique of the 1950s; it required a realistic

107 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT appraisal of what life could be engineered to Spiritual Awakening: American Religion be. It was not possible to have biblical faith Moving from Modern to Postmodern (New without religion, nor was it likely that people Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, would continue to speak of God if they had 1994). no reason to speak to God. They would have 4 On baby-boomer religion, see Dean R. Hoge, Benton Johnson, and Donald A. Luidens, Van- to work harder to incorporate insights from ishing Boundaries: The Religion of Mainline African Americans and feminists instead of Protestant Baby Boomers (Louisville, KY: West- simply talking about them. The need was not minster/John Knox, 1994), and Wade Clark for a different metaphysical canopy that valued Roof, A Generation of Seekers: The Spiritual freedom less. It was to discover through prac- Journeys of the Baby Boom Generation (San tical living how to maintain spiritual freedom Francisco, CA: Harper San Francisco, 1993). without losing the essence of spirituality itself. 5 For the most part, middle-class Americans Were it only that the 1960s encouraged seemed less intent on practicing a deep per- Americans to value their religious freedom or sonal piety than did members of working- to leave the homes of their upbringing in class communities, as did third-generation Americans compared with first- or second- search of more fulfilling spiritual mansions – generation immigrants. See Lenski, The Reli- were this all that took place – the 1960s would gious Factor, pp. 57–60. Movement into the be of only passing interest. Instead, the 1960s middle class and the erosion of ethnic ties were brought together a quest for spiritual freedom thus expected to result in increased secularity with rapidly changing social conditions – a – not necessarily associated with absolute quest that had a wide variety of unanticipated declines in church membership but with the results. Rather than either becoming more movement toward the bland, comfortable, secular or starting new religious organizations, conformist faith that Herberg (Protestant, Americans after the 1960s had to think hard Catholic, Jew) found among third-generation about what it meant to be spiritual. Their free- Americans. doms and their circumstances combined in 6 Heschel, Man’s Quest for God, p. xi . . . 7Thomas Jefferson, Revisal of the Laws: Drafts ways that encouraged them to experiment, of Legislation, A Bill for Establishing Religious and these experiments opened up new possi- Freedom, 1776, Section I. bilities that were more puzzling than they had 8For example, Winter likened the new religious imagined. movements to the mendicant experiments of the Middle Ages; Gibson Winter, Being Free: Reflections on America’s Cultural Revolution Notes (New York: Macmillan, 1970), pp. 93–6. Cox noted the similarity between youth rock festi- 1The Second Vatican Council was favorably vals and earlier “feasts of fools”; Harvey Cox, received among American Catholics, more The Feast of Fools: A Theological Essay on than two-thirds of whom said they approved Festivity and Fantasy (New York: Harper and of the changes effected by the Council. Row, 1969). Andrew M. Greeley, The American Catholic: A 9 Edward E. Plowman, The Underground Social Portrait (New York: Basic Books, Church (Elgin, IL: David C. Cook, 1971). 1976), p. 130. 10 Durkheim, Elementary Forms of the Religious 2Charles Y. Glock and Robert N. Bellah, eds., Life. The New Religious Consciousness (Berkeley: 11 Friedman, whose widely read Capitalism and University of California Press, 1976). Freedom was published just prior to the 3 Research on changing religious patterns during upheaval of the late 1960s, explained the the 1960s is presented in Robert Wuthnow, connection between conscience and freedom The Consciousness Reformation (Berkeley: when he wrote that free people are “proud of University of California Press, 1976), and in a common heritage and loyal to common tra- Robert Wuthnow, Experimentation in ditions” and when he warned that the chief American Religion (Berkeley: University of threat to the “rare and delicate plant” of California Press, 1978). For a narrative freedom is “the concentration of power”; overview, see Robert S. Ellwood, The Sixties Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom

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(Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, Bread Not Stone: The Challenge of Feminist 1962), p. 2. Biblical Interpretation (Boston: Beacon Press, 12 Norman Mailer, “The White Negro: Superficial 1995) Reflections on the Hipster,” in Legacy of 22 It is important not to exaggerate the impact of Dissent, ed. Nicolaus Mills (1957; reprint, New feminist spirituality at the grassroots level York: Touchstone, 1994), esp. pp. 168–71. however. Among our interviewees, a majority 13 Martin Luther King, Jr., Stride toward claimed to have been influenced in some way Freedom: The Montgomery Story (New York: by feminist thinking, but its impact was much Harper and Row, 1958). more in reinforcing convictions about equal 14 Martin Luther King, Jr., “I Have a Dream,” opportunities for women, rights, and freedom August 28, 1963; electronic text prepared by of choice than about concepts of God, theol- National Public Telecomputing Network ogy, or religious practice. Women who said (NPTN). they had been particularly influenced by it also 15 Joseph R. Washington, Jr., Black Religion: The emphasized how it had empowered them to Negro and Christianity in the United States become stronger individuals and thus to feel (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1964) p. 257. more confident about their own decisions . . . 16 Ibid, p. 266. 23 Michael Novak, The Experience of Nothingness 17 Jack Kerouac, On the Road (New York: Viking (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), p. 4. Press, 1957), p. 6. 24 These shifts are evident in popular inter- 18 “All of a sudden church took on a whole dif- pretations of the writings of Peter Berger and ferent meaning for me,” Jim explains. “I was Thomas Luckmann; in Bellah, “No Direction doing things because I wanted to do them. I Home”; and in the works of scholars such as started seeing myself in a different light. I Norman O. Brown, R. D. Laing, Theodore guess that’s the best way to say it. In other Roszak, and Herbert Marcuse. words, at that time I accepted the fact that I 25 US Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract had a divine purpose for existing, that the Lord ...1992, p. 559. was actively involved in my life, that I mat- 26 In 1958, there were approximately twenty- tered. It was just a spiritual consciousness. I felt seven hundred bookstores across the country, a relationship with the Lord, an ongoing, close and more than half reported only modest sales; relationship.” by 1977, more than ten thousand bookstores 19 Among the many studies that have described were in operation, those with modest sales these influences, two that provide especially made up less than a third of the total, and chain revealing information from interviews and stores were rapidly taking a large share of the firsthand observation are Mary Jo Weaver, market. Paul D. Doebler, “Growth and Devel- New Catholic Women (Bloomington: Indiana opment of Consumer Bookstores since 1954 – University Press, 1995), and Cynthia Eller, An Update through 1977,” in Book Industry Living in the Lap of the Goddess: The Feminist Trends: 1980, ed. John P. Dessauer et al. Spirituality Movement in America (New York: (Darien, CT: Book Industry Study Group, Crossroad, 1993). 1980), pp. 43–56. 20 Carol Gilligan, In a Different Voice: Psycho- 27 David Kennedy, Birth Control in America logical Theory and Women’s Development (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1970). 1982); Mary Field Belenky et al., Women’s 28 Hoge, Johnson, and Luidens, Vanishing Ways of Knowing: The Development of Self, Boundaries, p. 74. Voice, and Mind (New York: Basic Books, 29 Personal communication from Paul DiMaggio 1986). at Princeton University and Timothy Dowd at 21 Elizabeth A. Johnson, She Who Is: The Mystery Emory University. of God in Feminist Theological Discourse (New 30 Paul C. Glick, “A Demographer Looks at York: Crossroad, 1993); Christie Cozad American Families,” Journal of Marriage and Neuger, ed., The Arts of Ministry: Feminist- the Family 37 (1975): 15–26. Womanist Approaches (Louisville, KY: West- 31 Wuthnow, Restructuring, p. 155. minster/John Knox, 1996); Sara Maitland, A 32 US Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract Big-Enough God: A Feminist’s Search for Joyful ...1992, p. 143. Theology (New York: Holt, Rinehart and 33 In addition to exposing people to new ideas Winston, 1995); Elisabeth Schussler Fiorenza, and broadening their horizons, schooling also

109 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT

significantly increased the likelihood that 41 Harvey Cox, The Secular City: Secularization people would continue to be influenced by a and Urbanization in Theological Perspective, wide variety of cultural sources. 2nd edn. (New York: Collier Books, 1990), 34 US Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract p. 9. ...1989, p. 424. If baby boomers were the 42 The city was an especially attractive metaphor. direct beneficiaries of this prosperity, they were For white, middle-class Americans, it connoted not the only segment of the population to gain not squalor but opportunity. It was a place not new freedom. The decline in poverty levels of degradation but of affluence. The city was lifted millions of families to a point where they style more than substance. It meant freedom could maintain homes, purchase televisions, from tradition, impersonality – even anonymity and think about educating their children. This – in the sense that one could escape the watch- was also the period in which older people ful eye of parents and neighbors. It was less a came to expect that retirement would provide place than a flow of communication and ideas opportunities to explore new horizons. and people. Its diversity forced people to think Between 1960 and 1975, for instance, average and to know their own minds more fully. life expectancy for older men increased by Advocates of spiritual seeking did not describe about a year and for older women by more the city as a sacred abode, certainly not as a than two years; over the same period, the pro- city of God. It was, rather, a place to visit, as portion of men working past age sixty-five on a weekend trip from the suburbs, or to read declined from about a third to only a fifth, and about and to be amused by. The city as fewer than one in ten older women was gain- metaphor was everywhere; one did not have to fully employed. The fact that older Americans be there to participate in it. had more disposable income and lived increas- 43 Harold E. Quinley, The Prophetic Clergy: Social ingly in their own homes or in retirement com- Activism among Protestant Ministers (New munities also offered their children greater York: Wiley, 1974), p. 61. freedom to adopt new lifestyles and new styles 44 Hoge, Johnson, and Luidens, Vanishing of consumption. Even if, as some research sug- Boundaries, pp. 73–87. gests, inter-generational interaction remained 45 People who valued the freedom to explore strong in terms of paying visits and giving gifts, spirituality in their own way had no trouble the pattern of interacting with significant doing so. For example, by 1982 the American others was shifting in a manner similar to the public was spending more than $700 million shift in in spirituality – from association rooted on religious books – a market that would more in a single geographic place to more inten- than double during the next decade and that tional, sporadic contact within a more dis- was largely in the hands of commercial and persed social space. independent publishers rather than denomina- 35 One survey found that four people in ten tional presses. In addition, the market for self- thought a lot about “why there is suffering in help, inspiration, psychology, and recovery the world” – as many as who thought this books was growing even more rapidly. US much about personal happiness and more than Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract . . . those who thought about purpose in life or life 1992, p. 235. The more eclectic style in after death. Bay Area Survey, in Charles reading habits was already becoming evident in Y. Glock, Perspectives on Life in America the 1960s and 1970s, when only two top- Today, 1973 [machine-readable data file] selling books (other than the Bible) dealt with (Berkeley: Survey Research Center, 1975); my spirituality from what might be considered an analysis. orthodox perspective (both were by C. S. 36 Norris, Dakota, p. 122. Lewis – Mere Christianity and The Screwtape 37 Maya Angelou, Wouldn’t Take Nothing for My Letters and both sold approximately 1.5 Journey Now (New York: Random House, million copies in this period). In comparison, 1993), p. 76. at least ten bestsellers during these years 38 Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Letters and Papers from focused on issues that might have been con- Prison (1953; reprint, New York: Macmillan, sidered “spiritual” in a broader sense and 1962). specifically challenged or offered alternatives to 39 Bellah, “No Direction Home,” p. 74. conventional theology – among them, William 40 Norman O. Brown, Love’s Body (New York: Golding’s Lord of the Flies (7 million copies), Vintage Books, 1968), p. 262. Kahlil Gibran’s The Prophet (5 million), Alex

110 HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT

Comfort’s Joy of Sex (4 million), Albert net growth, and only toward the end of the Camus’s The Stranger (3 million), Richard 1970s, when women gained entry to semi- Bach’s Jonathan Livingston Seagull (3 million), naries, did these numbers begin to increase Hal Lindsey’s Late Great Planet Earth (2.3 again. At this point, however, most of the million), Elisabeth Kübler-Ross’s On Death growth in seminary enrollments was occurring and Dying (2.1 million), and Eldridge in specialized ministry programs rather than in Cleaver’s Soul on Ice (1.3 million). training for traditional pastoral duties in con- 46 George H. Gallup, Jr., Religion in America: gregations. Thus, by 1980, when approxi- 1978 (Princeton, NJ: Gallup Organization, mately five hundred thousand ordained clergy 1978), p. 52. The larger impact of Eastern were counted in the US Census, only about spirituality was to popularize practices that half were serving in parishes. could be pursued piecemeal and on one’s 48 Gallup Unchurched American Study (Gallup, own. Unlike the emphasis in Judaism and in Religion in America: 1978), my analysis Christianity on “householders,” for example, of persons age eighteen through thirty- Buddhism has traditionally stressed withdrawal four . . . from household duties as a means of attaining 49 Among semiskilled workers, only 3 percent spiritual insight; indeed, the term monk is often attended church weekly, compared with 24 synonymous in Asian languages with “home percent of managers and executives, 8 percent leaver” . . . of sales workers, 2 percent of service workers, 47 Organized religion showed some of the effects 4 percent of divorced persons, 2 percent of of these wider explorations. For example, black males, 8 percent of persons who had despite the relative affluence of these years, moved three times in the past five years, 7 organized religion did not experience the percent of those earning less than $10,000 financial growth it had during the 1950s and annually. early 1960s; indeed, in per capita and inflation- 50 Winter, Being Free. adjusted dollars, the amount given in 1968 was 51 Theodore Roszak, The Making of a Counter higher than in any subsequent year for the next Culture: Reflections on the Technocratic Society decade and a half. Caplow et al., Recent Social and Its Youthful Opposition (Garden City, NY: Trends, p. 289. Also, in comparison with the Doubleday, 1969); Charles A. Reich, The growth in numbers of clergy that had occurred Greening of America (New York: Random in the 1950s, the 1960s showed virtually no House, 1970).

111

IV

Joining New Religious Movements

Few people have had any direct contact with society as a natural protection against dealing an NRM or even know someone who has been with ideas and experiences that are subversive involved with one. Yet it is not uncommon of the status quo. As chapter 5 establishes, for people to think that they have a pretty there is nothing new in the critical reception good idea why people join such groups. Their given to new religions. But in modern demo- opinions, moreover, are almost always nega- cratic societies dedicated to the protection of tive. The common stereotype is that recruits certain basic rights and freedoms, and inter- are either social losers seeking a safe haven ested in the promotion of the tolerance of from the hardships of this world or naive souls differences, great care must be taken to being taken advantage of by others. Either way prevent the suppression of such groups out of two factors tend to remain constant: the reli- ignorance and fear. gious experience under consideration is not The popular stereotypes about who joins genuine and the individuals are being manip- NRMs receive some support from the his- ulated by a cunning and probably unscrupu- torical and social scientific study of groups in lous cult leader. The leader is likely motivated, the past. Many unconventional religious it is usually presumed, by some desire for groups recruited their members dispropor- greater wealth, sexual benefit, or power, and tionately from the more underprivileged the group employs some process of mind sectors of society. Sectarian religious groups control or brainwashing to win and keep the from the late nineteenth and early twentieth allegiance of its converts (e.g., Pfeifer 1992; centuries, like the Jehovah’s Witnesses or the Richardson 1992). These are the assumptions Seventh Day Adventists, first attracted most of commonly reinforced by most media accounts their members from economically deprived of NRMs and their activities (e.g., Van Driel people who turned to these religions, in part and Richardson 1988; Beckford 1999). But at least, as a social protest against the domi- the public is receptive to these simplistic and nant society and the mainstream Christian highly critical characterizations because they denominations identified with that society. fit our prejudices about unknown and seem- But some other NRMs of the past, like Theos- ingly deviant groups. The strangeness of the ophy (discussed in chapter 5), tended to beliefs and practices of many NRMs, especially recruit their members from the more prosper- when reported out of context, combined with ous and elite members of society, so great care the fervent character of the faith espoused by must be taken in making generalizations. The converts, makes people feel uncomfortable. NRMs with which we are chiefly concerned, The groups are stigmatized by the rest of those rising to prominence since the 1960s,

113 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS are a case in point. They have drawn their Wilson and Dobbelaere 1994). Minimally, as membership primarily from the privileged Dawson demonstrates, we now know that baby-boomers and other relatively prosperous the background of most converts prevents generations born since the 1950s. them from being cast as socially marginal or The two readings in this section of the book deprived individuals. On the contrary, as Stark each provide reliable information about and Bainbridge (1985: 395) stress, contem- three important aspects of joining NRMs: the porary NRMs “skim more of the cream of process by which someone converts to a con- society than the dregs.” temporary NRM, the social profile of such In chapter 8, “The Joiners,” by the converts, and their possible psychological Canadian psychiatrist Saul Levine, we are motivations. There is much more to be given a more refined insight into the circum- learned about all three topics, but enough stances surrounding the conversion of nine information is in hand to convince most schol- hypothetical individuals in the late 1970s and ars that the popular stereotypes are quite early 1980s. These typical conversion accounts inaccurate. The evidence of social scientific are based on a rich body of data Levine accu- research runs contrary to the views espoused mulated from hundreds of clinical interviews by most anti-cult organizations (e.g., with members and ex-members of NRMs. In American Family Foundation, Watchman line with the research findings summarized by Fellowship, Inc.). The information and Dawson, these converts are young, fairly well insights provided by these readings are also educated, and from relatively well-off and relevant to the debate over whether recruits to stable families. They show no more signs NRMs are “brainwashed,” but that more spe- of psychological abnormality, Levine asserts, cific and highly controversial issue will be dealt than the general population of adolescents and with separately in the next section of the book. young adults. In fact most of them appear to In chapter 7, “Who Joins New Religious have been quite active and accomplished. Movements and Why,” Lorne Dawson sum- They share, however, a particular psychologi- marizes and synthesizes what we have learned cal dilemma born of certain features of our about the three key issues noted above from fast-paced, fragmented, and indulgent society, decades of study of those who have joined and it is their struggle with this dilemma that NRMs. The data available are used to sort the accounts for their often shocking and unex- propositions made by scholars by their degree pected conversions. These conversions, Levine of empirical support, differentiating between proposes, represent radical attempts to resolve the most and least substantiated claims. There certain common and yet difficult problems of is a pattern to how people come to join maturation. Most young people eventually NRMs, and we can identify who is most likely work out the issues for themselves. But these to join, and even why, to some extent. For young men and women are “peculiarly every generalization, however, it is carefully stalled” by the very strength of their family noted that there are often significant excep- ties. They are unable to figure out who they tions. NRMs are susceptible to the kind of sys- are or what the future holds for them. In the tematic sociological treatment that fosters the midst of their quiet frustration a future arrives development of theory (e.g., Dawson 1999; that promises them a way to separate from Bromley 2002), but they are remarkably their families and explore their own nature, diverse in their form and functioning. Clearly, while remaining surrounded by a supportive people are driven to join NRMs out of some and highly structured group. In Levine’s personal need, and these needs are rooted in words: “Out of the blue, the Hare Krishnas, some identifiable social conditions. We need Divine Light Mission, Healing Workshop, to develop a better grasp of both factors, but Children of God, or Armed Guard offers on a as Dawson argues, we know much more than silver platter every ingredient that has been is commonly appreciated (see, for example, missing from their unhappy youth.” Whatever Tipton 1982; Barker 1984; Palmer 1994; the merits of Levine’s specific psychiatric diag-

114 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS nosis, this reading is important because it puts Mothers, Rajneesh Lovers: Women’s Roles in New a very human face to those who have joined Religions. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University NRMs. We can all identify to some degree Press. with these young people and their search for Pfeifer, Jeffrey E. 1992: The Psychological Framing greater certainty in life of Cults: Schematic Representations and Cult Evaluations. Journal of Applied Social Psychology 22 (7): 531–44. Richardson, James T. 1992: Public Opinion and the References Tax Evasion Trial of Reverend Moon. Behavioral Sciences and the Law 10 (1): 53–64. Barker, Eileen 1984: The Making of a Moonie: Stark, Rodney and William Sims Bainbridge 1985: Choice or Brainwashing? Oxford: Blackwell. The Future of Religion: Secularization, Revival Beckford, James A. 1999: The Mass Media and and Cult Formation. Berkeley: University of New Religious Movements. In B. Wilson and California Press. J. Cresswell (eds.), New Religious Movements: Tipton, Steven 1982: Getting Saved From the Challenge and Response. London: Routledge, Sixties. Berkeley: University of California 103–19. Press. Bromley David G. 2002: Dramatic Denouements. Van Driel, Barend and James T. Richardson 1988: In D. G. Bromley and J. G. Melton (eds.), Cults, Print Media Coverage of New Religious Move- Religion and Violence. Cambridge: Cambridge ments: A Longitudinal Study. Journal of University Press, 11–41. Communication 38 (3): 37–61. Dawson, Lorne L. 1999: When Prophecy Fails and Wilson, Bryan and Karel Dobbelaere 1994: A Time Faith Persists: A Theoretical Overview. Nova to Chant: The Soka Gakkai Buddhist in Britain. Religio 3 (1): 60–82. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Palmer, Susan J. 1994: Moon Sisters, Krishna

115 CHAPTER SEVEN

Who Joins New Religious Movements and Why: Twenty Years of Research and What Have We Learned?

LORNE L. DAWSON

The headlines read ‘48 Found Dead in Davidians, under David Koresh, in Waco, Doomsday Cult’ and ‘50 From Quebec Cult Texas. The answers received to these questions Found Slain’.1 On the evening of Tuesday, this evening seemed as pat and pre- October 4, 1994, the members of a small new programmed as they did then. They were religious movement called The Order of the largely devoid of specifics, speculative and Solar Temple (Temple Solaire) committed mass polemical. We were informed, with little in the suicide (though murder–suicide is a possibility way of direct reference to the actual beliefs and as well) by shooting or asphyxiating them- practices of the Solar Temple, that the group selves and burning their homes to the ground, was like all other ‘destructive’ and ‘apocalyp- almost simultaneously, in three different tic’ cults. In passing, one of the ‘experts’ made locations (Morin Heights, Quebec, and the specific reference to two other new religious villages of Cheiry and Granges-sur-Salvan, movements, the Unification Church of the Switzerland).2 The following evening, like mil- Reverend Sun Myung Moon and John- lions of other Americans and Canadians, I Roger’s MSIA (pronounced Messiah). Curi- tuned in to ABC’s popular and award-winning ously though, neither group has ever been news-commentary program, Nightline. Char- associated with either violence or suicide in acteristically, the host, Ted Koppel, was any form. Nevertheless, these experts assured already interviewing three ‘cult experts’ about us that the members of such dangerous cults the Solar Temple tragedy and I hoped to gain are recruited through deception and the a better understanding of what happened. To sophisticated use of techniques of ‘mind- my dismay, but not to my surprise, two of the control’. The cunning and charismatic leaders ‘experts’ in question were drawn from the of these groups exploit the psychological American anti-cult movement, while the third weaknesses and idealistic aspirations of their was a Canadian journalist. Over the next half recruits, it was implied, in order to satisfy their hour Mr. Koppel posed the questions always own desires for material wealth and power. asked in these situations, What could make Yet, these experts acknowledged, we really do someone end their lives in this way? How not know very much about this cult leader or could someone come to join such a group his followers. By the end of the interview, in the first place? What do we know about those viewing the program had probably con- the mysterious leader of the cult? He had firmed the prejudices most Americans and posed similar questions just over a year earlier Canadians harbour against ‘cults’. These prej- to similar ‘experts’ with regard to the stand- udices have been bolstered by the sheer reit- off and eventual massacre of the Branch eration of the pejorative observations and

116 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS charges favoured by the media for the last comprehensive analysis of print media twenty years. Little real insight was obtained coverage of cults in America, Van Driel and into the true nature of the circumstances Richardson observe that ‘although not uni- leading to the Solar Temple tragedy or the formly negative, [it] can best be described as nature of the diverse cult activity present in ‘a stream of controversies’ with little atten- contemporary Western society. tion to the history or human side of the new Listening to these ‘experts’ I could not help religions’.4 wondering whether viewers, no matter how One of the most prominent issues in the uninformed, still would be satisfied with such cult controversy is, who joins new religious platitudinous responses. Might they not ask: movements and why? The popular conception Why do we seem to know so little about of the situation is riddled with stereotypes. In these groups, especially in the wake of the some instances those who join are thought to Jonestown massacre of 1978 and the Koresh be young, idealistic and gullible people duped debacle in 1993? How can these groups by cunning cult recruiters. In other instances continue to ply their trade, if their sins are they are maladjusted and marginal losers who so transparent? Whatever the reason for a have found a safe haven in the controlled measure of healthy scepticism, it should be life of a cult. Simultaneously it is also often surprising for all to discover that much of the asserted ‘that everyone is susceptible to the recent public debate over cults has ignored or lure of these master manipulators.’5 In the avoided a substantial and growing body of aca- popular press and the anti-cult literature all demic literature on the beliefs, practices, three positions are combined in ways which failings and significance of cults (i.e. what manage to cover all eventualities. The ques- sociologists prefer to call new religious tion at hand is, what do we really know about movements or NRMs). An established array who joins NRMs and why? What do sys- of empirical information and explanatory tematic studies reveal, as opposed to the insights, directly pertinent to the issues at anecdotal evidence on which the media and hand, can be found in this literature. But, as anti-cultists rely? Over the last twenty years a my own direct and indirect experience with fairly reliable body of data has accumulated. the media, my colleagues and students con- This article draws together and organizes this firms, the message is not getting out. All too dispersed material to clarify the micro- often traditional religious studies scholars structural availability of people to cult involve- themselves remain too ignorant of the ‘facts’, ment. What do we know about how people and as a consequence they run the risk, in our become interested in new religious move- secular age, of allowing all religious expres- ments, and the social attributes of those who sions being tarnished by the fall-out from the choose to join? campaign of misinformation carried on against No attempt will be made in this limited the alternative and minority religions in our context to address directly four other closely midst. related issues: (1) the specific features of the Of course journalists face considerable biographic availability6 of individuals to con- constraints of time, space and competition version,7 (2) the macro-structural availability in fashioning their stories about new of people to cult involvement (i.e. the broad religions. They are necessarily guided by social conditions thought to set the stage for the commercial demand to attract readers the emergence of NRMs),8 (3) the charge and often lack expertise in the subject. But that cults secure and maintain their followers as other stories continue to be newsworthy through ‘brainwashing’ or ‘mind control’,9 a marked improvement in the quality of and (4) the mental health of those involved reporting and commentary usually can be with NRMs.10 Indirectly, of course, much will detected. Such does not appear to be the case be said that is relevant to a determination of (with rare exceptions) when it comes to ‘cult these issues, but answering the question at stories’.3 Summarizing their longitudinal and hand is a necessary preliminary step.11

117 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

Arthur Greil and David Rudy, to cite another How Do People Get Involved With example, arrived at a similar conclusion after New Religious Movements? scrutinizing the data on conversion available from ten case studies of widely divergent Much that we now know about who, how and NRMs.14 Alternatively, Merrill Singer and to why people join NRMs stems from attempts some extent Willem Kox, Wim Meeus and made to apply and criticize the influen- Harm’t Hart found almost all aspects of the tial model of conversion advanced by John model to be relevant to the study of the Black Lofland and Rodney Stark.12 This model grew Hebrew Nation, on the one hand, and Dutch out of field research into what was then a small adolescents who had converted to either and obscure deviant religion dubbed the the Unification Church or the Pentecostal ‘Divine Precepts’ by Lofland and Stark. The Church, on the other hand.15 Debate over the group was in fact the early Unification Church merits of the theory has become complex, (i.e. the Moonies). Gathering the accounts with clashes of opinion over every aspect of of converts to this cult, and observing the the model. For instance, as a result of their attempts made at recruitment, Lofland and research into Nichiren Shoshu in America, Stark formulated a seven-step model of the Snow and Phillips are quite dismissive of two process of conversion. Briefly, this model stip- aspects of Lofland and Stark’s model. They ulates that for persons to convert to a cult they reject the claims that potential converts must must (1) experience enduring, acutely felt experience enduring and acutely felt tensions tensions in their lives, (2) within a religious and some ‘turning point’ in their lives (e.g. problem-solving perspective (as opposed to a failing out of school, experiencing a divorce, psychiatric or political problem-solving per- undertaking a long trip). In a study of the spective), (3) which leads them to think of same NRM in Britain, however, Wilson and themselves as a religious seeker. With these Dobbelaere found that many members at least three ‘predisposing conditions’ in place, the say they experienced chronic or acute crises in person must then (4) encounter the cult to their lives and a turning point.16 The disparity which they convert at a turning point in their can be explained in many ways. But these lives, (5) form an affective bond with one or kinds of divergent results suggest, as Kox et al. more members of the cult, (6) reduce or elim- propose, that the steps outlined by Lofland inate extracult attachments and (7) be exposed and Stark do not represent so much an inte- to intensive interaction with other converts. grated and cumulative model of the actual With the completion of the latter four ‘situa- process of conversion as a fairly adequate state- tional contingencies,’ the new convert can ment of some of the key ‘conditions’ of become a ‘deployable agent’ of the cult. It is conversion (with the understanding that these the cumulative effect of all of these experi- conditions may vary independently and that ences, Lofland and Stark believed, that pro- their significance may vary for different reli- duces a true conversion. Each step is necessary, gions and in different circumstances). but only the whole process is sufficient to While many scholars have clearly overgen- produce a ‘total convert.’ eralized the relevance of Lofland and Stark’s Over the years this model has been tested findings, the research their model inspired has repeatedly, in different contexts, with mixed consistently confirmed some of these ‘condi- results. In the study of a quite large NRM tions’ and led to the formulation of some imported to America from Japan, Nichiren reasons why they may vary. The empirical and Shoshu Buddhism (also known by the name theoretical insights in question constitute the of its lay organization, Soka Gakkai), David body of what we can confidently say about Snow and Cynthia Phillips found reason to be why people become involved with NRMs. conceptually and empirically suspicious of the In order, roughly, of the degree of empirical applicability of all but two of the seven steps support that exists for them, the micro- of the Lofland–Stark model of conversion.13 structural availability of people to cult

118 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS involvements is conditioned by the following figure of 66 per cent. Like much of the anti- seven generalizations. cult literature, though, she does not provide In the first place, studies of conversion and us with any reliable information about the of specific groups have found that recruitment source of this claim, and she does not seem to to NRMs happens primarily through pre- see any inconsistency between this claim and existing social networks and interpersonal another made on the same page, namely that bonds. Friends recruit friends, family members ‘All of us are vulnerable to cult recruitment’. each other and neighbours recruit neighbours. In the study of NRMs, however, there are Contrary to public belief and the assertions of always exceptions to every rule. Eileen Barker many proponents of the ‘brainwashing’ theory denies that existing personal networks account of cult conversion, the figures available sup- for the majority of converts to the Moonies in port neither the proposition that everyone is Britain.21 But her claim is somewhat ambigu- equally susceptible to recruitment, nor that ous since she notes that networks do account most converts are recruited through individ- for over a quarter of the British membership ual contacts in public places. Groups such as and in a footnote she provides evidence that the Unification Church, Krishna Conscious- they also account for a third of the member- ness and Children of God have been scourged ship in the rest of Europe. Moreover, she does for their aggressive and persistent forays into not clearly identify an alternative way in which airports, parks and the streets to disseminate the largest number of recruits are derived. literature and proselytize. Yet the evidence By implication it would appear that the she strongly indicates that these recruitment has in mind ‘by-chance’ encounters between drives are usually dismal failures.17 Rather, the recruiters and individuals in the streets. majority of recruits to the majority of NRMs Second, as some of even the harshest critics come into contact with the groups they join of the Lofland–Stark model reaffirm, Lofland because they personally know one or more and Stark were correct in specifying the impor- members of the movement.18 tance of affective ties in inducing recruits to The results of Wilson and Dobbelaere’s join.22 Again, Wilson and Dobbelaere’s recent and quite comprehensive study of findings with regard to the Nichiren Shoshu Nichiren Shoshu in Britain, are characteristic: in Britain are typical: over a third of their respondents stressed ‘the quality of the mem- Only 6 per cent of those in our sample had bership’ as the primary reason for their initial encountered [the Nichiren Shoshu] through attraction to the group. Wilson and Dobbe- the impersonal agencies of the media – laere provide numerous quotations from their through exhibitions, concerts, the move- questionnaires and interviews redolent with ment’s own publicity, or the various media praise for the vibrancy, warmth, openness, joy accounts of the organization which had and positive outlook of the members people appeared in Britain. Ninety-four per cent met first encountered. In general, case studies of the movement through social interaction. individuals who joined NRMs or of the groups Friends represented the largest category of themselves commonly reveal the crucial role people who introduced members, amounting of affective bonds with specific members in to some 42 per cent; 23 per cent were 23 brought into contact with it through their leading recruits into deeper involvements. partners or family members. The remainder Third, and equally strongly, from the same were first presented with information by studies it is clear that the intensive interaction acquaintances, work or student colleagues of recruits with the rest of the existing most particularly, but 14 per cent owed the membership of the group is pivotal to the encounter to casual acquaintances.19 successful conversion and maintenance of new members. In fact, as Janet Jacobs discovered, Even the anti-cultist Margaret Singer supports a perceived loss of such intensive interaction the proposition that most converts are re- often plays a key role in the deconversion or cruited through social networks.20 She cites a apostasy of members of NRMs.24 On these

119 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS three points there is little disagreement in the not seem to be as necessary to all conversions literature. Other findings are subject to greater to NRMs as Lofland and Stark thought, it variation and dispute, yet their frequency of fit does precede many conversions.31 People with specific groups and situations is still quite inclined to be interested in even the possibil- significant. ity of joining an NRM have been reading Fourth, cult involvement seems to be related religious and philosophical literature strongly correlated with having fewer and and giving some serious thought to the weaker extra-cult social ties.25 Part of the so-called ‘big questions’ (e.g. What is the reason for the disproportionate representation meaning of life? Is there a God? Is there life of adolescents and young adults in NRMs is after death?). This does not necessarily simply that this segment of the population is mean that the converts in question have fully relatively free of countervailing social and adopted a ‘religious problem-solving per- economic obligations and commitments. They spective’. But similar findings are reported in have the time and the opportunity to indulge Rochford’s study of Krishna Consciousness,32 their spiritual appetites and experiment with Wilson and Dobbelaere’s study of Nichiren alternative lifestyles. The more freedom one Shoshu,33 and Jones’s study of the Church has in these regards the more likely one is to Universal and Triumphant:34 at the time of accept the ‘invitation’ of a cult recruiter their conversion to the NRM a little less than to dinner, a lecture, a meditation session or half of the members were either actively whatever.26 practising a religion other than that in which Fifth, and similarly, cult involvement seems they were raised or previously they had been to be strongly correlated with having fewer members of one or more other non-traditional and weaker ideological alignments. Most religious groups. researchers now discount Lofland and Stark’s Seventh, as Stark and Bainbridge stress,35 in suggestion that converts to NRMs were seeking to account for the conditions of con- probably pre-socialized to adopting a religious version we should be careful not to neglect the problem-solving perspective. The data actually obvious. NRMs provide many kinds of ‘direct suggests that the ‘unchurched,’ as Stark and rewards’ to their members. They commonly Bainbridge call them,27 are more likely to join. offer such positive inducements as affection In many cases, lack of prior religious educa- and heightened self-esteem, esoteric and exo- tion and family life seems to leave young teric knowledge that provides a sense of power people more open to alternative spiritual and control over one’s life, as well as simple explanations of the world and its hardships.28 material and social aid, security, new career More will be said about this in discussing the opportunities and forms of prestige. In fact, as social attributes of converts. Roy Wallis notes,36 sometimes the rewards of Again, however, there are clear exceptions participating in the new reality constructed by to this generalization. As Richardson and the group may become more important than Stewart and Steven Tipton suggest,29 in the satisfying ‘the ends such participation was case of many neo-Christian (e.g. the Unifica- originally intended to procure’. tion Church) and Jesus movements we may be The degree to which any or all of these dealing with the phenomenon of ‘returning factors are involved in recruitment to any fundamentalists.’ Recruits to these groups NRM is subject to variation. As Snow and often do seem to have been raised in strict reli- Phillips and Snow et al. have empirically de- gious households from which they have lapsed monstrated,37 the degree to which successful or rebelled as adolescents. Similarly, it would recruitment requires that potential converts seem that recruits to the Catholic Charismatic have weak extra-cult ties and/or ideological Renewal and its offshoots are overwhelmingly alignments depends on how deviant and par- from Catholic backgrounds.30 ticularistic the group in question is, as well as Sixth, while ‘seekership’, the active search the extent of the commitment demanded by for religious answers to one’s problems, does the group. If joining an NRM does not entail

120 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS a dramatic transformation of one’s values and ferent cultural and historical circumstances.39 lifestyle, as in the case of Scientology, then the To the convert it often seems miraculous that need to sever extra-cult bonds is reduced. a representative of a new religion happens to Obversely, if there is a pronounced difference be at hand at the crucial moment of doubt between the orientation and activities of the and/or decision in their lives. If other similar new religion and the family and friends of kinds of groups, competitor religions or the recruit, as in the case of Krishna Con- functional equivalents to religion (e.g. some sciousness, then the weakening of prior ties cathartic encounter therapy group, revolu- plays a more crucial role in the conversion tionary political movement, or idealistic social process. Similarly, for groups stigmatized by service organization) are present instead, the dominant society a strategy of isolation then the conversion in question might never may be used to neutralize the stigma. This happen.40 strategy may also be induced by the extent to Adding another spin to the contingent which a group insists it has the exclusive path conditions, as Wilson proposes, we must con- to truth and salvation. The more particularis- sider ‘that, in some measure, movements may tic a religion is, the more it will demand a awaken needs in particular individuals, giving sharp separation from the world and from the them increased specificity in the terms of the convert’s past social and ideological attach- movement’s own ideology, and so defining the ments. Finally, the more complete the level situation for prospective adherents, supplying and type of commitment demanded by a both the sense of needs and the means of its group, as in such communal groups as the fulfilment.’41 New religions, like many new Unification Church and Krishna Conscious- commercial enterprises, are in the business of ness, The more likely it is that new members ‘consciousness raising’ about needs and their will be recruited through contact in public satisfaction. places rather than through interpersonal bonds and social networks. This latter linkage may explain why Barker’s findings for the What are the Social Attributes Unification Church in Britain seem at odds of Those Who Join New with the strong role of social networks in Religious Movements? recruitment detected by most other studies of NRMs. It is difficult to specify a reliable social profile Various combinations of these factors limit of typical cult converts. Two things are clear who is structurally available to join NRMs. from the numerous studies undertaken of con- Relative to the small number of people who version to NRMs: (a) because of the different do join such groups, though, the delimitation recruitment strategies of different cult leaders is still insufficient. It is necessary therefore to and/or the heavy reliance of NRMs on social see these social factors against a backdrop of networks to secure new recruits, each new yet more contingent and situational factors. religion tends to attract a rather homogeneous For example, recruitment can be influenced by group of followers; (b) but the overall the degree and type of hostility to NRMs membership of NRMs is much more hetero- present in the dominant culture, the presence geneous than commonly anticipated, since or absence of missionaries and the presence of group tends to attract somewhat different competitor groups.38 It makes a world of dif- kinds of followers.42 Nevertheless, it is still ference whether an NRM arises in the relaxed possible to make some broad and important and experimental atmosphere of contempo- generalizations. rary California or the highly conformist envi- First the membership of most NRMs are ronment of Ireland or Iran. Contrasting Japan disproportionately young. Barker43 found that and the United States, Wilson points out that 50 per cent of the membership of the Unifi- we must be careful not to assume even that cation Church in Britain were between 21 and new religions fulfil the same function in dif- 26 years old. The average age at which people

121 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS joined the movement was 23 years old. At the professional training or college/university time she wrote, Rochford44 reported that 56 degrees (29.7 per cent were university gradu- per cent of the membership of Krishna Con- ates). Likewise, Wilson and Dobbelaere52 sciousness was between 20 and 25 years old, found that 24 per cent of the large sample of and more than 50 per cent had joined before the membership of Nichiren Shoshu in Britain their 21st birthday.45 More recently, Wilson had attended university, when in 1990 only 8 and Dobbelaere46 found that while the mem- per cent of the population had a university bership of Nichiren Shoshu in Britain were education. In the case of the Church Univer- also young, they are relatively not as young. sal and Triumphant, Jones53 actually found Their extensive survey revealed that 68.2 per one quarter of her respondents to have com- cent of the membership were under the age pleted an advanced technical or professional of 34 and 88.4 per cent were under the age degree (e.g. MBA, MSW, MD, or Ph.D.). of 44. With rare exceptions, though, the Latkin et al.54 likewise report that 64 per cent new religions of today are a game for young of the members of Rajneeshpuram had at least people and, relative to the population, a college degree, and a further random sample middle-aged and old people are markedly of 100 members uncovered 24 per cent with underrepresented. a masters degree and 12 per cent with a doc- As some of the NRMs of the 1960s have torate of some sort. Even Rochford55 discov- aged, these figures have shifted.47 But many ered that 65 per cent of his sample of very people drop out of these organizations by the young Krishna devotees had at least one year time they are middle aged. This is especially of college. Stark and Bainbridge56 cite compa- true of NRMs that are more communal in rable findings from studies of other groups. structure and more exclusive in their commit- Why do NRMs tend to attract the better ments. The demands they make on members educated? Wilson and Dobbelaere, and others, often conflict with the demands of family life suggest the answer is fairly obvious: ‘To be and raising children. There is some reason properly understood, the teachings [of most to believe that the new religions that are NRMs] demand literate intelligence, a more segmented and plural in their commit- willingness to study, and lack of fear in the face ment expectations (like Scientology, Eckancar, of unfamiliar concepts and language’.57 Nichiren Shoshu, etc.) will maintain a Third, and not surprising given the educa- better spread in the age distribution of tional levels, recruits to NRMs are also dis- their members as the groups grow older. For proportionately from middle- to upper-middle example, on the basis of an admittedly limited class households, the advantaged segments of sample, Wallis48 found that the average age the population. The figures for Scientology, of recruitment to Scientology in Britain the Unification Church, the International was about 32 years old. While Wilson and Society for Krishna Consciousness, the fol- Dobbelaere report a mean age for starting the lowers of Rajneesh and the Church Universal practice of Nichiren Shoshu of 31 years old, and Triumphant, all closely concur.58 The and Carl Latkin et al., Lewis Carter and Susan fathers of converts come primarily from the Palmer, place the average age of followers of professional, business executive, or adminis- Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh in the mid-30s.49 In trative segments of the occupational world; another instance, the Church Universal and skilled or unskilled manual labourers are Triumphant seems to be aging along with its clearly underrepresented. leadership (approximately 53 per cent of the Fourth, on questions of sex there seems membership is between 40 and 60 years old).50 to be some dispute. Machalek and Snow59 Second, with few exceptions studies have suggest there is an overrepresentation of found that recruits to NRMs are on average women in NRMs. At some points, Stark and markedly better educated than the general Bainbridge do as well.60 But the evidence, public. Wallis51 reports that 56.7 per cent of as Stark and Bainbridge themselves admit, is the Scientologists he studied had either highly variable. In the past females were

122 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS disproportionately present in fringe religions Catholic participation is roughly proportion- (e.g. Christian Science in the 1920s was 75 per ate to their numbers in the population. Jews cent female),61 and Wilson and Dobbelaere are another matter. They are extraordinarily found about 59 per cent of the Nichiren overrepresented. Latkin et al.,70 for example, Shoshu in Britain to be female.62 Latkin et al. found the following distribution in religious and Palmer also report a disproportionate backgrounds for the Rajneesh movement: 30 number of females in the Rajneesh move- per cent Protestant, 27 per cent Catholic, 20 ment.63 Barker (1984: 206), however, reports per cent Jewish, 14 per cent ‘none,’ 4 per cent a two-to-one ratio in favour of men for the Hindu or Buddhist, 4 per cent ‘other’. More Moonies in Britain, while Wallis’s sample of startlingly, Steve Tipton,71 in studying the San Scientologists is 59 per cent male.64 Rochford, Francisco Zen Centre, found that 50 per cent Lucas and others imply that there is little sub- of the members were Jewish.72 Why the over- stantial discrepancy between the sexes in the representation? Stark and Bainbridge point to groups they studied.65 On the whole, it would the many indicators of the heightened secu- seem that while some cults may attract more larization of the American Jewish community, of one sex than the other, there is no strong relative to other religious groups.73 Support evidence that women are any more suscepti- for this stress on the relatively ‘unchurched’ ble to joining NRMs than men.66 character of converts to NRMs comes from It does appear, though, that many groups the British followers of Nichiren Shoshu. undergo a kind of developmental shift in their ‘Fully 76 per cent of [Wilson and Dobbe- sex ratios as they mature. Krishna Conscious- laere’s] respondents said that they had not ness began life in America as a largely male belonged to any religious organization before phenomenon, but this imbalance in sexual they joined.’74 In fact 47 per cent declared that representation has been corrected as the previously they had not been religious at all, movement has become an order of ‘house- leading Wilson and Dobbelaere to call into holders’ and not strictly priestly ascetics.67 question the contention that religious ‘seeker- In Korea and Japan, prior to its emergence ship’ is a necessary precondition for conver- in America, the Unification Church actually sion.75 Latkin et al. report that only 40 per appealed more to women, as did the Rajneesh cent of the members of Rajneeshpuram saw movement in its beginnings in India.68 These themselves as religious before joining, and imbalances also adjusted with time. Reliable Jones’s survey of the Church Universal and membership figures, though, especially ones Triumphant revealed a slight overrepresenta- that differentiate between the sexes, are hard tion of religious ‘nones’ (12.67 per cent). But, to come by. in the latter instance, seekership would seem Fifth and lastly, there is some ambiguity to be a significant factor since 49 per cent of about the religious background of recruits the sample claimed one or more previous asso- to NRMs as well. On the one hand, with ciations with other nontraditional religions the limited evidence available, Stark and after childhood (e.g. Rosicrucians, Theoso- Bainbridge conclude: ‘Church membership phy, various Hindu and Buddhist groups).76 and membership in a conservative denomina- Of course, more information is needed about tion are preventives against cultism. The the kinds of associations claimed to interpret unchurched and those affiliated with the more the real meaning of this data. secularized denominations are more open On the other hand, Rochford found that to cult involvement.’69 The levels of participa- the American followers of Krishna came from tion in NRMs of American Protestants, fairly religious households.77 More than 50 per Catholics and Jews varies from group to cent of his sample said religion was stressed in group. On the whole, though, Stark and Bain- their childhood homes; 77 per cent received bridge think that Protestants are underrepre- formal religious education as children; and sented, reflecting the strength of right-wing about 50 per cent attended religious services evangelicalism in the United States, while regularly, while another 30 per cent attended

123 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS irregularly. Now as in the case of the British In her much-acclaimed book The Making of members of Nichiren Shoshu, at the time of a Moonie, the British sociologist Eileen Barker conversion, most had lapsed in the practice states that the Moonies she came to know of their childhood faith and only 25 per often seemed idealistic people, coming cent were practising some other religion. from fairly happy, conventional and highly But the contrast with Stark and Banibridge’s ‘respectable’ families that placed a higher value conclusion remains pronounced. As Stark on public service and doing one’s duty than and Bainbridge themselves note,78 though simply making money. They had grown up in without accounting for it, Barker also found sheltered environments, in which they were Moonies in England to be ‘ drawn from encouraged to be overachievers at school and families with unusually strong religious in other activities. But their emotional devel- convictions’. opment seems to have been retarded and they failed to experience the usual crises of adoles- cence until a later point in life than most of Why Do People Join New their peers. Consequently, it seems that many Religious Movements? of them experienced ‘disappointments, hurt and disillusionment’ when they ‘first ventured I cannot pretend to any definitive answers to out into the world’. They may have found the this question. In fact, as specified in the intro- transition to life at university or on the job duction, limitations of space prevent me from and away from home more difficult and frus- considering all of the pertinent factors. Most trating than expected. The implication is that notably, for example, there is no opportunity they may have joined the Unification Church to discuss the possible impact of such broad to at least temporarily re-establish themselves social changes as the breakdown of mediating in a more satisfying set of circumstances structures in advanced capitalist societies or (i.e. more structured and idealistically the processes of secularization, both of which motivated).81 are thought to influence the macro-structural After interviewing and observing hundreds availability of people to cult involvements.79 of young members of various NRMs, the Here, in line with the preceding discussion, Canadian psychiatrist Saul Levine presents we only can comment on some of the more much the same profile but in greater detail.82 prominent assessments of some of the Without endorsing his reading of the dynam- micro-structural factors affecting availability of ics of conversion, his detailed account is people to cult involvements. In this vein, instructive. Levine emphatically asserts that he there are essentially two kinds of explanatory found ‘no more sign of pathology among [the options currently available: various psycholog- members and ex-members of NRMs that he ical speculations and types of rational choice studied] than ...in any youthful population.’ theorizing. At present the former is far He also notes that the joiners he met were more pervasive, developed and empirically largely children of privilege; they were ‘good grounded. The latter option, while promising, kids from good backgrounds’.83 Yet they is still new and rather experimental, and a engaged in the kind of ‘radical departures’ that proper introduction would warrant an addi- are highly disturbing to their families and tional essay.80 So in this context I confine my friends. These radical departures are extra- comments to a brief summary of two of ordinary, but seen from the right perspective, the better-known psychological analyses. he argues, they make sense. ‘They are desper- While inevitably speculative, each of these ate attempts to grow up in a society that places accounts is recommended by the scope and obstacles in the way of the normal yearnings subtlety of the empirical studies from which of youth.’84 The young people who join they derive. Developed independently, they NRMs, he believes, are distinguished by their nevertheless suggest a similar profile of con- curious inability to effect the kind of verts to cults. separation from their families consonant with

124 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS passage into young adulthood.85 They are instance, ‘do not appear to be rejecting the psychological ‘children’ trapped in a dilemma values that were instilled into them during that our fragmented and indulgent society their childhood; they appear, on the contrary, may have induced. They wish to sever the to have imbibed these so successfully that they parental bond and achieve independence, but are prepared to respond to the opportunity they lack a sufficient sense of self to do so. On (which society does not seem to be offering the one hand, the prospect of relinquishing them) to live according to those very stan- the overly close tie they do have, in ‘reality or dards.’87 Arthur Parsons and Susan Palmer are fantasy’, with their mothers and fathers is led to like conclusions by their interactions terrifying; it instills a great fear of personal with the Moonies.88 The pattern may well vary ‘depletion’. On the other hand, the self they for other NRMs, but Palmer found elements display, whether seemingly normal or rebel- of it in each of the seven NRMs she studied lious, feels ‘fraudulent’. Such young people and her findings are reminiscent of the views feel trapped: they can neither live with nor Tipton expresses in Getting Saved from the without their parents. All the while, though, Sixties This perspective certainly accords with as the children mature their parents’ foibles the consistent finding that most of the people are becoming apparent, turning them into who join NRMs leave voluntarily within about ‘fallen idols’. two years.89 It works less well for understand- Symptomatically, Levine says, joiners usually ing those groups that attract older followers have not experienced any mature romantic to begin with and are less exclusive in their relationships and they lack the kind of intimate demands for commitment and less communal peer relationships in which teenagers ‘probe, in organization (e.g. Scientology, Nichiren analyze, confess, explore, and lay bare their Shoshu, Eckancar). Tipton, Robbins and very souls to one another’.86 While the social Bromley, and Palmer, however, have devel- supports their parents had been able to call oped various theories that encompass these upon on in their youth for guidance (e.g. kinds of NRMs as well; theories that are churches, ethnic communities, patriotic similar in key respects and compatible with the activities and a liberal-arts education) have speculations of Levine and Barker.90 In various either disappeared or now appear ‘plastic’ and ways too complicated to broach at this unreal. Enduring this kind of acutely felt juncture, these theories suggest that NRMs tension, these young people yearn for a quick provide a safe haven for social and psycholog- fix to their sense of isolation and confusion. ical experimentation with various new ‘rites They seek a sense of full belonging and of passage’ in order to defuse the anomie purpose in life, independent of their families, generated by a pervasive sense of moral but without engaging in the struggle to ambiguity in modern culture. achieve true ‘mutual understanding’ between These speculations are just that, specula- individuals or the serious ‘analysis’ of their sit- tions. In the end it is difficult to assess their uation required to find and shape their own generality. The empirical insights provided identity. With so little real self-esteem in above, while more prosaic, are more reliable. place, they are seeking to avoid, for a time at I must caution, however, that while this infor- least, the responsibility of making choices. mation helps us to delimit who is more likely Then at a moment of crisis, a ‘turning to join an NRM, the delimitation is still insuf- point’ in Lofland and Stark’s terminology, ficient, given the small numbers of actual con- they encounter the missionaries of one or verts. Certainly the data run counter to many another NRM offering just such an alternative of the assertions and stereotypes of the pubilc path to (or temporary detour from) maturity. and the anti-cult movement. But from a social If there is some plausibility to Levine’s scientific perspective, a crucial and easily over- theory, then in the end, as Barker stresses, looked element of mystery remains about why the radical departure in question is in some people choose to be religious, especially in so respects not a departure at all. Moonies, for radical a manner.

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Taking us back to where we began: Does all Solar Temple’, Journal of Contemporary of this help us to better understand the Religion, 11, 3 (1996): 303–18). tragedy of the Solar Temple? Paradoxically, the 3 See, for example, Danny Jorgensen, ‘The answer is both yes and no. In the end, I cannot Social Construction and Interpretation of honestly say that I am much closer to really Deviance – Jonestown and the Mass Media’, Deviant Behavior, 1, 3–4 (1980): 309–32, understanding why these people chose to end and Randy Lippert, ‘The Construction of their lives. This is frustrating. But I am hopeful Satanism as a Social Problem in Canada’, that we can raise the level of public under- Canadian Journal of Sociology, 15, 4 (1990): standing of who joins NRMs and why, well 417–39. beyond that provided by the media in the days 4 Barend Van Driel and James T. Richardson, following this frightening reminder of the ‘Print Media Coverage of New Religious continued power of the religion in our lives. Movements: A Longitudinal Study,’ Journal of On the one hand, I think it is important to Communication, 38, 3 (1988): 37. establish how unexceptional in some respects 5 The quotation is from Margaret T. Singer with cult involvements are in order to assure or Janja Lalich, Cults in Our Midst: The Hidden Menace in Our Everyday Lives (San Francisco, even renew our respect for the religious CA: Jossey-Bass, 1995), P. 17. Similar views choices people make, no matter how seem- are expressed in dozens of books; for example, ingly foreign to our sensibilities. On the other Ted Patrick and Tom Dulack, Let Our hand, if the assessments of Barker, Levine, and Children Go! (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1976); others hold true, then it is equally important Ronald Enroth, Youth, Brainwashing, and to establish how exceptional the Solar Temple the Extremist Cults (Grand Rapids, MI: and its apocalypse are in comparison with most Zondervan, 1977); Steven Hassan, Combat- other NRMs. In these exceptional cases ting Cult Mind-Control (Rochester, VT: Park some other social-psychological processes are Street Press, 1988); and Colin A. Ross, at work that we need to ferret out, perhaps Satanic Ritual Abuse: Principles of Treatment through more detaied comparative analyses (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995). 6 The terms structural and biographic availabil- with the Peoples Temple massacre at ity are borrowed from Richard Machalek and Jonestown and the Branch Davidian confla- David A. Snow, ‘Conversion to New Religious 91 gration at Waco. Like all social phenomena, Movements’, in David G. Bromley and Jeffrey the specific dynamics in each case are subject K. Hadden, eds., Religion and the Social Order, to almost infinite variation. But with diligence, Vol. 3: The Handbook on Cults and Sects in as the history of the social sciences strongly America, Part B (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, suggests, we should be able to discern certain 1993), pp. 53–74. generic social processes that we need to better 7 See, for example, Steven M. Tipton, Getting understand.92 Saved from the Sixties (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982); Saul V. Levine, Radical Departures: Desperate Detours to Growing Up (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1984); David Chidester, Salvation Notes and Suicide: An Interpretation of Jim Jones, The Peoples Temple, and Jonestown 1The headlines are from The Toronto Star and (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, The Globe and Mail, respectively, on Thursday, 1988); and Wade Clark Roof, A Generation October 6, 1994. of Seekers: The Spiritual Journey of the Baby 2 Eventually 53 bodies were found, and then, Boom Generation (San Francisco, CA: Harper- much to the surprise of everyone, on Decem- Collins, 1993). ber 21, 1995, 16 more followers committed 8See, for example, Robert Bellah, ‘New Reli- ritualistic suicide in a French forest near gious Consciousness and the Crisis of Moder- the Swiss border (see Massiomo Introvigne, nity’, in Charles Glock and Robert Bellah, eds., ‘Ordeal by Fire: The Tragedy of the Solar The New Religious Consciousness (Berkeley: Temple’, Religion, 25, 4 (1995): 267–83, and University of California Press, 1976), Susan J. Palmer, ‘Purity and Danger in the pp. 333–52; Benton Johnson, ‘A Sociological

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Perspective on New Religions’, in Thomas Model of Religious Conversion’, Sociological Robbins and Dick Anthony, eds., In Gods We Analysis, 52, 3 (1991): 227–40. Trust: New Patterns of Religious Pluralism in 16 Bryan Wilson and Karel Dobbelaere, A Time America (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, to Chant: The Soka Gakkai Buddhists in Britain 1981), pp. 51–66; Thomas Robbins, Cults, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994). Converts, and Charisma (Newbury Park, CA: 17 With regard to the Moonies see the figures Sage, 1988); and Lorne L. Dawson, Compre- provided in Eileen Barker, The Making of hending Cults: The Sociology of New Religious a Moonie: Choice or Brainwashing (Oxford: Movements (Toronto: Oxford University Press, Blackwell, 1984), pp. 141–8, and Marc 1998). Galanter, Cults: Faith, Healing, and Coercion 9 There is a voluminous literature about the (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), ‘brainwashing’ charge (e.g. the books cited pp. 140–1. in note 5). The best analyses are Dick 18 For example: Michael Harrison, ‘Sources Anthony and Thomas Robbins, ‘Brainwashing of Recruitment to Catholic Pentecostalism’, and Totalitarian Influence,’ Encyclopedia of Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Human Behavior (San Diego, CA: Academic 13, 1 (1974): 49–64; James Beckford, The Press, 1994), vol. 1, pp. 457–71; James T. Trumpet of Prophecy: A Sociological Study of Richardson, ‘A Social Psychological Critique Jehovah’s Witnesses (New York: Oxford and of ‘Brainwashing’ Claims about Recruitment Halsted Press, 1975); John Lofland, Doomsday to New Religions’, in Bromley and Hadden, Cult: A Study of Conversion, Proselytization eds., Handbook on Cults and Sects, pp. 75–97; and Maintenance of Faith (New York: Irving- and Dawson, Comprehending Cults. ton, 1977): William Sims Bainbridge, Satan’s 10 See E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Sheryl Purvis and Power: Ethnography of a Deviant Psychotherapy NeMar Eastman, ‘New Religions, Mental Cult (Berkeley: University of California Press, Health, and Social Control’, in Monty Lynn 1978); David A. Snow, Louis A. Zurcher, and David Moberg, eds., Research in the Social Jr. and Sheldon Ekland-Olson, ‘Social Net- Scientific Study of Religion (Greenwich, CT: works and Social Movements: A Micro- JAI Press, 1989), vol. 1, pp. 57–82; and James structural Approach to Differential T. Richardson, ‘Clinical and Personality Recruitment’, American Sociological Review, Assessment of Participants in New Religions’, 45, 5 (1980): 787–801; Rodney Stark and International Journal for the Psychology of Reli- William Sims Bainbridge, The Future of Reli- gion, 5 (1995): 145–70. gion: Secularization, Revival and Cult Forma- 11 Many of these and other related readings can tion (Berkeley: University of California Press, be found in Lorne L. Dawson, ed., Cults in 1985); E. Burke Rochford, Hare Krishna in Context: Readings in the Study of New Reli- America (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Uni- gious Movements (Toronto: Canadian Scholars versity Press, 1985); Carl Latkin, Richard Press, 1996). Hagan, Richard Littman and Norman Sund- 12 John Lofland and Rodney Stark, ‘Becoming a berg, ‘Who Lives in Utopia? A Brief Report on World-Saver: A Theory of Conversion to a the Rajneeshpuram Research Project’, Socio- Deviant Perspective’, American Sociological logical Analysis, 48, 1 (1987): 73–81; Susan Review, 30, 6 (1965): 863–74. Jean Palmer, Moon Sisters, Krishna Mothers, 13 David Snow and Cynthia Phillips, ‘The Rajneesh Lovers: Women’s Roles in New Reli- Lofland–Stark Conversion Model: A Critical gions (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, Reassessment’, Social Problems, 27, 4 (1980): 1994); and Phillip C. Lucas, The Odyssey of a 430–47. New Religion – The Holy Order of MANS from 14 Arthur Greil and David Rudy, ‘What Have New Age to Orthodoxy (Bloomington: Indiana We Learned from Process Models of University Press, 1995). Conversion? An Examination of Ten Case 19 Wilson and Dobbelaere, A Time to Chant, Studies’, Sociological Focus, 17, 4 (1984): p. 50. 305–23. 20 Singer, Cults in Our Midst, p. 105. 15 Merrill Singer, ‘The Social Context of Con- 21 Barker, The Making of a Moonie, pp. 95–100. version to a Black Religious Sect’, Review of 22 For example, Snow and Phillips, ‘The Religious Research, 29, 4 (1988): 177–92, and Lofland–Stark Conversion Model’; Greil Willem Kox et al., ‘Religious Conversion of and Rudy, ‘What Have We Learned From Adolescents: Testing the Lofland and Stark Process Models of Conversion?’; Stark and

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Bainbridge, The Future of Religion; and Kox et Types of Conversion, and Conversion al., ‘Religious Conversion of Adolescents.’ Theorise,’ Sociological Analysis, 50, 1 (1989): 23 For example, Harrison, ‘Sources of Recruit- 1–21. ment to Catholic Pentecostalism’; Enroth, 32 Rochford, Hare Krishna in America, p. 54. Youth, Brainwashing, and the Extremist Cults; 33 Wilson and Dobbelaere, A Time to Chant, Lofland, Doomsday Cult; Bainbridge, Satan’s p. 88. Power, Barker, The Making of a Moonie; 34 Constance A. Jones, ‘Church Universal and Rochford, Hare Krishna in America; Palmer, Triumphant: A Demographic Profile’, in James Moon Sisters, Krishna Mothers, Rajneesh Lovers; R. Lewis and J. Gordon Melton, eds., Church Saul V. Levine, Radical Departures; and David Universal and Triumphant in Scholarly E. Van Zandt, Living in the Children God Perspective (Stanford, CA: Centre for Acade- (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, mic Publication, 1994), pp. 49–50. 1991). 35 Stark and Bainbridge, The Future of Religion. 24 Janet Liebman Jacobs, Divine Disenchant- 36 Roy Wallis, The Elementary Forms of New Reli- ment: Deconverting from New Religions gious Life (London: Routledge and Kegan (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, Paul, 1984), p. 122. 1989). 37 Snow and Phillips, ‘ The Lofland–Stark 25 For example, Lofland, Doomsday Cult; Stark Conversion Model’, and Snow et al., ‘Social and Bainbridge, The Future of Religion; and Networks and Social, Movements’. James V. Downton, Sacred Journeys: The 38 Stark and Bainbridge, The Future of Religion. Conversion of Young Americans to Divine Light 39 Bryan Wilson, ‘The New Religions: Prelimi- Mission (New York: Columbia University nary Considerations’, in Eileen Barker, ed., Press, 1979). New Religious Movements: A Perspective for 26 Snow etal., ‘Social Networks and Socia Move- Understanding Society (New York: Edwin ments’. Mellen, 1982), p. 24. 27 Stark and Bainbridge, The Future of Religion. 40 See Levine, Radical Departures. 28 Ibid., and Snow and Phillips, ‘The Lofland- 41 Wilson, ‘New Religions: Preliminary Con- Stark Conversion Model’. siderations’, p. 25. 29 James, T. Richardson and Mary W. Stewart, 42 For example, Latkin et al., ‘Who Lives in ‘Conversion Process Models and the Jesus Utopia?’; Poling and Kenny, The Hare Krishna Movement’, American Behavioral Scientist, Character Type, and Palmer, Moon Sisters, 20, 6 (1977): 819–38, and Tipton, Getting Krishna Mothers, Rajneesh Lovers. Saved from the Sixties. 43 Barker, The Making of a Moonie, p. 206. 30 Mary Jo Neitz, Charisma and Community: A 44 Rochford, Hare Krishna in America, p. 47. Study of Religious Commitment within the 45 J. S. Judah reported comparable findings Charismatic Renewal (New Brunswick, NJ: ten years earlier in Hare Krishna and the Transaction, 1987). CounterCulture (New York: John Wiley, 31 For example, Roger Straus, ‘Changing 1974). Oneself: Seekers and the Creative Transforma- 46 Wilson and Dobbelarere, A Times to Chant. tion of Life Experience’, in John Lofland, 47 For Krishna Consciousness, for example, see ed., Doing Social Life (New York: Wiley and Palmer, Moon Sisters, Krishna Mothers, Sons, 1976), pp. 252–73; Robert W. Balch, Rajneesh Lovers, p. 39. ‘Looking Behind the Scenes in a Religious 48 Roy Wallis, The Road to Total Freedom: A Cult: Implications for the Study of Con- Sociological Analysis of Scientology (New York: version’, Sociological Analysis, 41, 2 (1980): Columbia University Press, 1977). 137–43; David Bromley and Anson Shupe, Jr., 49 Latkin et al., ‘Who Lives in Utopia?’; Lewis F. ‘Just a Few Years Seem Like a Lifetime: A Role Carter, Charisma and Control in Rajneeshpu- Theory Approach to Participation in Religious ram (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Movements’, in Research in Social Movements, 1990); and Palmer, Moon Sisters, Krishna Conflict and Change, vol. 2 (Greenwich, CT: Mothers, Rajneesh Lovers. JAI Press, 1979); T. Poling and J. Kenny, 50 Jones, ‘Church Universal and Triumphant,’ p. The Hare Krishna Character Type: A Study 42. The findings of H. R. Alfred, ‘The Church in Sensate Persinality (Lewiston, NY: Edwin of Satan’, in Charles Y. Glock and Robert N. Mellen, 1986); and Brock K. Kilbourne Bellah, eds., The New Religious Consciousness and James T. Richardson, ‘Paradigm Conflict, (Berkeley: University of California Press,

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1976), and Earl Babbie and Donald Stone, ‘An 74 Wilson and Dobbelaere, A Time to Chant, Evaluation of the est Experience by an National p. 79. Sample of Graduates’, Bioscience Communica- 75 Ibid., p. 88. tions, 3 (1977): 123–40, also lend support to 76 Jones, ‘Church Universal and Triumphant,’ this observation. pp. 49–50. 51 Wallis, Road to Total Freedom, p. 163. 77 Rochford, Hare Krishna in America, pp. 52 Wilson and Dobbelaere, A Time to Chant, 51–7. pp. 121–4. 78 Stark and Bainbridge, The Future of Religion, 53 Jones, ‘Church Universal and Triumphant,’ p. 404. pp. 43–4. 79 See note 8 above. 54 Latkin et al., ‘Who Lives in Utopia?’ 80 See, for example: Rodney Stark and William 55 Rochford, Hare Krishna in America, pp. Sims Bainbridge, A Theory of Religion (New 48–50. York: Peter Lang, 1987); C. David Gartrell 56 Stark and Bainbridge, The Future of Religion, and Zane K. Shannon, ‘Contacts, Cognitions, pp. 406–10. Conversion: A Rational Choice Approach’, 57 Wilson and Dobbelaere, A Time to Chant, p. Review of Religious Research, 21, 1 (1985): 123, and Stark and Bainbridge, The Future of 32–48; Lorne L. Dawson, ‘Self-Affirmation, Religion. Freedom, and Rationality: Theoretically 58 Scientology: Wallis, The Road to Total Freedom; Elaborating ‘Active’ Conversions’, Journal for Unification Church: Barker, The Making of a the Scientific Study of Religion, 29, 2 (1990): Moonie; Krishna Consciousness: Rochford, 141–63; and Rodney Stark and Laurence R. Hare Krishna in America, Poling and Kenny, Innaccone, ‘Rational Choice Propositions The Hare Krshna Character Type, Palmer, about Religious Movements’. in David G. Moon Sisters, Krishna Mothers, Rajneesh Lovers; Bromley and Jeffrey K. Hadden, eds., Religion Rajneesh movement: Latkin et al., ‘Who Lives and the Social Order, Vol. 3: The Handbook in Utopia?’ Carter, Charisma and Contorl on Cults and Sects in America, Part A in Rajneeshpuram, Palmer, Moon Sisters, (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1993), pp. Krishna Mothers, Rajneesh Lovers; and Church 242–61. Less overtly, an element of rational Universal and Triumphant: Jones, ‘Church choice is also present in Stephen A. Kent’s Universal and Triumphant.’ ‘Slogan Chanters to Mantra Chanters: A Mer- 59 Machalek and Snow, ‘Conversion to New Reli- tonian Deviance Analysis of Conversion to gious Movements’. Religiously Ideological Organizations in the 60 Stark and Bainbridge, The Future of Religion, Early 1970s’, Sociological Analysis, 49, 2 pp. 413–17. (1988): 140–18. 61 Ibid., p. 413. 81 Brock Kilbourne, ‘Equity or Exploitation? The 62 Wilson and Dobbelaere, A Time to Chant, pp. Case of the Unification Church’, Review of 42–3. Religious Research, 28, 2 (1986): 143–50, also 63 Latkin et al., ‘Who Lives in Utopia?’ and documents the role of youth idealism in pre- Palmer, Moon Sisters, Krishna Mothers, disposing people to joining the Moonies. Rajneesh Lovers. 82 Levine, Radical Departures. 64 Wallis, The Road to Total Freedom, p. 165. 83 Ibid., p. 4. 65 Rochford, Hare Krishna in America, and 84 Ibid., p. 11. Lucas, The Odyssey of a New Religion. 85 Ibid., pp. 31–8, 46–7, 61. 66 See Palmer, Moon Sisters, Krishna Mothers, 86 Ibid., p. 35. Rajneesh Lovers. 87 Barker, The Making of a Moonie, pp. 210–11. 67 Ibid., p. 32. 88 Arthur Parsons, ‘Messianic Personalism: A 68 Ibid., pp. 62, 90. Role Analysis of the Unification Church’, 69 Stark and Bainbridge, The Future of Religion, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, p. 400. 25, 2 (1986): 141–61, and Palmer, Moon 70 Latkin et al., ‘Who Lives in Utopia?’ Sisters, Krishna Mothers, Rajneesh Lovers, pp. 71 Tipton, Getting Saved from the Sixties. 92, 100. 72 Rochford, Hare Krishna in America, notes a 89 Barker, The Making of a Moonie; Levine, slight overrepresentation of Jews as well. Radical Departures; Stark and Bainbridge, The 73 Stark and Bainbridge, The Future of Religion, Future of Religion; Jacobs, Divine Disenchant- pp. 402–3. ment; Galanter, Cults; Palmer, Moon Sisters,

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Krishna Mothers, Rajneesh Lovers; and Stuart A. Jonestown (Bloomington: Indiana University Wright, Leaving Cults: The Dynamics, of Defec- Press, 1988), and Stuart A. Wright, ed., tion, Monograph Series, 7 (Washington, DC: Armageddon in Waco – Critical Perspectives on Society for Scientific Study of Religion, 1987). the Branch Davidian Conflict (Chicago, IL: 90 Tipton, Getting Saved from the Sixties; Thomas University of Chicago Press, 1995) Robbins and David Bromley, ‘Social Experi- 92 On discerning generic social processes in mentation and the Significance of American general, read Helen Rose Ebaugh, Becoming New Religions: A Focused Review Essay’, an EX (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago in Monty Lynn and David Moberg, eds., Press, 1988), and Robert Prus, Symbolic Inter- Research in the Social Scientific Study of Reli- action and Ethnographic Research (Albany: gion (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1992), vol. 4, State University of New York Press, 1996), ch. pp. 1–28; and Palmer, Moon Sisters, Krishna 5. For an initial attempt to tackle the generic Mothers, Rajneesh Lovers. aspect of this particular concern, see Thomas 91 In the morass of highly variable literature two Robbins and Dick Anthony, ‘Sects and stellar studies of these groups stand out: David Violence: Factors Enhancing the Volatility of Chidester, Salvation and Suicide – An Inter- Marginal Religious Movements’, in Wright, pretation of Jim Jones, The Peoples Temple, and ed., Armageddon in Waco, pp. 236–59.

130 CHAPTER EIGHT

The Joiners

SAUL LEVINE

Dennis Ericson’s radical departure was among the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Com- the first I came to know about. In 1969, when mittee; he had considered joining the Young I was working among draft dodgers and Republicans. deserters in Toronto and other cities in This seamless agreement in principle showed Canada, Dennis was a 20-year-old sophomore a slightly frayed edge in practice. Dennis on studying engineering at the University of several occasions confided to his parents a Cincinnati. He had no trouble with technical certain eagerness to be drafted, and was sur- courses, but had to work hard to maintain his prised to find his urge met with nervous amuse- grades in the required dose of literature and ment. The Ericsons supported the war but history. Dennis’s stocky figure and sandy hair, didn’t want their son to serve in Vietnam. cropped short even in those long-haired days, Dennis had not, however, confided the full resembled those of his father, Jack. Mr. extent of his concerns or the underlying Ericson had worked as a design engineer since reasons for his urge to join the army. Raised his retirement, as a colonel, from the US in a career-oriented home and enrolled in a Army. Ivy Ericson worked as a loan adviser in career-oriented course of study, he was never- a bank. An older brother had already gradu- theless becoming increasingly unsure of the ated with a degree in engineering, and it direction in which he was headed. He was was a family joke that one day the three bored with his friends, his activities, his men would hoist a sign: Ericson & Sons, studies, himself. Talking about the months Engineers. just prior to receiving his draft notice, he said, The family lived in a pleasant suburb of San “All I knew then was that I needed some Diego. In keeping with their traditionally con- excitement or adventure in my life. I could get servative professions and with their middle- into terrific arguments on campus about the class, Protestant backgrounds, they supported war, but for me it was all a mental game. I President Nixon and the Vietnam War effort wished that I believed what I said.” Joining wholeheartedly. Like other students of his day, up, he felt, might relieve his overwhelming Dennis anticipated being drafted to serve in sense of tedium. Vietnam, and he and his family seemed to be When the draft notice did arrive, Dennis in fundamental agreement that serving one’s abruptly, to his own and his family’s confu- country was not only an obligation, but also a sion, changed his mind. He joined other correct and honorable one. draft dodgers in a commune in Vancouver. Dennis had no tolerance for antiwar groups Within weeks he had left this group to be- such as Students for a Democratic Society and come a member of Healthy Happy Holy

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Organization, usually called “3HO.” This This “ideal” family was further flavored with spiritual-rehabilitation group followed Yogi idealism. In their own words, they had always Bhajan, an Indian teacher of Tantric and encouraged their children to “make a contri- Kundalini Yoga in the United States and bution,” to “leave the world better than they Canada. found it.” Their only tension with Phil stemmed from the fact that he had been Philip Holtzman at 21 was the success story unable to translate this idealism within the all parents wish for their children. He was an context of their religion. As Phil put it, “I excellent student, a star athlete, and popular never felt much identification with Judaism or with both boys and girls; he had a steady girl, Israel. Mom and Dad got annoyed whenever Marcie, with whom he was quite taken. I spoke this way, but I couldn’t help it. Actu- During the summer of 1978 this tall boy with ally, I felt that this was the only area in which tightly curling red hair was living at home in I disappointed them. I knew I was Jewish, but Denver after completing his sophomore year I didn’t feel much else about it.” at the University of Colorado. He had taken That summer, abroad, this model youth a variety of arts and science courses, had made made his radical departure into the mysticism the dean’s list both years, but felt unready to and narrow intellectualism of an Orthodox declare a major. Hoping to come upon some Jewish seminary, a yeshiva in Jerusalem. one thing that interested him particularly, he planned to take a year’s leave of absence from Jennifer Green was a 19-year-old beauty. She school to travel and work abroad, and his wore her glistening black hair tied back simply parents, Sam and Ellen, encouraged the idea. from her perfectly oval, creamy-complexioned They had no doubt that their older son could face. Her gray eyes sparkled with laughter – take on this new venture with the same “bubbly” laughter, as her mother described it. responsibility he had always shown; to them, Jennifer showed the sort of native talent that this challenging year was to be an extension of is peculiarly gratifying to parents. She was a his education. gifted pianist, and the Greens took justifiable Education was a central value to the pride in their expectation that she would go Holtzmans. Sam was a prominent physician. on to a career as a concert pianist. Ellen was a high-school librarian studying for The whole family had participated in her her doctorate in library science. Phil’s two talent, even to the extent of moving from their younger brothers and a sister were all doing home in the Midwest to Houston, where a well in school, though not quite at the level sought-after teacher had consented to super- of their older brother. Like Phil, his parents vise her training. By the winter after her grad- were what one would call “well-rounded” uation from high school in 1972, their efforts people. They regularly attended the local sym- seemed about to pay off: Jennifer had phony and the theater, and found time for auditioned for and been accepted by two tennis and jogging. conservatories, Curtis and Juilliard. Dr. Holtzman had been brought up in an The Greens, however, showed signs of Orthodox Jewish home in New York City; family strain. Allen Green, an accountant and Yiddish was his parents’ native tongue. Mrs. tax consultant employed by a well-heeled Holtzman came from a Conservative, quite clientele, was a busy man whose recipe for devout Jewish background. Although neither getting along with his wife and daughter was grew up to be deeply religious, they felt to lie low. Linda Green was preoccupied with strongly about their commitment to Judaism a campaign to achieve “self-realization” – an and to Israel. They attended Sabbath services endeavor that had led her to espouse at various at a Reform temple sporadically, never missed times Gestalt, Rolfing, Esalen, Bioenergetics, the High Holy Day services, and had seen to and other therapeutic schemes. Jennifer’s it that all of their children received religious older brother, Jason, was completing his doc- training and read some Hebrew. toral thesis in behavioral modification. Indeed,

132 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS this faith, for that was what their fervor for to contribute to those of his daughter. He therapy seemed to amount to, was practiced owned a small but thriving printing business, by everyone in the family except Mr. Green. and evidently had to be there morning, noon, From the time Jennifer was 15, Mrs. Green and night – the sort of driven man one would had been convinced that her beautiful, call a “workaholic.” talented daughter needed professional help; Suzanne also had that air of constant busy- and it was true that Jennifer, for all her appeal ness. She did everything with a competence to her schoolmates, had tended to isolate and thoroughness unusual in a girl that age. herself from other children her age. At her Besides the demands of skating, she did volun- mother’s behest, she was in group, family, or teer work at a nursing home and was very individual therapy for the next four years, helpful around the house. She was particularly while Mrs. Green harped on the refrain tender with her tow-headed twin brothers, “Develop yourself ”. whom, though they were only four, she coaxed But Jennifer seemed to lose the strands of along on the ice until they were really quite whatever self she was supposed to be devel- good skaters. “Maybe I was too busy in those oping. By the time she was accepted by a con- days,” Suzanne was to tell me later. “I don’t servatory, she was only going through the know – when I wasn’t helping out around the motions in her music; she could work at it, but house or at the nursing home, I knew that I had took no pleasure in practice. Her mother was to be skating. And it didn’t feel like a burden; too adamant to notice. As Jennifer explained, I mean I had done that most of my life, and about this period prior to her departure, “My that was just the way things were.” mother was on a tear all the time about Ice-skating had, indeed, become a career my career and the latest guru who would cure choice as well as a recreation. Suzanne planned my woes.” to turn professional during the coming fall, Jennifer found her “guru” on her own when she was scheduled to try out for a well- through an ad in a psychology magazine: known ice show in Santa Monica, California. Kurt, the charismatic leader of the Healing Acceptance into the troupe would mean going Workshop, a therapeutic commune and on tour. “I was busy but I wasn’t involved in another variety of radical departure. things,” she explained. “For some reason I knew I couldn’t wait to get away on tour, even Suzanne Marquette, 18 in 1975, lived with though I was getting tired of skating.” her family in Minneapolis, where she had com- Lying on the beach in Santa Monica the day pleted a year of junior college, though with of the audition, Suzanne was approached by little interest and declining grades. This, and members of the Unification Church. Some- the fact that this pretty, diminutive blond had time in the next three days, and after a most never had a boyfriend and didn’t participate in successful audition, she had thrown the years the active social life her friends enjoyed, might of practice to the wind. She had become a have concerned her parents were it not for the Moonie. special circumstances of their daughter’s life. Suzanne had one overriding passion: figure Other young men and women who shocked skating. She was extremely talented and had family and friends with their radical departures since the age of five devoted thousands of were more troublesome to their parents than hours to what she considered one of the Dennis, Phil, Jennifer, and Suzanne were. higher art forms. Nancy Lewis was in constant conflict with Her mother, Barbara, was deeply involved her parents over her choice of career and her in that pursuit, chaperoning her daughter to behaviour in general. Her parents had wanted practice, shows, and competitions and always her to go to a small business college not far being extremely supportive of her continuing from their home in northern New Jersey to progress. Peter Marquette, Suzanne’s father, learn a marketable skill. Nancy, with some was perhaps too distracted by his own pursuits contempt for her father’s job as a rug sales-

133 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS man, was convinced he saw everything as mar- years old, Nancy looked forward to some relief ketable, even her. She had complied with their from the stresses of home life in the form of a wish for one term, then dropped out in favor two-week vacation in Fort Lauderdale with of informal drama classes run by a New York her close friend, Flo. There she met and joined City actor her father labeled “a loser.” Her the Children of God, her radical departure. mother seemed no less crass to Nancy. Mrs. Lewis often remarked on how hard they had Equally bitter but less comprehensible and cer- worked, how much they had earned, to make tainly less likable was Fred Vitelli, a smug her life a happy one. young man who by the age of 20 had long since Nancy’s perceptions were not entirely decided that school was “bullshit” and those wrong; her parents were not sophisticated and who remained there “browners.” He spoke of were too often preoccupied with maintanining others, all others, with contempt weighted with their middle-class standard of life. The Lewises obscenity. If one could ignore his manner, Fred were nominally Methodist and had sent their was otherwise attractive: over six feet tall, well three daughters – Nancy was the middle one built, and with sensual features. – to Sunday school, but they themselves rarely He spent much of his time high or stoned attended church. They had few cultural inter- on drugs. He had been suspended from public ests. Although their split-level development high school in a wealthy Chicago suburb on house was scrupulously cared for, it did not two occasions. He had completed secondary reflect Nancy’s idea of creative expression. education at a private school that specialized Mrs. Lewis shopped for supermarket specials in “problem” children, but had refused to on Saturdays; Mr. Lewis watched the ball apply for college. He had also been in chronic, game and worked around the house on if minor, trouble with the law – possession of Sundays. All through the week both parents marijuana, reckless driving. Mr. Vitelli, at his worked hard but unimaginatively to maintain wife’s pleading for the “baby” in this large the financial and household standards that, to family, always bailed Fred out of trouble. both of them, stood between them and the Anthony and Maria Vitelli were one of much poorer backgrounds both had come those couples who by working together in from. They were rightly proud of their what was originally a small family business – achievement, but Nancy found their ordinari- making trophies and commemorative plaques ness dreary. Lillian and George Lewis resented – built their enterprise into a major national Nancy’s apparent ungratefulness. concern. They were able to give Fred a Nancy responded with what she later called Porsche when he was only 17, with the con- her “grande artiste” front – the belief that she, ditional message that the gift was proof of unlike her parents, was creative, sensitive, cul- their love but would be taken from him unless tured. She escaped her house as often as pos- he stopped abusing drugs and improved his sible to hang out with the guys at “the Elm,” schoolwork. Fred didn’t keep his end of the smoke a few joints, spend the night with a bargain, but before the Vitellis could reclaim boyfriend her parents called “a no-good the costly sports car Fred had totaled it. His bum,” or pick up someone new. She thought driver’s license was revoked. these people at least appreciated her creativity, By the fall of 1979, parents and son had but in fact she was locally known as an “easy made another deal. Fred was to go to Europe lay,” which she perhaps inadvertently adver- for a few months, using his own money (which tised with overdramatic costuming that accen- was in fact an accumulation of cash gifts from tuated her full breasts and hips. relatives, not earnings), on condition that he This desultory sort of life continued for begin college when he returned. Brazen and three years without Nancy getting a job, cocksure on the surface, he intended to spend moving away from home, or, as far as the the forthcoming months stoned, then return Lewises could see, getting any closer to an to “make a killing” in his family’s or some acting career. In the winter of 1976, now 22 other business. His parents were worn out by

134 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS this son, unwilling to take him into their busi- but conversation was largely perfunctory. The ness, uncertain of what else to do, yet hopeful Goulds’ main concern, or so it appeared to that three months on his own would give him Jamie, was that he wore an earring in one ear. the maturity he lacked. Their hesitancy about criticizing him any more Fred didn’t return. In Rome one autumn deeply than that was in contrast to the out- day he found his radical departure: a militant spokenness of their older son, John Jr., who leftist group of anarchists who called them- had become a lawyer. John Jr. was furious at selves the Armed Guard. Jamie’s total apathy, but his anger didn’t really bother Jamie. “I just felt that my brither was Jamie Gould, 26 years old, was the oldest of the a pain. If he wanted to work so hard that was radical departers in this representative sample. his business, but I felt that I had the bread, His father, John, had made millions as a stock- why not enjoy it?” broker and then moved with his wife to the Neither Jamie nor his parents seemed able Bahamas, a location they saw as combination tax to overcome the physical and emotional dis- haven, retirement home, and center for wheel- tance from which their cash currency of love ing and dealing. After a long marriage, they had was disbursed. “In a strange way,” Jamie told separated just before Jamie’s birthday that year me, “I think that money paralyzed me” – until of 1977, and Joanne Gould had begun to divide he joined the Church of Scientology, a quasi- her time between her own house on Barbados religion, quasi-psychology which follows the and a villa on the Riviera both provided by her bizarre teachings of L. Ron Hubbard. husband. Jamie expected a trust fund worth $4 million when he turned 30. While awaiting this Kathy O’Connor, unlike Jamie, had been very largesse he was free to use the substantial close to her family, until the age of 23. income from the trust as he wished, and he also Although she lived in Montreal and they lived received a monthly allowance from his father in a rural area some miles north of the city, she that was expressly to support a lavish brown- had visited them often. She was a senior nurse stone house in New York City. at a university medical centre, and was After graduating from Northwestern Uni- described by those who knew this five-foot- versity with an arts degree and being accepted five freckle-faced young woman as “warm,” into law school, Jamie had turned his back on “cheerful,” “energetic,” and “humane.” education. This brief flirtation with becoming Fellow nurses especially used the word a lawyer was one example of his lifelong “wholesome” to sum up Kathy’s personality. pattern of transient enthusiasms followed by The O’Connor family itself might have been inertia. The pattern was not unlike that of described that way. Katherine O’Connor was a Mrs. Gould, who suffered from endless fits bustling, brisk woman who not only had cared and starts – collecting Chinese porcelain, for her four daughters with unflappable good sponsoring a local hostorical society, organiz- cheer, but also had seemed to feed the whole ing through her church a drive to aid famine neighborhood’s kids while they were growing victims, participating in political demonstra- up. She was always involved in this or that minor tions, raising Persian cats. People had often crisis among her numerous relatives. Her per- remarked that Jamie and his mother looked sonal dedication to Catholicism was equally alike, with their almost mahogany hair and cheerful; she believed that it held all the instruc- precisely chiseled features. tions for managing whatever life might deliver. Between bouts of optimism, Jamie’s aim- Charles O’Connor was a public-works lessness was crushing. He had no job and no administrator for the Montreal city govern- longstanding interests; a girl who lived with ment, and donated time and effort as a scout- him in the luxury of his brownstone was seen master. Charles and Katherine were well as a sexual convenience. satisfied that they had devoted their lives to Jamie’s parents called him regularly, using charity, one in the public sphere, the other in a three-way connection, a “conference call,” service to the family.

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But Kathy’s relationship with her parents Quiet as he was, Ethan did engage in activ- had taken a nose dive the year, 1970, she fell ities that others saw as social. He was the top in love with Michael, a young Protestant chess player in his school and regularly partic- intern at her hospital. Kathy and Michael both ipated in competitions. He was an avid and called what had happened between them “love skilled sailor, both solo and as crew in races. A at first sight”; their love was exuberantly flutist as well, he was given most of the solo sexual. The O’Connors were unable to accept parts in the school ensemble to which he the blatant way in which the two lovers made belonged. While he did extremely well in clear that they were living together. Their school, he learned so easily that he didn’t need three other daughters, one younger and two to devote a great deal of time to his studies. older than Kathy, were already married, within In his ample spare time, he read voraciously, their faith, to men of whom the family several books at a time, in subjects as diverse wholeheartedly approved. They could foresee as history, science, and philosophy. nothing but problems in a mixed marriage, The Browning household was comfortable, and blamed what was to them their daughter’s if somewhat austere. The year before Ethan’s sinful behavior on her straying from her faith. departure in 1976 the family had sold their Kathy said to me in retrospect, “They large home in the suburbs and purchased a wanted what was best for me. It’s true they well-appointed town house in Boston from didn’t like Michael’s religion, but they also which they could walk to work, school, and resented his liberal politics. I was happy to church. They felt that with Ethan so unin- leave Montreal after our wedding.” volved with the suburban lifestyle, they The newly married couple moved to New could easily live in the city. Mealtime at the Orleans, where Michael entered an arduous Brownings was polite, a time of well-regulated residency in surgery. Kathy saw little of her conversation on a variety of intellectual topics. husband during those months; she couldn’t It held a special place within the family’s find a senior nursing position; the other ordered routine, especially for Ethan, perhaps residents’ wives struck her as shallow the most orderly of all, who particularly people. enjoyed formal debate with his father over After less than half a year of marriage, Kathy dinner. left her husband and career to join the Maharaj Ethan never participated, however, in his Ji and his Divine Light Mission. parents’ Episcopal church activities, not even accompanying them to Sunday services. He I was struck by Ethan Browning’s intensity had said for years that he was an atheist. This when I first met him. He wasn’t particularly bothered the Brownings. Ethan could be handsome, though his slight, tanned body obstinately opinionated, and though his emitted energy and his wide hazel eyes were parents recognized obstinacy as almost a appealing. He was shy, or perhaps reserved is family trademark, this particular expression of a better way to describe him, for he had it made them uncomfortable. Their church learned his manners so well that little spon- was central to their lives. taneity came through. He used a vocabulary “I knew that at the age of 16, I wasn’t a astonishing in one so young. happy person,” Ethan confided to me later. “I Ethan, at 16, was the youngest of the joiners wasn’t suicidal or even depressed, but I felt that in this sample. He was the only child of Stuart something was missing from my life. I learned Browning, a vice president of a major oil so much and did so well, yet nothing contented company, and his wife, Patricia, who devoted me. I felt there had to be more to my life.” herself to Ethan’s upbringing and to Eathan found what was missing in his Episcopal church activities. Ethan was in the radical departure into the Hare Krishna. tenth grade at a special high school for gifted students. Rather a loner, he had only one close Different as these joiners were in personality, friend, also a restrained, bookish boy. talent, and interests, there are similarities

136 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS among them. Whereas a person who suc- for impassioned causes or religions seldom cumbs to a radical departure is as likely to be depart from other responsibilities in order to a girl as a boy, she or he is not likely to be satisfy their need, nor do they ordinarily leave younger than Ethan Browning, 16, or older home to live communally. That these young than Jamie Gould, 26. Those few years from people do leave home is all the more extraor- adolescence to early adulthood are about the dinary in that almost all of them come from only time in our society when people can intact families. Reviews of all the statistics that depart. Younger than 16 they are too depen- have been gathered about radical departures dent on their families, both emotionally and indicate that the divorce rate in joiners’ fami- economically. Older than 26 they are likely lies is considerably below the national rate. to have responsibilities of their own – jobs, But these are constraints on who can families – that they cannot easily abandon. become a radical departer, and not an expla- For a similar reason, radical departures are nation of who chooses to depart. Obviously, few made almost exclusively by as yet unmarried of all those affluent youths who might give up youngsters from the middle- or upper-middle education, career, family, and friendships to class, or from among the decidedly rich. Less immerse themselves in the Hare Krishna, the affluent young people have neither the luxury Children of God, the Armed Guard, or the nor the leisure to depart from obligations; Healing Workshop do so. To understand what they must pay their own way and often help it is about them that is different from their their families too. Those who make radical contemporaries who struggle on in the larger departures do not have to pay their own way, society, it is necessary to take a look at what is nor do their families rely on support from their happening internally during the decade from children. Jennifer Green’s family even paid for 16 years old to 26. her membership in the Healing Workshop, as The school years up to about the age of 12 Phil Holtzman’s family paid for his year are ordinarily a time of quite smooth progress. abroad and Suzanne Marquette’s family sup- By his birthday each year, a child had grown ported her skating. an inch or so taller, reads at a grade level Thus, although I have seen one boy as higher than the year before, and conducts young as 14 and occasional joiners in their himself with measurably greater sophistica- 30s, radical departures are, with few excep- tion. In the following six years, adolescents tions, a phenomenon of late adolescence and may grow five inches between one birthday early adulthood – the only time when there is and the next. Their bodies change shape so the luxury and the leisure suddenly to drop radically and rapidly that they have to look at out of usual pursuits. themselves in the mirror constantly to see who Because of their age and economic situa- they are and how they like it. They may leap tion, the vast majority of these young people in a single bound from reading Judy Blume to are well educated; most are in their college enjoying Dostoevsky. And as far as behavior is years when they make their decision to leave concerned, parents, and they themselves, their traditional paths. Almost all are white. hardly know what to expect from hour to The connection between race and radical hour, much less from month to month. departure is indirect, partly because of the These physical, emotional, and intellectual underrepresentation of other groups in the changes are biological in nature, a result of middle class, and partly a result of the fact that built-in programs of maturation over which joiners look especially for groups made up of children have no control. Nature dumps on members almost exactly like themselves. them, so to speak, the makings of adulthood Cults such as the Peoples Temple, which but doesn’t necessarily tell them what to make was made up of adults and entire families, of it. That’s the job of society, the nexus where most of them black, rarely attract those youths nature and nurture meet to produce what each who make radical departures. Indeed, such culture considers to be the best way to realize groups are themselves a rarity; adults who look the potential of the next generation.

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Middle-class culture strongly believes that these actual relationships and also from fantasy to be a successful adult, a child must during – folk heroes, fictional characters, and public these years separate from his family and estab- leaders. lish his individualism from both a practical and From these practical and psychological a psychological standpoint. achievements most children derive sufficient Teenagers have long since come partway self-esteem to begin the process of detach- along this road to autonomy. Infants, as far as ment from their childhood relationship with can be told, have no clear sense that their their parents. How detachment is conducted internal world is distinct from the external depends on the quality of the attachment. world, so that their wishing for milk and their Those who feel most dependent on parents mother providing milk arise from a union that may the more fiercely launch themselves away. encompasses both of them. As babies become Those who derive pleasure already from a able to get some distance from their mother– degree of independence may separate from literal physical distance as they learn to crawl their parents and construct new kinds of and emotional distance as they discover that bonds with barely a ripple. their wish and her fulfillment aren’t always Of middle-class adolescents, for example, in accord – they begin to construct a self- only about half go through the emotional awareness separate from that of their parents. storms and nasty rebellions many associate By toddlerhood what they are up to can with these years. Of the 50 percent who show clearly be seen. Toddlers test out all sorts of evidence of turmoil, again only half have worse distinctions between themselves and others – than moderate problems with their families, who wants to wear what, eat what, touch their peers, and, above all, with themselves. what, and go to bed when – that will serve as On the other hand, lack of any apparent markers of their separate estate. Realistically rebelliousness can indicate a failure to face the though, pre-schoolers know themselves to be dilemmas of growing up. Radical departures dependent on parents and wisely don’t push are made by children who, outwardly at least, their differences too far. Indeed, they look out show this whole range from no rebellion at all for their own safety by establishing bonds with to quite troublesome behavior. their parents in the form of identifications The word “rebellion” summons forth (“Don’t I look like Mommy?”) and behaviors images of unleashed criticism, challenges to that their parents will love them for (“I’m a parents standards, angry confrontation, and good boy!”). When by the age of 5 or 6 the anti-social or dangerous behavior. There is no bonds are safely tied, and yet the child has word that easily substitutes, so I will have to sufficient distance to enjoy a modicum of speak of rebellion when I really mean some- self-reliance, a time of peace descends. There thing that can be, and often is, entirely accept- is perhaps no nicer time within a family than able and even likable. A child who announces when the children are all of school age but not his weekend plans instead of asking permission yet into the upheavals of adolescence. is rebelling. So is a boy who wants his family to When the latter stage is reached, the maneu- switch to nonphosphate detergents, and a girl vers to see who’s who resume. By then, the who says she can do a better job of fixing the child is working from a position of much lawn mower than her father can. A child is greater strength. He has self-care skills: select- rebelling when he or she discovers Thoreau, ing clothes, earning money, pursuing interests true love, or meditation and thinks the older independently, and regulating his own life generation knows nothing of such things. Most through the whole panoply of negotiations teenagers enact much of their rebellion en that have, over the years, replaced mere infan- masse: they dress to irritate, but they all dress tile demands. The bonds that assure him he is the same. Rebellion is a process of distinguish- loved extend beyond mother and father to ing and distancing oneself from one’s parents relatives, neighbors, teachers, and, above all, by probing for difference and disagreement; his peers. His identifications are derived from there need be nothing awful about it.

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As teenagers grow up into young adults some obstacle that others their age manage to their separation is a mutual endeavor. Over scramble over, even if it bruises both them and time, children’s demands for autonomy are their families for a while. matched by parents’ willing relinquishment of The process of formulating one’s identity is, control. Children come to see themselves of course, never over. One is forever having to more independently, but parents also have to reformulate oneself to catch up, so to speak, readjust their view of themselves. Mothers and with the changing context as one pursues a fathers have deeply participated in their child’s career, gets married, becomes a parent, suffers self for many years. His or her looks, accom- tragedies, grows older. Change is so rapid plishments, and personality are not just items during adolescence, however, that the task of to take pride in, but partially define who they identity formation then is more demanding are too. Women in particular have often lived than it is likely ever to be again. Also, society for and through children. As parents let a son demands it of teenagers whether they like it or or daughter loosen childhood bonds, they lose not. something of themselves, and must work to Parents withdraw support. They no longer restore it. wish to supervise children’s homework or to Given a long and gradual development chaperone them everywhere. Even if they toward maturity, parents don’t find their task wish to, they can no longer control children’s so hard. To be sure, it is difficult at times to aggressive and sexual impulses. So adolescents have those nice kids who have eaten our are forced to a degree of independence. They cookies and “borrowed” our tools for so many must arrange their own social lives, care for years disagree with our politics (“You’re going their own bodies, make many of their own to vote for who?”) and, in general, skirt our decisions, and begin to earn their own money. influence in many everyday matters (“Oh, They are now too muscularly strong for others Mom, you wouldn’t understand”). But on the to subdue easily; they must take over the whole most families have the humour to control of their physical aggression. Both sexes survive a certain amount of criticism in return were able to manage the rather mild sexuality for the freedom to develop new interests of of childhood; now sexual impulses are insis- their own and the gratification of having raised tent, unpredictable, and sometimes quite children who can now conduct their own lives. unmanageable. That’s as it should be, but it isn’t always that Parents also make it clear to high-school way. students that adult responsibilities loom No radical departer – not the nine I am ahead. By 16, students know that their present using to illustrate the general predicament or academic industry will determine which any of the hundreds of others I have known – college they can hope to attend. By 18, they has thus gradually been able to separate from are asked to make tentative choices of college his or her family to everyone’s mutual satis- curriculum and to articulate their reasons for faction. Few have been able to engage their that choice. Most of them are expected to peers in their own form of rebellion, or have leave home. By 21, they are required to sought safety in numbers by rebelling among narrow their career choice either by declaring peers. Some, like Dennis Ericson, enter their a major or, if they have gone to junior college, 20s without ever having disagreed with their by entering the work force. These challenges families. They haven’t rebelled at all. Others, are unlike those of childhood: they smack of like Nancy Lewis, don’t find ways to control permanence. their own lives. They rebel to no effect. And There is some suggestion that families of all of them, without exception, are still so clos- radical departers are hesitant to withdraw edly tied to their parents either in reality or in support or relinquish control. Fred Vitelli’s fantasy that I will often use the word “chil- father protected his son from the consequ- dren” to refer to joiners in spite of their ences of his delinquencies. Mr. Gould paid chronological age. Each has been felled by Jamie’s way even into his mid-20s. Jennifer

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Green’s mother masterminded both her But these are moments only, and give way daughter’s psyche and her piano career. more and more to positive feelings of ac- At the same time that parents are with- complishment, significance, and worth. Those drawing support and control, their sons and who will join radical groups behave as though daughters are withdrawing the unconditional so great a portion of whatever they have found love for and faith in parents that typifies earlier good about themselves has been built on childhood. But children can’t continue into parental ties that were they to sever them they adulthood loveless and faithless. They seek would be terribly depleted, if not entirely intimacy with others – friends and lovers. empty. Every joiner I have spoken with was, Instead of relying on the belief system that was at the time of his or her departure, at a low of on loan to them during childhood, they now self-esteem so devastating that there seemed formulate ideologies that will serve the unique to be no self at all. person each has come to be. Teenagers want – and it is required of them Of those radical departers toward the upper – a self of their very own, unique, authentic, end of the age group, who might have been and separate from the selves of parents. By expected to enjoy intimacy with a lover, only coincidence, the tasks that children must Kathy O’Connor had a relationship that was tackle to differentiate, rearrange, and fortify more than exploitive or tentative, and her their sense of self all begin with I: Indepen- marriage didn’t last out the year. Some joiners dence, Individuation, Impulse control, In- have no friends at all. They are convinced that dustry, Intimacy, Ideological commitment, peers couldn’t possibly understand them – a and, of course, Identity itself. One might call conviction that certainly precludes intimacy. these the years of the I. Those who go through the motions of a social This preoccupation with internal and private life often use the word “plastic” to describe psychological issues has led adults to accuse their relationships. They have no sense of deep youth of an excess of narcissism. Self- connection or even of genuineness with their involvement is, however, a trademark of the friends, and can’t use their affection and times. “Develop yourself,” Mrs. Green admon- admiration as sources of self-esteem. ished Jennifer, and that theme of self- No radical departers I have studied felt realization, self-actualization, liberation, and committed to a value system at the time of autonomy is echoed throughout the middle their joining. Indeed, to all of them, nothing class. The message can make individuals they were doing made any sense, nor did the ruthlessly oblivious of the needs of others, and activities of others. One could sum up their blind to the fact of all people’s mutual desolation by saying that radical departers feel dependency. No wonder youth is selfish, since they belong with no one, believe in nothing. society demands that it be so. This is a risk that is incurred by all adoles- Worse, by stressing the early achievement of cents as they sever themselves from childhood. an independent self parents may be out of step By denigrating the family from whose love and with the psychological realities of adolescent values they have derived the very core of their development. There seems plenty of evidence self-esteem, they may also devalue whatever from the young people I have worked with, “good” portion of their self relied on family especially those who have made radical depar- approval. In other words, they may reject a tures but also those who have not, that the self part of themselves as they reject their parents, is for years tentative and in constant flux. They and thus find themselves unlovable and of no themselves don’t think it can bear much significance. The trick of withdrawing from scrutiny. the curriculum of a family self is to have built By demanding that the self be “actualized” an extracurricular self that is equally laudable. prior to reaching the 20s, society is handing Most teenagers do have moments of grave children a double-edged sword. With so much doubt: no one likes them, they’re ugly, every- attention focused on the self, they tend to thing’s stupid, what’s the sense of even trying? protect their fragility with selfishness, egotism,

140 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS and the kind of acting out Nancy Lewis One can catch Ethan Browning at just that attempted with her theatrics and precocious moment of unsettling awareness. His exten- “liberation.” At the same time, the assumption sive reading had given him histories of the that they should have no fragility to hide con- Crusades and the Inquisition, Oriental vinces these children that no one else experi- philosophies, Kafka, Emerson, and Death of a ences doubt and pain. All nine of these Salesman. This array of distraught and dis- representative radical departers kept their dis- senting humanity was discussed around tress secret because they felt “no one would his family’s civilized dinner table as though it understand.” were so many specimens to be dissected. Again, a modicum of such loneliness is to Certainly there was something “missing”: be expected in adolescence. All through one’s some heart of the matter that was ultimately life one harbors some core that one knows to undissectible. be unreachable by others. But adolescents This was not the Brownings’ particular learn that with the effort of reaching out and fault. What is merely intellectual discussion inviting others to do the same, sufficient inti- among adult members of the middle class may macy can be found to ease loneliness. Joiners be a desperate search for practical and personal seem to long for a belonging with others that applications among their sons and daughters. requires no such effort at mutual understand- Perhaps too much has been made of the ing. Unlike those who, among less judgmen- “generation gap”; most parents are far more tal peers at least, become able endlessly to able to appreciate their children’s concerns probe, analyze, confess, explore, and lay bare than their children give them credit for. But a their very souls to one another over these rapidly changing world really does alter per- years, radical departers hold aloof while ceptions abruptly, particularly for the young, hoping for some unconditional mutual capit- who will have to track their future among ulation in which others would not ask a single shifting sands. For Kathy O’Connor’s parents, question. This is their version of belonging. Catholicism had answers for pain and suffering, Joiners’ version of belief is equally uncondi- but as a nurse Kathy came face to face with the tional. To them an ideology should, without appalling reality of moral dilemmas – the “right the effort of their own analysis, offer every to die” and the “right to life” – for which there answer absolutely. seemed no answers. Jack Ericson had as a To some extent, longing for the Answer is soldier defended the Western world from an inevitable consequence of intellectual totalitarianism; in what way was that parallel to maturation. Younger children are poor the ideological issues (if they were that) in debaters: something is either true or false, Southeast Asia? To the Holtzmans, a liberal arts right or wrong, and if there is an argument it education was the key to every sort of success, is won by the person with the loudest voice. but by 1978, when Phil has completed two Adolescents can step outside themselves to see years of collegee, liberal arts students faced issues from various vantage points, and each unemployment after graduation. view, they realize, contains some truth. In The sureties that guided parents no longer Ethan Browning’s school for gifted children, seem reliable to children who came of age this talent was formalized in a debating club during recent decades. Half of all marriages to which Ethan belonged, and was a point of now end in divorce. These are the days of pride at home, where right opinions were dioxin, the population explosion, downward considered the offspring of free inquiry. mobility, and the threat of nuclear war. More- This intellectual experience can be heady, over, these are children of the electronic age. and it can be unsettling. How, if different It must often look to them as if adults’ daily things have different meanings to different concerns – which brand of toaster to choose, people, can there be any meaning at all? What, whether to buy more life insurance, how to down deep, do I really believe? Who am I? get into the best college – are sheer insanity. Where am I going? And why? How can parents, who once seemed so strong

141 JOINING NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS and wise, not be doing something to make the moral choice and thereby feeling more worth- world safe for their children? less still. They hope for an ideology that will They are, of course, doing the best they bolster the “good me,” that part of them know how. They understand the many reasons which is admirable to themselves. They long why they can’t cut through the Gordian knot to be purged of all badness, to be pure – and of ethical and practical dilemmas with one neat this their parents cannot do for them. slice of an answer. To a 16-year-old, however, Parents have, in fact, few outward clues that parents begin to look like fallen idols. This is might warn them of an impending departure. especially so among the families from whom Joiners closely guard the secret of their inner radical departers come, and it is owing to the desolation. Even as their unhappiness mounts mixed messages they give. to critical proportions they may continue to, While organizing rescue for starving as so many put it, “go through the motions” Africans, Jamie Gould’s mother enjoyed her of whatever has been their accustomed life. porcelains and Persian cats. While espousing Only in the few months – sometimes mere honesty, churchgoing Mr. Browning was weeks – before their departure do families observed by Ethan to be fudging his income notice a visible decline in buoyancy that marks tax. Mrs. Green flirted with radical dreams their inner sinking. Before then, they have while pushing the orthodox virtues of daily seemed to be in a steady state. And that’s what four-hour piano practice for Jennifer. Middle- should be the giveaway. class children are often raised with a gloss of While other children, tumultuously or idealism that their parents hope they will have uneventfully, are piecing togehter their sepa- the sense not to take too literally as they reach rate selves, those who will join radical groups adulthood. are peculiarly stalled. Whatever they are like, Most do have that good sense. As they they have been that way for years. Others are separate, adolescents put their parents through learning to say “I know who I am”; these chil- their paces: they challenge, provoke, argue, dren gain no notion of what a self might feel and criticize. They adopt moral stances of their like. Most young adults begin to need others own, which are both extreme, to make a point, and to feel needed, love others and feel and tentative, to test the waters. But the loved; potential joiners remain bereft. While common result is that they gradually define their peers are becoming increasingly capti- the boundaries of their own and their parents’ vated by all sorts of interests, they become capabilities and limitations, keep whatever weighted with tedium or aimlessly adrift. By portions of the family’s value system seem the time the overwhelming proportion of ado- workable to them, add snippets of personal lescents enters the 20s, these young men and ideals that seem to be proved out through women have a sense of optimism and enthu- their own experimentation, and come through siasm for their future. Radical departers the trial without any prolonged crisis of belief. have been unable to conceive of a future for They become willing, in other words, to face themselves. the personal and public moral dilemmas that And then the future presents itself. Out of no ideology can guarantee against. the blue, the Hare Krishna, Divine Light In contrast, joiners look to belief as a way Mission, Healing Workshop, Children of to avoid any personal dilemma at all. Feeling God, or Armed Guard offers on a silver platter so little self-esteem, they can’t shoulder the every ingredient that has been missing from responsibility of perhaps making a wrong their unhappy youth.

142 V

The “Brainwashing” Controversy

In many ways the public controversy over American prisoners during the Korean War in “cults” has been a dispute over the claim that the early 1950s. These American prisoners had NRMs recruit and retain their members been subject to elaborate and often brutal through processes of brainwashing, mind- programs of thought reform by their North control, or coercive persuasion. This accusa- Korean captors to persuade them to publicly tion has been the focal point of the criticisms denounce the United States and its war leveled at NRMs by the anti-cult movement efforts. After several American prisoners made and the subject of debate in the numerous such statements in propaganda films, their legal cases, both criminal and civil, involving behavior was attributed to techniques that had NRMs (e.g., Anthony and Robbins 1992; cunningly stripped them of their identity and Young and Griffiths 1992; Anthony and made them vulnerable to manipulation. This Robbins 1995; Richardson 1995; Richardson mysterious process of psychological transfor- and Ginsburg 1998). The idea of brainwash- mation became popularly known as brain- ing was invoked to account for the seemingly washing (see Anthony and Robbins 1994 for sudden conversion of many young people to more details). Victims of brainwashing were NRMs out of legal necessity. The first amend- thought to have lost their power to act freely ment to the Constitution of the United States and in their own best interests. Moreover, it guarantees freedom of religious expression to was assumed, they had been psychologically American citizens. When the families of con- harmed by the process. At first many judges verts elicited the help of the American courts were successfully persuaded that converts to to forcibly remove their (adult) children from NRMs had been brainwashed, and young various NRMs, in the 1970s and 1980s, they believers were forcibly removed from groups needed a good reason to convince judges to by “deprogrammers” – self-styled anti-cult override this constitutional guarantee. With crusaders who could be hired to reverse the the help of some psychologists and psychia- effects of brainwashing (e.g., Patrick and trists (e.g., Singer 1979; Clark et al. 1981), Dulack 1976; Bromley 1988). But as more the lawyers struck upon the idea of arguing reliable scholarly studies of NRMs became that these young adults were not competent available the supposition of brainwashing to control their lives, and as victims of “brain- became scientifically suspect and in the late washing” they needed to be put under the 1980s the courts became unsympathetic to temporary legal protection of their parents. such claims. By then, however, the concept For most Americans brainwashing was a had been repeated so often in the media that term associated with the fate of a handful of few people could hear the word “cult”

143 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY without immediately associating it with the As the editor of this volume it should be highly derogatory process of “brainwashing.” noted that I am unconvinced by Singer’s argu- Today most scholars studying NRMs reject ments (see Dawson 1998, 2001). But I agree, the notion, preferring to account for the at least in part, with Thomas Robbins when behavior of members of NRMs through the he states in chapter 11 that “the debate use of more conventional social scientific con- over cultist brainwashing will necessarily be cepts like deconditioning and resocialization inconclusive” because the “contending parties (e.g., Preston 1981; Wilson 1984). Converts ground their arguments on differing assump- join NRMs of their own free will, and they stay tions, definitions, and epistemological rules.” in such movements because it is somehow to Thus I would invite readers of this text to their liking or advantageous. While they are assess for themselves the merits of Singer’s members, individuals are likely to be subject argument and those of the two critics that to intense pressures to learn new ways of follow. Given the strong public bias against thinking and living, but these aspects of life in NRMs, I suggest keeping two questions in NRMs are in line with more traditional forms mind when reading Singer’s work: What evi- of religion. In our relatively secular modern dence (i.e., reliable research) is actually pro- societies we are not accustomed to such stri- vided to support her specific claims? Can the dent expressions of religiosity. Recognizing processes of brainwashing, as described and the continuity, however, the American courts applied to NRMs by Singer, be fairly differen- eventually refused to hear testimony about tiated from more conventional and accepted brainwashing in NRMs for fear of paving the practices of religious education and discipline? way for the persecution of other religions. A The second reading in this section, chapter handful of scholars remain unconvinced, and 10, “A Critique of ‘Brainwashing’ Claims moving against the tide of scholarly opnion About New Religious Movements,” by the they have sought to reform and revive the sociologist James T. Richardson, provides a notion of brainwashing (e.g., Zablocki 2001; clear and simple summary statement of the Kent 2001). In Europe as well, where the case against accepting the brainwashing thesis. controversy over NRMs only really began to He is a leading scholar of NRMs and the heat up in the late 1990s, after the mass chapter is an abbreviated version of a longer murder–suicides of the Solar Temple cult in argument (see Richardson 1993). It quickly 1994 and 1995, the concept has also taken on surveys the range of concerns most sociolo- a new life in various governmental investiga- gists of religion have with Singer’s thesis, tions of the “cult threat” (e.g., Richardson highlighting some of the pertinent academic and Introvigne 2001). research literature (see Dawson 1998: The readings in this section can only serve 102–27; Anthony 2001). You may note as an introduction to this complex topic, yet that Singer’s discussion attempts at points they were chosen to provide as much breadth to preempt some of the very doubts that of perspective as possible. Chapter 9, “The Richardson raises, because they are so com- Process of Brainwashing, Psychological Coer- monly expressed by critics of the brainwashing cion, and Thought Reform,” is drawn from argument. the book Cults in Our Midst (1995) by the In the final and most fascinating reading, psychologist Margaret T. Singer. She is the chapter 11, “Constructing Cultist ‘Mind best-known exponent of the brainwashing Control’,” Thomas Robbins, another promi- thesis with regard to NRMs, and she provided nent scholar of NRMs, takes the debate to expert testimony in many legal cases involving another level. In line with earlier readings in NRMs in the United States. The reading this text, Robbins increases our understanding provides a straightforward statement of her of the real issues at stake by placing the debate position, clearly describing her conception over brainwashing in a larger interpretive of the history, nature, and consequences of context. He does this in two ways: first, he the brainwashing process. delineates the underlying sources of social

144 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY tension between all NRMs and the dominant —— 1994: Brainwashing and Totalitarian Influ- society and explains why, given the constitu- ence. In Encyclopedia of Human Behavior, tional guarantee of the “free exercise of reli- vol. 1. San Diego, CA: Academic Press, 457– gion,” attempts at the social control of deviant 71. religion are being driven towards the “med- —— 1995: Negligence, Coercion and the Protec- tion of Religious Belief. Journal of Church and icalization” of the “cult problem” in the guise State 37 (3): 509–36. of the accusation of brainwashing; second, he Bromley, David G. 1988: Deprogramming as a demonstrates how the debate over brainwash- Mode of Exit from New Religious Movements: ing can be reduced in many ways to issues of The Case of the Unificationist Movement. In D. interpretive perspective. What is evidence of G. Bromley, (ed.), Falling From the Faith: Causes abuse and manipulation from a “critical exter- and Consequences of Religious Apostasy. Newbury nal perspective” can also be interpreted as Park, CA: Sage, 185–204. evidence of intensity of religious commitment Clark, John, M. D. Langone, R. E. Schacter, and and authentic spiritual development from an R. C. D. Daly 1981: Destructive Cult Conversion: “empathic internal perspective.” In the end, he Theory, Research, and Treatment. Weston, MA: American Family Foundation. cogently argues, it is very difficult to say which Dawson, Lorne L. 1998: Comprehending Cults: The perspective is more accurate, without simply Sociology of New Religious Movements. Toronto: reinvoking assumptions, framed in agonistic Oxford University Press. rhetorics, that are obviously prejudicial. The —— 2001: Raising Lazarus: A Methodological conflict over cults entails a clash of values that Critique of Stephen Kent’s Revival of the Brain- cannot be resolved by scientific research alone. washing Model. In B. Zablocki and T. Robbins Whatever perspective one favors, it is impor- (eds.), Misunderstanding Cults: Searching For tant to realize that the accusations of brain- Objectivity in a Controversial Field. Toronto: washing, and the debate over this charge, have University of Toronto Press, 379–400. had some very real and deleterious conse- Kent, Stephen A. 2001: Brainwashing Programs in quences for people’s lives. Individuals and The Family/Children of God and Scientology. In B. Zablocki and T. Robbins (eds.), Misunder- groups (both NRMs and anti-cult organ- standing Cults: Searching For Objectivity in a izations) have had their plans and activities Controversial Field. Toronto: University of grievously disrupted, and experienced serious Toronto Press, 349–78. criminal and financial penalties as a result of Patrick, Ted and Tom Dulack 1976: Let Our legal and legislative actions prompted by Children Go! New York: E. P. Dutton. brainwashing claims. The issues at stake can be Preston, David L. 1981: Becoming a Zen Practi- clarified significantly by reliable social scientific tioner. Sociological Analysis 42(1): 47–55. research. But the matter is not strictly acade- Richardson, James T. 1993: A Social Psychological mic. The resolution of the debate cannot be Critique of “Brainwashing” Claims About reasonably and justly separated from its legal Recruitment to New Religions. In D. G. Bromley and J. K. Hadden (eds.), The Handbook on Cults and political implications. and Sects in America, Part B (Religion and the Social Order, vol. 3). Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 75–97. References —— 1995: Legal Status of Minority Religions in the United States. Social Compass 42 (2): Anthony, Dick 2001: Tactical Ambiguity and Brain- 249–64. washing Formulations: Science or Pseudo- Richardson, James T. and Gerald Ginsburg 1998: Science? In B Zablocki and T. Robbins (eds.), “Brainwashing” Evidence in Light of Daubert: Misunderstanding Cults: Searching For Objectiv- Science and Unpopular Religions. Current Legal ity in a Controversial Field. Toronto: University Studies 1: 265–88. of Toronto Press, 213–317. Richardson, James T. and Massimo Introvigne Anthony, Dick and Thomas Robbins 1992: Law, 2001: “Brainwashing” Theories in European Social Science and the “Brainwashing” Exception Parliamentary and Administrative Reports on to the First Amendment. Behavioral Sciences and “Cults” and “Sects.” Journal for the Scientific the Law 10 (1): 5–27. Study of Religion 40 (2): 143–68.

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Singer, Margaret T. 1979: Coming Out of the Ctitical Evaluation of Coercive Persuasion as Cults. Psychology Today (Jan.): 72–82. Used in the Assessment of Cults. Behavioral —— 1995: Cults in Our Midst: The Hidden Menace Sciences and the Law 10 (1): 89–101. in Our Everyday Lives. San Francisco, CA: Zablocki, Benjamin 2001: Towards a Demystified Jossey-Bass. and Disinterested Scientific Theory of Brain- Wilson, Stephen R. 1984: Becoming a Yogi: Reso- washing. In B. Zablocki and T. Robbins (eds.), cialization and Deconditioning as Conversion Misunderstanding Cults: Searching For Objectiv- Processes. Sociological Analysis 45 (4): 301–14. ity in a Controversial Field. Toronto: University Young, John L. and Ezra E. H. Griffiths 1992: A of Toronto Press, 159–214.

146 CHAPTER NINE

The Process of Brainwashing, Psychological Coercion, and Thought Reform

MARGARET THALER SINGER

Leaders of cults and groups using thought- thought reform, coercive persuasion, mind reform processes have taken in and controlled control, coordinated programs of coercive influ- millions of persons to the detriment of their ence and behavior control, and exploitative welfare. Sometimes such influence is called persuasion ...Perhaps the first and last terms coercive persuasion or extraordinary influence, convey something of the crux of what I will to distinguish it from everyday persuasion by be describing in this chapter. friends, family, and other influences in our When I ask ordinary people what they think lives, including the media and advertising. brainwashing is, they correctly grasp that it The key to successful thought reform is to refers to the exploitative manipulation of one keep the subjects unaware that they are being person by another. They usually describe a sit- manipulated and controlled – and especially to uation in which a person or group has conned keep them unaware that they are being moved others into going along with a plan put in along a path of change that will lead them to place by the instigator. Conned has a widely serve interests that are to their disadvantage. understood meaning in our informal conver- The usual outcome of thought-reform sation and our streets, which is why it is processes is that a person or group gains generally difficult to manipulate street-smart almost limitless control over the subjects for kids. They already know to look for a double varying periods of time. agenda, calling it a con game, snow job, scam, When cultic groups using this level of undue jiving someone, putting someone on, and influence are seen in the cold light of day, many other names. uninformed observers often cannot grasp A certain type of psychological con game is how the group worked. They wonder how a exactly what goes on in a thought-reform rational person would ever get involved. environment. A complex set of interlocking Recently, because of the media attention garn- factors is put into place, and these factors, ered by the actions of certain groups, the either quickly or slowly, depending on the sit- world has become somewhat more aware of uation and the subject, bring about deep thought reform, but most people still don’t changes in the mind-set and attitudes of the know how to deal with situations of extraor- targeted individual. Through the manipula- dinary influence. tion of psychological and social factors, A number of terms have been used to people’s attitudes can indeed be changed, and describe this process, including brainwashing, their thinking and behavior radically altered.

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to win converts to their political cause. The Historical Examples of Brainwashing Korean program was based on methods used by the Chinese, combined with other social ...In just the last sixty years, the world has and psychological influence techniques. seen numerous examples of how easily human Later in the same decade, Cardinal conduct can be manipulated under certain Mindszenty, the head of the Roman Catholic circumstances. Church in Hungary and a man of tremendous During the 1930s purge trials in the former personal forcefulness, strength of convictions, Soviet Union, men and women accused of and faith in God, ended up being so manipu- committing crimes against the state were lated and processed by his Russian captors that maneuvered into both falsely confessing to he – like the earlier purge trial victims – both and falsely accusing others of these crimes. falsely confessed and falsely accused his The world press expressed bewilderment and colleagues. amazement at the phenomenon but, with few These extremes of social and psychological exceptions, soon lapsed into silence. manipulations of thought and conduct were, Then in the late 1940s and early 1950s, the and sometime still are, disregarded by world witnessed personnel at Chinese revolu- Americans because the events occurred far tionary universities implement a thought- away and could be dismissed as merely foreign reform program that changed the beliefs and propaganda and political acts. Such reasoning behaviors of the citizens of the largest nation is a variation of the “not me” myth: not in our in the world. This program, which Mao land could such a thing happen. But later, Tse-tung wrote about as early as the 1920s, certain events occurred in California that was put into place when the communist forced many to see that extremes of influence regime took power in China on October 1, and manipulation were possible in the United 1949. Chairman Mao had long planned how States, too. to change people’s political selves – to achieve In 1969, Charles Manson manipulated a “ideological remolding,” as he called it – band of middle-class youths into believing his through the use of a coordinated program of mad version of Helter Skelter. Under his influ- psychological, social, and political coercion. ence and control, his followers carried out As a result, millions of Chinese citizens were multiple vicious murders. Not long after, the induced to espouse new philosophies and Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA), a ragtag exhibit new conduct. revolutionary group, kidnapped newspaper The term brainwashing was first introduced heiress Patricia Hearst and abused her psy- into the Western world in 1951, when chologically and otherwise. The SLA used American foreign correspondent Edward mind manipulations as well as gun-at-the-head Hunter published a book titled Brainwashing methods to coerce Patty into compliance. in Red China. Hunter was the first to write They manipulated and controlled her behav- about the phenomenon, based on his inter- ior to the extent that she appeared with them views of both Chinese and non-Chinese in a bank robbery and feared returning to coming across the border from China into society, having been convinced by the SLA Hong Kong. His translator explained to him that the police and the FBI would shoot that the communist process of ridding people her. of the vestiges of their old belief system was This series of events from the 1930s to the called colloquially hse nao, which literally present demonstrates that individual auton- means “wash brain,” or “cleansing the mind.” omy and personal identity are much more The 1950s also brought the Korean War. fragile than was once commonly believed. And North Korea’s intensive indoctrination of that certain venal types have gotten hold of United Nations’ prisoners of war showed the and perfected techniques of persuasion that world the extent to which captors would go are wreaking havoc in our society . . .

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exhibited while in the cult, families, friends, Packaged Persuasion and the public wonder how these changes in attitude and behavior are induced. Several years ago, a colleague and I inter- How cult leaders and other clever operators viewed a young couple at the request of their get people to do their bidding seems arcane attorneys. The couple, who had once been and mysterious to most persons, but I find good citizens and loving parents, had been there is nothing esoteric about it at all. There accused of a spanking that allegedly led to are no secret drugs or potions. It is just words their son’s death. While they were members of and group pressures, put together in packaged a cult in West Virginia with a female leader, forms. Modern-day manipulators use methods their 23-month-old son allegedly had either of persuasion employed since the days of the hit or pushed the leader’s grandchild during cavemen, but the masterful con artists of today play. The parents were ordered to get the child have hit upon a way to put the techniques to apologize; otherwise, according to the irate together in packages that are especially leader, no one would go to heaven. The boy successful. As a result, thought reform, as a was beaten with a wooden board by his father, form of influence and persuasion, falls on the with his mother in the room, for more than extreme end of a continuum that also includes two and a half hours. The boy’s blood poled education as we typically see it, advertising, in the bruises in his buttocks and legs, and he propaganda, and indoctrination . . . died. In court, I described how the leader had There is a mistaken notion that thought slowly gained control of the members of her reform can only be carried out in confined group and how the beating evolved from places and under threat of physical torture or her teaching and control. death. But it is important to remember that In another case, Ron Luff, a former Navy the brainwashing programs of the forties and career petty officer with a series of recom- fifties were applied not only to military or civil- mendations for excellent conduct and perfor- ian prisoners of war but also to the general mance, was convinced by his cult leader to population. In all our research, I and others follow that leader’s orders. These orders were who study these programs emphasize over and to help the leader kill an Ohio family of five, over that imprisonment and overt violence are including three young daughters, dump the not necessary and are actually counterproduc- bodies into a lime pit in a barn, then go off tive when influencing people to change their on a long wilderness trek with the leader and attitudes and behaviors. If one really wants to his two dozen followers. Ron Luff was found influence others, various coordinated soft-sell guilty of aggravated murder and kidnapping programs are cheaper, less obvious, and highly and sentenced to 170 years in prison. The cult effective. The old maxim “Honey gathers leader, Jeffrey Lundgren, was sentenced to more flies than vinegar” remains true today. die in Ohio’s electric chair. Both cases are on appeal at the time of this book’s writing. People repeatedly ask me how cult leaders Attacking the Self get their followers to do such things as give their wives to a child-molesting cult leader, There is, however, an important distinction to drop out of medical school to follow a martial be made between the version of thought arts guru, give several million dollars to a self- reform prevalent in the 1940s and 1950s and appointed messiah who wears a wig and has the version used by a number of contemporary his favorite women dress like Jezebel, or prac- groups, including cults, large group awareness tice sexual abstinence while following a bla- training programs, and assorted other groups. tantly promiscuous guru. Because of the great These latter-day efforts have built upon the discrepancies between individual’s conduct age-old influence techniques to perfect amaz- before cult membership and the behavior ingly successful programs of persuasion and

149 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY change. What’s new – and crucial – is that How Thought Reform Works these programs change attitudes by attacking essential aspects of a person’s sense of self, unlike the earlier brainwashing programs that Brainwashing is not experienced as a fever or primarily confronted a person’s political a pain might be; it is an invisible social adap- beliefs. tation. When you are the subject of it, you Today’s programs are designed to destabi- are not aware of the intent of the influence lize an individual’s sense of self by under- processes that are going on, and especially, you mining his or her basic consciousness, reality are not aware of the changes taking place awareness, beliefs and worldview, emotional within you. control, and defense mechanisms. This attack In his memoirs, Cardinal Mindszenty wrote, on a person’s central stability, or self-concept, “Without knowing what had happened to me, and on a person’s capacity for self-evaluation I had become a different person.” And when is the principal technique that makes the asked about being brainwashed, Patty Hearst newer programs work. Moreover, this attack said, “The strangest part of all this, however, is carried out under a variety of guises and as the SLA delighted in informing me later, conditions – and rarely does it include forced was that they themselves were surprised at confinement or direct physical coercion. how docile and trusting I had become ...It Rather, it is subtle and powerful psychological was also true, I must admit, that the thought process of destabilization and induced of escaping from them later simply never dependency. entered my mind. I had become convinced Thankfully, these programs do not change that there was no possibility of escape ...I people permanently. Nor are they 100 percent suppose I could have walked out of the apart- effective. Cults are nor all alike, thought- ment and away from it all, but I didn’t. It reform programs are not all alike, and not simply never occurred to me.” everyone exposed to specific intense influence A thought-reform program is not a one- processes succumbs and follows the group. shot event but a gradual process of breaking Some cults try to defend themselves by saying, down and transformation. It can be likened to in effect, “See, not everyone joins or stays, gaining weight, a few ounces, a half pound, a so we must not be using brainwashing tech- pound at a time. Before long, without even niques.” Many recruits do succumb, however, noticing the initial changes – we are con- and the better organized the influence fronted with a new physique. So, too, with processes used, the more people will succumb. brainwashing. A twist here, a tweak there – What is of concern, then, is that certain and there it is: a new psychic attitude, a new groups and training programs that have mental outlook. These systematic manipula- emerged in the last half-century represent tions of social and psychological influences well-organized, highly orchestrated influence under particular conditions are called pro- efforts that are widely successful in recruiting grams because the means by which change and converting people under certain condi- is brought about is coordinated. And it is tions for certain ends. My interest has been in because the changes cause the learning and how these processes work, in the psychologi- adoption of a certain set of attitudes, usually cal and social techniques that produce these accompanied by a certain set of behaviors, that behavioral and attitudinal changes. I am less the effort and the result are called thought interested in whether the content of the reform. group centers around religion, psychology, Thus, thought reform is concerted effort to self-improvement, politics, lifestyle, or flying change a person’s way of looking at the world, saucers. I am more interested in the wide- which will change his or her behavior. It is dis- spread use of brainwashing techniques by tinguished from other forms of social learning crooks, swindlers, psychopaths, and egomani- by the conditions under which it is conducted acs of every sort. and by the techniques of environmental and

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Table [9.1] Criteria for thought reform Conditions Themes Stages (Singer) (Lifton) (Schein) 1 Keep the person unaware 1 Unfreezing. of what is going on and the changes taking place.

2 Control the person’s time 1 Milieu control. and, if possible, physical 2 Loading the language. environment. 3 Demand for purity. 3Create a sense of 4 Confession. powerlessness, covert fear, and dependency. 4 Suppress much of the person’s old behavior and attitudes.

5 Instill new behavior and 5 Mystical manipulation. 2 Changing. attitudes. 6 Doctrine over person. 6 Put forth a closed system 7 Sacred science. of logic; allow no real 8 Dispensing of existence. 3 Refreezing. input or criticism.

interpersonal manipulation that are meant to conditions, and Edgar Schein has named three suppress certain behavior and to elicit and stages. The themes and stages outlined by train other behavior. And it does not consist Lifton and Schein focus on the sequence of the of only one program – there are many ways process, while the circumstances I have outlined and methods to accomplish it. suggest the conditions needed in the surround- The tactics of a thought-reform program ing environment if the process is to work. are organized to Singer’s six conditions • Destabilize a person’s sense of self. • Get the person to drastically reinterpret his The following conditions create the atmos- or her life’s history and radically alter his phere needed to put thought-reform processes or her worldview and accept a new version into place. The degree to which these condi- of reality and causality. tions are present increases the level of restric- • Develop in the person a dependence on tiveness enforced by the cult and the overall the organization, and thereby turn the effectiveness of the program. person into a deployable agent of the organization. 1Keep the person unaware that there is an agenda to control or change the person. Thought reform can be profitably looked at 2 Control time and physical environment in at least three ways (summarized in table (contacts, information). [9.1]. Robert Lifton has recognized eight 3Create a sense of powerlessness, fear, and themes of thought reform, I have identified six dependency.

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4 Suppress old behavior and attitudes. another level, the real agenda is to get you, the 5 Instill new behavior and attitudes. recruit or member, to obey and to give up 6 Put forth a closed system of logic. your autonomy, your past affiliations, and your belief systems. The existence of the double The trick is to proceed with the thought- agenda makes this process one of noninformed reform process one step at a time so that the consent. person does not notice that she or he is chang- (2) Control the person’s social and/or physi- ing. I will explain more fully how each step cal environment; especially control the person’s works. time. Cults don’t need to have you move into (1) Keep the person unaware of what is going the commune, farm, headquarters, or ashram on and how she or he is being changed a step at and live within the cult environment twenty- a time. Imagine you are the person being four hours a day in order to have control over influenced. You find yourself in an environ- you. They can control you just as effectively ment to which you are forced to adapt in a by having you go to work every day with series of steps, each sufficiently minor so that instructions that when not working – on your you don’t notice the changes in yourself and lunch hour, for example – you must do con- do not become aware of the goals of the tinuous mind-occupying chanting or some program until late in the process (if ever). You other cult-related activity. Then, after work, are kept unaware of the orchestration of psy- you must put all your time in with the orga- chological and social forces meant to change nization. your thinking and your behavior. The cult (3) Systematically created a sense of power- leaders make it seem as though what is going lessness in the person. Cults create this sense on is normal, that everything is the way it’s of powerlessness by stripping you of your supposed to be. This atmosphere is reinforced support system and your ability to act inde- by peer pressure and peer-modeled behavior, pendently. Former friends and kinship net- so that you adapt to the environment without works are taken away. You, the recruit or even realizing it. follower, are isolated from your ordinary envi- For example, a young man was invited to a ronments and sometimes removed to remote lecture. When he arrived, he noticed many locations. Another way cults create a sense of pairs of shoes lined against the wall and people powerlessness is by stripping people of their in their stocking feet. A woman nodded at his main occupation and sources of wealth. It is shoes, so he took them off and set them with to achieve this condition that so many cultic the others. Everyone was speaking in a soft organizations have members drop out of voice, so he lowered his voice. The evening school, quit their jobs or give up their careers, proceeded with some ritual ceremonies, med- and turn over their property, inheritances, and itation, and a lecture by a robed leader. Every- other resources to the organization. It is one thing was paced slowly and led by this of the steps in creating a sense of dependency man, with the rest quietly watching and lis- on the organization and a continuing sense of tening. The young man also sat docilely, even individual powerlessness. though he wanted to ask questions. He con- Once stripped of your usual support formed to what the group was doing. In this network and, in some cases, means of income, case, however, at the end of the evening when your confidence in your own perceptions he was asked to come back to another lecture, erodes. As your sense of powerlessness he said, “Thanks, but no thanks,” at which increases, your good judgment and under- two men quickly ushered him out a back door, standing of the world are diminished. At the so others wouldn’t hear his displeasure. same time as you are destabilized in relation The process of keeping people unaware is to your ordinary reality and worldview, the key to a cult’s double agenda: the leader slowly cult confronts you with a new, unanimously takes you through a series of events that on (group-)approved worldview. As the group the surface look like one agenda, while on attacks your previous worldview, causing you

152 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY distress and inner confusion, you are not conversion process will be. For example, a allowed to speak about this confusion, nor can recruit may constantly fail at mastering a you object to it, because leadership constantly complicated theology but can succeed and be suppresses questions and counters any resis- rewarded for going out to solicit funds. In one tance. Through this process, your inner confi- cultic organization, the leadership introduces dence is eroded. Moreover, the effectiveness the new recruits to a complicated dodge-ball of this approach can be speeded up if you are game. Only long-term members know the physically tired, which is why cult leaders see complex and ever-changing rules, and they to it that followers are kept overly busy. end up literally leading and pushing the new (4) Manipulate a system of rewards, punish- recruits through the game. This, then, is ments, and experiences in such a way as to followed by a very simple exercise in which inhibit behavior that reflects the person’s former members get together to “share.” Older social identity. The expression of your beliefs, members stand up and share (that is, confess) values, activities, and characteristic demeanor some past bad deed. The new members, who prior to contact with the group is suppressed, failed so badly at the bewildering dodge-ball and you are manipulated into taking on a game, now can feel capable of succeeding by social identity preferred by the leadership. Old simply getting up and confessing something beliefs and old patterns of behavior are defined about their past that was, by group standards, as irrelevant, if not evil. You quickly learn bad. that the leadership wants old ideas and old Since esteem and affection from peers is patterns eliminated, so you suppress them. For so important to new recruits, any negative example, the public admission of sexual feel- response is very meaningful. Approval comes ings in certain groups is met with overt disap- from having your behaviors and thought pat- proval by peers and superiors, accompanied by terns conform to the models put forth by the a directive to take a cold shower. An individ- group. Your relationship with peers is threat- ual can avoid public rebuke on this topic by ened whenever you fail to learn or display new no longer speaking on the entire topic of sex- behaviors. Over time, an easy solution to uality, warmth, or interest in another human the insecurity generated by the difficulties of being. The vacuum left is then filled with the learning the new system is to inhibit any group’s ways of thinking and doing. display of doubt and, even if you don’t under- (5) Manipulate a system of rewards, punish- stand the content, to merely acquiesce, affirm, ments, and experiences in order to promote and act as if you do understand and accept the learning of the group’s ideology or belief system new philosophy or content. and group-approved behaviors. Once immersed (6) Put forth a closed system of logic and an in an environment in which you are totally authoritarian structure that permits no feed- dependent on the rewards given by those who back and refuses to be modified except by control the setting, you can be confronted leadership approval or executive order. If you with massive demands to learn varying criticize or complain, the leader or peers allege amounts of new information and behaviors. that you are defective, not the organization. In You are rewarded for proper performance with this closed system of logic, you are not allowed social and sometimes material reinforcement; to question or doubt a tenet or rule or to call if slow to learn or noncompliant, you are attention to factual information that suggests threatened with shunning, banning, and pun- some internal contradiction within the belief ishment which includes loss of esteem from system or a contradiction with what you’ve others, loss of privileges, loss of status, and been told. If you do make such observations, inner anxiety and guilt. In certain groups, they may be turned around and argued to physical punishment is meted out. mean the opposite of what you intended. You The more complicated and filled with con- are made to feel that you are wrong. In cultic tradictions the new system is and the more groups, the individual member is always difficult it is to learn, the more effective the wrong, and the system is always right.

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For example, one cult member complained For example, “heavenly deception” and privately to his immediate leadership that he “transcendental trickery” (terms used by two doubted he’d be able to kill his father if so of the large cultic groups) are not called what instructed by the cult, even though that act they are – lying and deceptive fund-raising. was to signify true adherence to the cult’s Nor is the rule “do not talk to the systemites” system. In response, he was told he needed called what it is – a way to isolate members more courses to overcome his obvious weak- from the rest of the world. ness because by now he should be more committed to the group. Lifton’s eight themes In another case, a woman objected to her fund-raising team leader that it would be lying Paralleling Singer’s six conditions are the to people to say cult members were collecting eight psychological themes that psychiatrist money for a children’s home when they knew Robert Lifton has identified as central to total- the money went to the leader’s headquarters. istic environments, including the communist She was told, “That’s evidence of your Chinese and Korean programs of the 1950s degraded mentality. You are restoring to our and today’s cults. Cults invoke these themes leader what’s rightfully his, that’s all!” for the purpose of promoting behavioral and Another woman who wanted to go home to attitudinal changes. see her dying grandmother was refused her (1) Milieu control. This is total control of request. “We’re strengthening you here,” she communication in the group. In many groups, was told. “This request is a sign of your self- there is a “no gossip” or no “nattering” rule ishness. We’re your new family, and we’re that keeps people from expressing their doubts right to not let you go.” or misgivings about what is going on. This The goal of all this is your conversion or rule is usually rationalized by saying that remolding. As you learn to modify your gossip will tear apart the fabric of the group former behaviors in order to be accepted in or destroy unity, when in reality the rule is a this closed and controlled environment, you mechanism to keep members from communi- change. You affirm that you accept and cating anything other than positive endorse- understand the ideology by beginning to ments. Members are taught to report those talk in the simple catchphrases particular to who break the rule, a practice that also keeps the group. This “communication” has no members isolated from each other and foundation since, in reality, you have little increases dependence on the leadership. understanding of the system beyond the Milieu control also often involves discour- catchphrases. But once you begin to express aging members from contacting relatives or your seeming verbal acceptance of the group’s friends outside the group and from reading ideology, then that ideology becomes the anything not approved by the organization. rule book for the subsequent direction and They are sometimes told not to believe any- evaluation of your behavior. thing they see or hear reported by the media. Also, using the new language fosters your One left-wing political cult, for example, separation from your old conscience and maintains that the Berlin Wall is still standing belief system. Your new language allows you and that the “bourgeois capitalist” press wants to justify activities that are clearly not in people to think otherwise in order to discredit your interests, perhaps not even in the communism. interests of humankind. Precisely those behav- (2) Loading the language. As members con- iors that lead to criticism from the outside tinue to formulate their ideas in the group’s world because they violate the norms and rules jargon, this language serves the purpose of of the society as a whole are rationalized constricting members’ thinking and shutting within the cult community through use of this down critical thinking abilities. As first, trans- new terminology, this new language. lating from their native tongue into “groups-

154 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY peak’ forces members to censor, edit, and slow taining a rag soaked with toluene, an indus- down spontaneous bursts of criticism or oppo- trial solvent. The group called the chemical sitional ideas. That helps them to cut off and “tell-u-all.” contain negative or resistive feelings. Eventu- (3) Demand for purity. An us-versus-them ally, speaking in cult jargon is second nature, orientation is promoted by the all-or-nothing and talking with outsiders becomes energy- belief system of the group: we are right; consuming and awkward. Soon enough, they (outsiders, nonmembers) are wrong, evil, members find it most comfortable to talk only unenlightened, and so forth. Each idea or act among themselves in the new vocabulary. To is good or bad, pure or evil. Recruits gradu- reinforce this, all kinds of derogatory names ally take in, or internalize, the critical, shaming are given to outsiders: wogs, systemites, reac- essence of the cult environment, which builds tionaries, unclean, of Satan. up lots of guilt and shame. Most groups One large international group, for example, put forth that there is only one way to think, has dictionaries for members to use. In one of respond, or act in any given situation. There these dictionaries, criticism is defined as “jus- is no in between, and members are expected tification for having done an overt.” Then one to judge themselves and others by this all-or- looks up overt and the dictionary states: “overt nothing standard. Anything can be done in act: an overt act is not just injuring someone the name of this purity; it is the justification or something; an overt act is an act of omis- for the group’s internal moral and ethical sion or commission which does the least good code. In many groups, it is literally taught that for the least number of dynamics or the most the end justifies the means – and because the harm to the greatest number of dynamics.” end (that is, the group) is pure, the means are Then the definition of dynamics says: “There simply tools to reach purity. could be said to be eight urges in life . . .” And If you are a recruit, this ubiquitous guilt and so, one can search from term to term trying shame creates and magnifies your dependence to learn this new language. One researcher on the group. The group says in essence, “We noted that the group’s founder has stated that love you because you are transforming your- “new followers or potential converts should self,” which means that any moment you are not be exposed to [the language and cos- not transforming yourself, you are slipping mology of the group] at too early a stage. back. Thus you easily feel inadequate, as ‘Talking whole track to raw meat’ is frowned though you need “fixing” all the time, just as upon.” the outside would is being denounced all the When cults use such internal meanings, how time. is an outsider to know that the devil disguise, (4) Confession. Confession is used to lead just flesh relationships, and polluting are terms members to reveal past and present behavior, for parents? That an edu is a lecture by the cult contacts with others, and undesirable feelings, leader or that a mislocation is a mistake? A seemingly in order to unburden themselves former cult member comments, “I was always and become free. However, whatever you being told, ‘You are being too horizontal.’ ” reveal is subsequently used to further mold Translated, this meant she was being repri- you and to make you feel close to the group manded for listening to and being sympathetic and estranged from nonmembers. (I some- to peers. times call this technique purge and merge.) A dwindling group in Seattle, the Love The information gained about you can be used Family, had a “rite of breathing.” This sounds against you to make you feel more guilty, pow- ordinary, but in fact for some members it erless, fearful, and ultimately in need of the turned out to be a lethal euphemism. The cult and the leader’s goodness. And it can leader, a former California salesman, initiated be used to get you to rewrite your personal this rite, in which members sat in a circle, history so as to denigrate your past life, passing around and sniffing a plastic bag con- making it seem illogical for you to want to

155 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY return to that former life, family, and friends. along with and accept the “instructed” view, Each group will have its own confession ritual, the party line. which may be carried out either one-on-one The rewriting of personal history more with a person in leadership or in group ses- often than not becomes a re-creating, so that sions. Members may also write reports on you learn to to fit yourself into the group’s themselves and others. interpretation of life. For example, one young Through the confession process and by man recently out of a cult reported to me that instruction in the group’s teachings, members he was “a drug addict, violent, and irrespon- learn that everything about their former lives, sible.” It soon became clear from our discus- including friends, family, and nonmembers, is sions that none of this was true. His drug wrong and to be avoided. Outsiders will put addiction amounted to three puffs of mari- you at risk of not attaining the purported juana a number of years ago; his violence goal: they will lessen your psychological stemmed from his participation on a high awareness, hinder the group’s political school wrestling team; and his irresponsibility advancement, obstruct your path toward ulti- was based on his not having saved any money mate knowledge, or allow you to become from his very small allowance as a teenager. stuck in your past life and incorrect thinking. However, the group he had been in had (5) Mystical manipulation. The group convinced him that these things represented manipulates members to think that their new terrible flaws. feelings and behavior have arisen sponta- (7) Sacred science. The leader’s wisdom is neously in this new atmosphere. The leader given a patina of science, adding a credible implies that this is a chosen, select group with layer to his central philosophical, psychologi- a higher purpose. Members become adept at cal, or political notion, He can then profess watching to see what particular behavior is that the group’s philosophy should be applied wanted, learning to be sensitive to all kinds of to all humankind and that anyone who cued by which they are to judge and alter their disagrees or has alternative ideas is not only own behavior. Cult leaders tell their followers, immoral and irreverent but also unscientific. “You have chosen to be here. No one has told Many leaders, for example, inflate their cur- you to come here. No one has influenced ricula vitae to make it look as though they you,” when in fact the followers are in a situ- are connected to higher powers, respected ation they can’t leave owing to social pressure historical leaders, and so forth. Many a cult and their fear. Thus they come to believe that leader has said that he follows in the tradition they are actually choosing this life. If outsiders of the greatest – Sigmund Freud, Karl hint that the devotees have been brainwashed Marx, the Buddha, Martin Luther, or Jesus or tricked, the members say, “Oh, no, I chose Christ. voluntarily.” Cults thrive on this myth of (8) Dispensing of existence. The cult’s total- voluntarism, insisting time and again that istic environment clearly emphasizes that no member is being held against his or her members are part of an elitist movement and will. are the select of the world. Nonmembers are (6) Doctrine over person. As members ret- unworthy, lesser beings. Most cults teach their rospectively alter their accounts of personal members that “we are the best and only one,” history, having been instructed either to saying, in one way or another, “We are the rewrite that history or simply to ignore it, they governors of enlightenment and all outsiders are simultaneously taught to interpret reality are lower beings.” This kind of thinking lays through the group concepts and to ignore the foundation for dampening the good con- their own experiences and feelings as they sciences members brought in with them and occur. In many groups, from the days of early allows members, as agents or representatives membership on, you will be told to stop of a “superior” group, to manipulate non- paying attention to your own perceptions, members for good of the group. Besides rein- since you are “uninstructed,” and simply to go forcing the us-versus-them mentality, this

156 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY thinking means that your whole existence the right choices in life on the one side, and centers on being in the group. If you leave, the group ideas that offer the way out of this you join nothingness. This is the final step distress on the other side. in creating members’ dependence on the Mary groups use a “hot seat” technique or group. some other form of criticism to attain the Numerous former cult members report goal of undercutting, destabilizing, and that, when they look back at what they did or diminishing. For example, “Harry” had been would have done at the command of the in the Army, was approaching his late twen- group, they are appalled and stricken. Many ties, and was always very sure of himself. But have said they would have killed their own when he joined a Bible cult, the leaders said parents if so ordered. Hundreds have told me he wasn’t learning fast enough to speak in of countless deceptions and lies, such as short- tongues. He was told that he was resistant, changing donors on the street, using ruses that this was a sign of his evil past. He was told to keep members from leaving, and urging this over and over, no matter how hard he persons who could ill afford it to run their tried. Before long, Harry seemed to lose con- credit cards up to their limit in order to sign fidence in himself, even in his memories of his up for further courses. Army successes. His own attitude about himself as well as his actual behavior was unfreezing. Schein’s three stages (2) Changing. During this second stage, Next, we consider the stages people go you sense that the solutions offered by the through as their attitudes are changed by the group provide a path to follow. You feel that group environment and the thought-reform anxiety, uncertainty, and self-doubt can be processes. These were labeled by psychologist reduced by adopting the concepts put forth by Edgar Schein as the stages of “unfreezing, the group or leader. Additionally, you observe changing, and refreezing.” the behavior of the longer-term members, and (1) Unfreezing. In this first stage, your past you begin to emulate their ways. As social attitudes and choices – your whole sense of psychology experiments and observations self and notion of how the world works – have found for decades, once a person makes are destabilized by group lectures, personal an open commitment before others to an idea, counseling, reward, punishments, and other his or her subsequent behavior generally sup- exchanges in the group. This destabilization is ports and reinforces the stated commitment. designed to produce what psychologists call an That is, if you say in front of others that you identity crisis. While you are looking back at are making a commitment to be “pure,” then your own world and behavior and values (that you will feel pressured to follow what others is, unfreezing them), you are simultaneously define as the path of purity. bombarded with the new system, which If you spend enough time in any environ- implies that you have been wrong in the past. ment, you will develop a personal history This process makes you uncertain about what of experience and interaction in it. When is right, what to do, and which choices to that environment is constructed and managed make. in a certain way, then the experiences, inter- As described earlier, successful behavioral actions, and peer relations will be consistent change programs are designed to upset you with whatever public identity is fostered by to the point that your self-confidence is the environment and will incorporate the undermined. This makes you more open to values and opinions promulgated in that suggestion and also more dependent on the environment. environment for cues about “right thinking” Now, when you engage in cooperative activ- and “right conduct.” Your resistance to the ity with peers in an environment that you do new ideas lessens when you feel yourself tee- not realize is artificially constructed, you do tering on an edge with massive anxiety about not perceive your interactions to be coerced.

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And when you are encouraged but not forced particularly for the novice or the overly ideal- to make verbal claims to “truly understanding istic. But when it is present, it has powerful the ideology and having been transformed,” repercussions. these interactions with your peers will tend to lead you to conclude that you hold beliefs consistent with your actions. In other words, Producing a New Identity you will think that you came upon the belief and behaviors yourself. As part of the intense influence and change Peer pressure is very important to this process in many cults, people take on a new process: social identity, which may or may not be obvious to an outsider. When groups refer • If you say in front of others, you’ll do it. to this new identity, they speak of members • Once you do it, you’ll think it. who are transformed, reborn, enlightened, • Once you think it (in an environment you empowered, rebirthed, or cleared. The do not perceive to be coercive), you’ll group-approved behavior is reinforced and believe that you thought it yourself. reinterpreted as demonstrating the emergence of “the new person.” Members are expected (3) Refreezing. In this final phase, the to display this new social identity. group reinforces you in the desired behavior However, the vast majority of those who with social and psychological rewards, and leave such groups drop the cult content, and punishes unwanted attitudes and behaviors the cult behavior and attitudes, and painstak- with harsh criticism, group disapproval, social ingly take up where they left off prior to ostracism, and loss of status. Most of the joining. Those who had been subjected to modern-day thought-reform groups seek to thought-reform processes in the Far East, produce smiling, nonresistant, hardworking for example, gradually dropped the adopted persons who do not complain about group attitudes and behaviors and returned to their practices and do not question the authority of former selves as soon as they were away the guru, leader, or trainer. The more you from the environment. We see from years of display the group-approved attitudes and research with prisoners of war, hostages, bat- behavior, the more your compliance is inter- tered wives, former cult members, and other preted by the leadership as showing that you recipients of intense influence that changes now know that your life before you belonged made under this influence are not stable to the group was wrong and that your new life and not permanent. The beliefs a person is “the way” . . . may adopt about the world, about a par- ticular philosophy, and even about himself or The degree to which a group or situation is herself are reversible when the person is out structured according to these conditions, of the environment that induced those themes, and stages will determine the degree beliefs. to which it is manipulative. Not all cults or We might ask ourselves – and surely many groups that use thought-reform processes former cult members have – how a person implement their mind-bending techniques can display reprehensible conduct under some in the same way or to the same extent. The conditions, then turn around and resume implementation varies both within individual normal activities under other conditions. The groups and across groups. Often, the periph- phenomenon has been variously described as eral members will have no awareness of the doubling or as the formation of a pseudoper- kinds of manipulations that go on in the upper sonality (or pseudoidentity), superimposed or inner levels of a particular group or identity, a cult self, or a cult personality. What teaching. Thought reform is subtle, fluid, and is important about these labels is that they insidious – and sometimes hard to identify, call attention to an important psychological

158 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY and social phenomenon that needs to be ening a person who has been exposed to studied more carefully – namely, that ordinary thought-reform processes. The central fact is persons, with their own ideas and attitudes, this: the social identity learned while a person can be rapidly turned around in their social is in a thought-reform system fades, much as identity but later can recover their old selves a summer tan does when a person is no longer and move forward. at the beach. The process is far more compli- By this, I am not saying that people in cults cated than this analogy, of course, but I want or groups that use thought-reform processes to emphasize that cult thinking and behaviors are just faking it by role-playing, pretend- are adaptive and not stable. ing, or acting. Anyone who has met a former It is the cult environment that produces and friend who’s been transformed into a re- keeps in place the cult identity. Some persons cruiting zealot for a New Age transformational stay forever in the group, but the vast major- program, for example, knows that something ity leave at some point, either walking away more profound than role-playing is operating or being lured out by family and friends. An as that old friend defends her or his new self understanding of thought-reforming phe- and new group, speaking single-mindedly, nomena is vital to learning more about the spouting intense, firmly stated dogma. This is role that group social support or pressure plays not play-acting. It is far more instinctive and for all of us. It is important not only for fam- experienced as real. ilies with relatives in cultic groups but also for Doubling, or the formation of a pseudop- ex-members wondering if there are psycho- ersonality, has become a key issue. It is a factor logical and social theories to explain what that ultimately allows cult members to leave happened to them, and for everyone who their groups and permits us to understand why wants to learn something about how we all exit counseling works as a means of reawak- operate.

159 CHAPTER TEN

A Critique of “Brainwashing” Claims About New Religious Movements

JAMES T. RICHARDSON

Introduction anti-Western societies. This psychotechnology allegedly traps or encapsulates young people in Many young people have been involved with NRMs, allowing subsequent control of their new religious movements (NRMs) – some- behavior by leaders of the groups, through times pejoratively called “cults” – over the past “mind control.” several decades in American and other Western These techniques were originally devel- societies. These young people have often been oped, according to these claims, in Russian among the most affluent and better educated purge trials of the 1930s, and later refined of youth in their societies, which has con- by the Chinese communists after their tributed to controversies erupting about assumption of power in China in 1949, and the meaning of such participation. Parents, then used by them with POWs during the friends, and political and opinion leaders have Korean War of the early 1950s (Solomon attempted to understand the phenomenon, 1983). Now these techniques are allegedly and develop methods to control activities of being used by NRM leaders against young such groups (Beckford 1985; Barker 1984). people in Western countries, who are sup- Joining NRMs, which may appear quite posedly virtually helpless before such sophis- strange in their beliefs and organizational pat- ticated methods (Richardson and Kilbourne terns, is interpreted by some as an act of ulti- 1983). mate rejection of Western cultural values and When questioned about obvious logical and institutions – including religious, economic, ethical problems of applying these theories to and familial ones. This “culture-rejecting” situations without physical coercion (such as explanation has been difficult for many to participation in NRMs), proponents have a accept, prompting a search for other explana- ready answer. They claim that physical tions for involvement, a search raising serious coercion has been replaced by “psychological ethical issues. coercion,” which is supposedly more effective An appealing alternative explanation than simple physical coercion (Singer 1979). has been so-called “brainwashing” theories These ideas are referred to as “second gener- (Bromley and Richardson 1983; Fort 1983). ation” brainwashing theories, which take According to those espousing these ideas, into account new insights about manipulation youth have not joined NRMs volitionally, of individuals. Supposedly, physical coercion but have been manipulated or forced into par- is unnecessary if recruits can be manipulated ticipating by groups using powerful psy- by affection, guilt, or other psychological chotechnology practiced first by communist, influences.

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These theories can be considered ideas closely, in order to see if it is an adequate developed for functional reasons by those who explanation of the process whereby people have a vested interest in their being accepted, join and participate in NRMs, and to examine such as parents of members, therapists, and the underlying ethics of offering such expla- leaders of competing religious groups. The nations of religious participation. ideas plainly are a special type of “account” which “explains” why people join the groups Critique of “Brainwashing” Theories and why they stay in them (Beckford 1978). Whatever the origin, and no matter that the Brainwashing theories serve the interests of veracity of such accounts is questionable, these those espousing them, which is a major reason ideas about NRM participation have become they are so readily accepted. Parents can blame commonly accepted. the groups and their leaders for what were For instance, De Witt (1991) reports probably volitional decisions to participate by that 78 percent of a random sample of 383 their sons and daughters. Former members individuals from Nevada said they believed in can blame the techniques for a decision to brainwashing, and 30 percent agreed that participate which the participant later regrets. “brainwashing is required to make someone Deprogrammers can use brainwashing theories join a religious cult.” A similar question asked as a justification for their new “profession” and of a random sample of 1,000 residents in New as a quasi-legal defense if they are apprehended York prior to the tax evasion trial of Reverend by legal authorities during attempted depro- Moon (Richardson 1992) revealed that 43 grammings, which often have involved physi- percent agreed “brainwashing is required to cal force and kidnapping. Societal leaders can make someone change from organized religion blame the techniques for seducing society’s to a cult.” Latkin (1991) reported that 69 “brightest and best” away from traditional percent of a random sample of Oregon resi- cultural values and institutions. Competitive dents who were asked about the controversial religious leaders as well as some psychological Rajneesh group centered in eastern Oregon and psychiatric clinicians attack the groups with agreed that members of the group were brainwashing theories, to bolster what are basi- brainwashed. cally unfair competition arguments (Kilbourne These notions about “brainwashing” and and Richardson 1984). “mind control” have pervaded institutional Thus it is in the interest of many different structures in our society as well, even if they entities to negotiate an account of “what are problematic. Such views have influenced happened” that makes use of brainwashing actions by governmental entities and the notions. Only the NRM membership, which is media (Van Driel and Richardson 1988; usually politically weak, is left culpable after Bromley and Robbins 1992). The legal these negotiated explanations about how and system has seen a number of efforts to apply why a person joined an NRM. All other brainwashing theories as explanations of why parties are, to varying degrees, absolved of people might participate in new religions. responsibility (Richardson, van der Lans, and Several civil actions have resulted in multimil- Derks 1986). lion dollar judgments against NRMs allegedly The claim that NRMs engage in brainwash- using brainwashing techniques on recruits ing thus becomes a powerful “social weapon” (Anthony 1990; Richardson 1991, 1995). for many partisans in the “cult controversy.” Thus it appears that ideas about brainwash- Such ideas are used to “label” the exotic reli- ing of recruits to new religions have developed gious groups as deviant or even evil (Robbins a momentum of their own in several Western and Anthony 1982). However, the new societies. These notions are impacting society “second generation” brainwashing theories in many ways, including limitations on reli- have a number of logical and evidentiary prob- gious freedom (Richardson 1991). Thus, we lems, and their continued use raises profound need to examine the brainwashing thesis more ethical issues.

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which makes singling out one area like NRMs Misrepresentation of classical tradition for special negative attention quite problem- Modern brainwashing theories sometimes atic. Such a focus cannot be adopted on strictly misrepresent earlier scholarly work on the logical, scientific, or ethical grounds. processes developed in Russia, China, and the Korean POW situation (Anthony 1990). Ideological biases of brainwashing theorists These misrepresentations are as follows. First, the early classical research by Schein et al. Contemporary applications of brainwashing (1961) and Lifton (1963) revealed that, theories share an ideological bias in opposition contrary to some recent claims, the techniques to collectivistic solutions to problems of were generally ineffective at doing more than group organization (Richardson and Kil- modifying behavior (obtaining compliance) bourne 1983). In the 1950s many Westerners even for the short term. Such theories would opposed collectivistic communism; in the seem less useful to explain long-term changes 1970s and 1980s many share a concern about of behavior and belief allegedly occurring with communally oriented new religions. Another NRM participation. ideological element of contemporary applica- Second, the degree of determinism associ- tions concerns the ethnocentrism and even ated with contemporary brainwashing applica- racism which may be related to their use. The tions usually far exceeds that found in the fact that a number of new religions are from foundational work of Lifton and of Schein. outside Western culture and were founded Anthony and Robbins (1992) contrast the and led by foreigners should not be ignored “soft determinism” of the work of Lifton and in understanding the propensity to apply of Schein with the “hard determinism” of con- simplistic brainwashing theories to explain par- temporary proponents of brainwashing theo- ticipation and justify efforts at social control. ries such as Singer and Ofshe (1990). The “hard determinism” approach assumes that Limited research base of classical work humans can be turned into robots through Research on which the classical models application of sophisticated brainwashing tech- are based is quite limited (Richardson and niques, easily becoming deployable “Man- Kilbourne 1983; Anthony 1990). Small non- churian Candidates.” Classical scholars Lifton representative samples were used by both and Schein seemed more willing to recognize Lifton and Shein, and those in the samples human beings as more complex entities than do were presented using an anecdotal reporting some contemporary brainwashing theorists. style, derived from clinical settings, especially Third, another problem is that classical with Lifton’s work. As Biderman (1962) scholars Lifton and Schein may not be com- pointed out, Lifton only studied 40 subjects fortable with their work being applied to non- in all, and gave detailed information on only coercive situations. Lifton (1985: 69) explicitly 11 of those. Shein’s original work was based disclaims use of ideas concerning brainwashing on a sample of only 15 American civilians who in legal attacks against so-called cults, and returned after imprisonment in China. This earlier (1963: 4) had stated: “. . . the term work may be insightful, but it does not meet (brainwashing) has a far from precise and ques- normal scientific standards in terms of sample tionable usefulness; one may even be tempted size and representativeness. to forget about the whole subject and return to more constructive pursuits.” The work of Predisposing characteristics and Schein and of Lifton both evidence difficulty in volition ignored “drawing the line” between acceptable and unacceptable behaviors on the part of those Contemporary applications of brainwashing involved in influencing potential subjects for theories to NRM recruitment tactics typically change (Anthony and Robbins 1992). Group ignores important work on predisposing char- influence processes operate in all areas of life, acteristics of NRM participants (Anthony and

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Robbins 1992). The techniques of brainwash- Therapeutic effects of participation ignored ing supposedly are so successful that they can transform a person’s basic beliefs into sharply Brainwashing theorists usually claim that par- contrasting beliefs, even against their will. This ticipation in NRMs is a negative experience, aspect of brainwashing theory is appealing claims countered by many lines of research. to proponents who have difficulty recognizing Participation seems to have a generally that an individual might have been attracted positive impact on most participants, an to a new and exotic religion perceived by the often-replicated finding which undercuts recruit as offering something positive for brainwashing arguments, but is usually themselves. ignored by proponents of such theories. Sizable numbers of participants are from Robbins and Anthony (1982) summarized higher social class origins in terms of educa- positive effects which have been found, listing tion level and relative affluence, a finding ten different therapeutic effects, including raising questions about application of brain- reduced neurotic distress, termination of illicit washing theories as adequate explanations drug use, and increased social compassion. of participation. Both Barker (1984) and One review of a large literature concerning Kilbourne (1986) have found that there are personality assessment of participants con- predisposing characteristics for participation in cluded (Richardson 1985b: 221): “Personal- the Unification Church – such as youthful ity assessments of these group members reveal idealism. Thus, the brainwashing argument that life in the new religions is often thera- would seem to be refuted, even if such data peutic instead of harmful.” Kilbourne (1986) are often ignored. drew similar conclusions in his assessment of Brainwashing proponents also conveniently outcomes from participation, after finding, ignore volitional aspects of recruitment to for instance, that members of the Unification new religions. Brainwashing theorists such Church felt they were getting more from their as Delgado (1982) turn predispositions and participation than did matched samples of interest in exotic religions into susceptibilities young Presbyterians and Catholics. and vulnerabilities, adopting an orientation Psychiatrist Marc Galanter, who has done toward recruitment which defines the poten- considerable assessment research on partici- tial convert in completely passive terms, a pants in some of the more prominent NRMs, philosophical posture that itself raises se- has even posited a general “relief effect” rious ethical problems. Most participants brought about by participation (Galanter are “seekers”, taking an active interest in 1978). He wanted to find out what about changing themselves, and they are often participation leads to such consistent positive using the NRMs to accomplish planned effects, in order that therapists can use personal change (Straus 1976, 1979). There is the techniques themselves. McGuire (1988) growing use of an “active” paradigm in con- found that many ordinary people participate version/recruitment research which stresses in exotic religious groups in a search of alter- the predispositional and volitional character of natives to modern medicine, and many think participation. This view is derived from themselves the better for the experience. To research findings that many participants ignore such scholarly conclusions seems ethi- actually seek out NRMs to accomplish personal cally quite questionable. goals (Richardson 1985a). This nonvolitional view ignores an important aspect of classical Large research tradition and “normal” work in the brainwashing tradition. For explanations ignored instance, Lifton’s (1963) work clearly shows the voluntaristic character of much of the There has been a huge amount of research thought reform which went on in China done on recruitment to and participation in the (his last chapter discusses voluntaristic new religious groups and movements, research personal change). almost totally ignored by brainwashing theo-

163 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY rists. This work, which is summarized in such (Wright 1987; Skonovd 1983; Richardson et reviews as Greil and Rudy (1984), Richardson al. 1986). (1985a), and Robbins (1985), applies standard An example of one well publicized group theories from sociology, social psychology, and ...is The Family (formerly the Children of psychology to explain why youths join such God) which has had over 57,000 young groups. These explanations seem quite ade- people worldwide join it over the group’s 25 quate to explain participation, without any year history. However, the group has only “black box” of mystical psychotechnology such about 3,000 adult members worldwide at this as offered by brainwashing theorists. time, which could be construed to mean they Examples of such “normalizing” research have a serious attrition problem! include Heirich’s (1977) study of the Charis- These histories of meager growth and/or matic Renewal Movement, Pilarzyk’s (1978) rapid decline raise serious questions about comparison of conversion in the Divine Light the efficacy of brainwashing explanations of Mission and the Hare Krishna, Straus’s (1981) participation. Such powerful techniques “naturalistic social psychological” explanation should have resulted in much larger groups, a of seeking religious experiences, Solomon’s fact conveniently ignored by brainwashing (1983) work on the social psychology of par- proponents, who seem intent on raising the ticipation in the Unification Church, and the level of hysteria about NRMs, through examination of process models of conversion misleading the public about their size and to the Jesus Movement (Richardson, et al. efficiency in keeping members. 1979). The ethics of ignoring such work, while propounding empirically weak notions “Brainwashing” as its own explanation such as brainwashing and mind control, seem questionable. A last critique of brainwashing theories is that they are self-perpetuating, through “therapy” offered those who leave, especially those Lack of “success” of new forcibly deprogrammed. As Solomon (1981) religions disregarded has concluded, those who are deprogrammed Another obvious problem with brainwashing often accept the views which deprogrammers explanations concerns assuming (and misin- use to justify their actions, and which are forming the public about) the efficacy of promoted to the deprogramee as reasons for the powerful recruitment techniques allegedly cooperating with the deprogramming. These used by the new religious groups. Most views usually include a belief in brainwashing NRMs are actually quite small: the Unifica- theories. One could say that a successful tion Church probably never had over 10,000 deprogramming is one in which the depro- American members, and can now boast only grammee comes to accept the view that they 2,000 to 3,000 members in the US; the were brainwashed, and are now being rescued. American Hare Krishna may not have achieved Solomon’s finding has been collaborated by even the size of the Unification Church . . . other research on those who leave, including Most other NRMs have had similar problems by Lewis (1986), Lewis and Bromley (1987), recruiting large numbers of participants. and Wright (1987). The social psychological A related problem concerns attrition rates truth that such ideas are learned interpreta- for the new religions. As a number of scholars tions or accounts undercuts truth claims by have noted, most participants in the new brainwashing theorists. groups remain for only a short time, and most of those proselytized simply ignore or rebuff recruiters and go on with their normal Conclusions lives (Bird and Reimer 1982; Barker 1984; Galanter 1980). Many people leave the groups The preceding critique indicates that brain- after being in them relatively short periods washing theories of participation in new reli-

164 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY gions fail to take into account considerable ing and Regulating Religion in Public Life. Waco, data about participation in such groups. TX: Baylor University. However, many people still accept such theo- Delgado, R. 1982. “Cults and Conversion: The ries, and high levels of concern about the “cult Case for Informed Consent” Georgia Law Review menace” exist, in part because of the promo- 16: 533–74. DeWitt, J. 1991. “Novel Scientific Evidence and tion of ideologically based brainwashing theo- the Juror: A Social Psychological Approach to the ries of participation. Serious attention should Frye/Relevancy Controversy.” Doctoral Disserta- be paid to alternative explanations which tion in Social Psychology, University of Nevada, demystify the process of recruitment to and Reno. participation in the new religions. Fort, J. 1983. “What is Brainwashing and Who Says Motivations for accepting such empirically So?” In B. Kilbourne (ed.), Scientific Research weak theories as “brainwashing” should be and New Religions: Divergent Perspectives. San examined. Also, those who propound brain- Francisco, CA: American Assoc. for the Advance- washing theories of participation need to ment of Science, Pacific Division. examine the ethics of promoting such Galanter, M. 1978. “The ‘Relief Effect’: A Socio- biological Model of Neurotic Distress and Large powerful “social weapons” against minority Group Therapy.” American Journal of Psychiatry religions. When such theories are used to limit 135, 588–91. people’s religious freedom and personal —— 1980. “Psychological Induction in the growth, then the society itself may suffer. Large-Group: Findings from a Modern Religious Sect.” American Journal of Psychiatry 137: 1574–9. References Greil, A. and D. Rudy 1984. “What Have We Learned About Process Models of Conversion? Anthony, D. 1990. “Religious Movements and An Examination of Ten Studies.” Sociological Brainwashing Litigation: Evaluating Key Testi- Analysis 54 (3): 115–25. mony.” Pp. 295–344 in T. Robbins and D. Heirich, M. 1977. “Change of Heart: A Test of Anthony (eds.), In Gods We Trust. New Some Widely Held Theories About Religious Brunswick: NJ: Transaction Books. Conversion.” American Journal of Sociology 85 Anthony, D. and T. Robbins 1992. “Law, Social (3): 653–80. Science and the ‘Brainwashing’ Exception in the Kilbourne, B. 1986. “Equity or Exploitation? The First Amendment.” Behavioral Sciences and the Case of the Unification Church.” Review of Reli- Law 10: 5–30. gious Research 28: 143–50. Barker, E. 1984. The Making of a Moonie: Choice or Kilbourne, B. and J. Richardson 1984. “Psy- Brainwashing? Oxford: Blackwell. chotherapy and New Religions in a Pluralistic Beckford, J. 1978. “Accounting for Conversion.” Society.” American Psychologist 39 (3): 237–51. British Journal of Sociology 29 (2): 249–62. Latkin, C. 1991. “Vice and Device: Social Control —— 1985. Cult Controversies: The Societal Re- of Intergroup Conflict.” Sociological Analysis 52: sponse to the New Religious Movements. London: 363–78. Tavistock. Lewis, J. 1986. “Reconstructing the Cult Experi- Biderman, A. 1962. “The Image of ‘Brainwash- ence: Post-Involvement Attitudes as a Function ing’.” Public Opinion Quarterly 26: 547–63. of Mode of Exit and Post-Involvement Socializa- Bird, F. and W. Reimer 1982. “A Sociological tion.” Sociological Analysis 46: 151–9. Analysis of New Religious and Para-religious Lewis, J. and D. Bromley 1987. “The Cult With- Movements.” Journal for the Scientific Study of drawal Syndrome: A Case of Misattribution of Religion 21 (1): 1–14. Cause?” Journal for the Scientific Study of Reli- Bromley, D. and J. T. Richardson (eds.) 1983. The gion 26 (4): 508—22. Brainwashing/Deprogramming Controversy: Soci- Lifton, R. 1963. Thought Reform and the Psychology ological, Psychology, Legal, and Historical Perspec- of Totalism. New York: Norton. tives. New York: Edwin Mellen. —— 1985. “Cult Processes, Religious Liberty and Bromley, D. and T. Robbins 1992. “The Role of Religious Totalism.” Pp. 59–70 in T. Robbins, W. Government in Regulating New and Non- Shepherd, and J. McBride (eds.), Cults, Culture conventional Religions.” In J. Wood and D. and the Law. Chico, CA: Scholars Press. Davis (eds.), The Role of Government in Monitor- Lofland, J. 1978. “ ‘Becoming a World-saver’ Revis-

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ited.” In J. Richardson (ed.), Conversion Careers. ology of New Religious Movements. Newbury Park, Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. CA; Sage. McGuire, M. 1988. Ritual Healing in Suburban Robbins, T. and D. Anthony 1982. “Deprogram- America. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University ming, Brainwashing, and the Medicalization of Press. Deviant Religious Groups.” Social Problems 29: Pilarzyk, T. 1978. “Conversion and Alienation 283–97. Processes in the Youth Culture.” Pacific Sociolog- Robbins, T., D. Anthony, and J. McCarthy ical Review 21 (4): 379–405. 1983.”Legitimating Repression.” Pp. 319–28 in Richardson, J. T. 1985a. “Active versus Passive D. Bromley and J. T. Richardson, op cit. Converts: Paradigm Conflict in Conversion/ Schein, E., I. Schneier, and C. Becker 1961. Coer- Recruitment Research.” Journal for the Scientific cive Persuasion. New York: Norton. Study of Religion 24: 163–79. Singer, M. 1979. “Coming Out of the Cults.” Richardson, J. T. 1985b. “Psychological and Psy- Psychology Today 12: 72–82. chiatric Studies of New Religions.” In L. Brown Singer, M. and R. Ofshe 1990. “ Thought Reform (ed.), Advances in the Psychology of Religion. New Programs and the Production of Psychiatric York: Pergamon Press. Casualties.” Psychiatric Annals 20: 188–93. —— 1991. “Cult/Brainwashing Cases and Skonovd, N. 1983. “Leaving the Cultic Religious Freedom of Religion.” Journal of Church and Milieu.” Pp. 91–105 in D. Bromley and J. T. State 33: 55–74. Richardson, op cit. —— 1992. “Public Opinion and the Tax Evasion Solomon, T. 1981. “Integrating the ‘Moonie’ Trial of Reverend Moon.” Behavioral Sciences Experience: A Survey of Ex-members of the Uni- and the Law 10: 53–64. fication Church.” In T. Robbins and D. Anthony —— 1993. “The Concept of ‘Cult’: From (ed.), In Gods We Trust. New Brunswick, NJ: Sociological–Technical to Popular–Negative.” Transaction. Review of Religious Research 34: 348–56. Solomon, T. 1983. “Programming and Depro- —— 1995. “Legal Status of Minority Religions gramming the ‘Moonies’: Social Psychology in the United States.” Social Compass 42 (2): Applied.” Pp. 163–81 in D. Bromley and J. T. 249–64. Richardson, op cit. Richardson, J. T. and B. Kilbourne 1983. “Classi- Straus, R. 1976. “Changing Oneself: Seekers and cal and Contemporary Brainwashing Models: A the Creative Transformation of Life Experience.” Comparison and Critique.” Pp. 29–45 in D. In J. Lofland (ed.), Doing Social Life. New York: Bromley and J. Richardson, op cit. Wiley. Richardson, J. T., J. van der Lans, and F. Derks —— 1979. “Religious Conversion as a Personal and 1986. “Leaving and Labeling: Voluntary and Collective Accomplishment.” Sociological Analy- Coerced Disaffiliation from Religious Social sis 40: 158–65. Movements.” In K. Lang and G. Lang (eds.), —— 1981. “A Social-Psychology of Religious Research in Social Movements, Conflict and Experience: A Naturalistic Approach.” Sociologi- Change 9. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. cal Analysis 42: 57–67. Richardson, J. T., M. Stewart, and R. Simmonds Van Driel, B. and J. T. Richardson 1988. “Print 1979. Organized Miracles. New Brunswick, NJ: Media Coverage of New Religious Movements: A Transaction. Longitudinal Study.” Journal of Communication Robbins, T. 1985. “Government Regulatory 36 (3): 37–61. Powers and Church Autonomy.” Journal for the Wright, S. 1987. Leaving the Cults: The Dynamics Scientific Study of Religion 24: 237–51. of Defection. Washington, DC: Society for the —— 1988. Cults, Converts and Charisma: The Soci- Scientific Study of Religion.

166 CHAPTER ELEVEN

Constructing Cultist “Mind Control”

THOMAS ROBBINS

Who am I to say that’s crazy Love will make you blind In the church of the poison mind Culture Club

Introduction measures and controls may not sometimes be appropriate. We do assume, however, that Facts and values are badly entangled in con- there is a certain relativity to “social problems” troversies over “cults.” Can it be plausibly which may be viewed as social movements striv- maintained that the analysis of social processes ing to define certain aspects of reality as prob- in terms of “brainwashing” or “coercive per- lematic and requiring social action (Mauss suasion” is primarily an objective scientific 1975). “It is the conflict over the ‘definition matter which can be detached from judgmen- of reality’ that provides the heart of any ‘social tal ideological and policy considerations? problem’” (Wolf-Petrusky 1979: 2).1 A Concepts such as “brainwashing” or “mind “Politics of reality” operates (Goode 1968). control” are inherently normative. Szasz Allegations of brainwashing and coercive mind (1976: 10) notes, “We do not call all types of control on the part of cults are thus essentially personal or psychological influences ‘brain- interpretive and involve assumptions and washing.’ We reserve this term for influences frames of reference which interpenetrate the of which we disapprove.” The application of “objective facts.” Finally, it is our view that the such concepts to a given group necessarily overwhelming popular, legal, and scholarly stigmatizes that group; however, the stigma is focus on the processes by which individuals frequently primarily connotative. It does not become and remain committed to cults is mis- derive directly from what is actually empirically leading in the sense that it shifts attention established about the group in question but away from what we consider the ultimate from the choice of terminology or the sources of social and professional hostility to interpretive framework from which empirical cults. We see the issue of coercive persuasion observations are considered. in cults as an ideological “superstructure” This essay will examine the rhetorical con- which mystifies an underlying “base” entailing ventions, underlying assumptions, interpretive threats posed by today’s movements to various frameworks, and epistemological rules which norms, groups, and institutions. make possible the brainwashing allegations against cults, i.e., an exercise in demystifica- tion. It is not our contention that authoritar- Underlying Sources of Tension ian and “totalistic” sects do not present some difficulties for American institutions or that Beckford (1979), Robbins and Anthony there aren’t “abuses” in a number of areas (1982), Shupe and Bromley (1980), and others perpetrated by some groups, or that legal have discussed the underlying sources of

167 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY tension between contemporary religious on the part of devotees, who may be subject to movements and various groups and institutions exploitation (Robbins 1981; Thomas 1981). which appear to be ranged against them. (5) Finally, the totalism, diversification, and These factors may be briefly summarized: transformative visions of cults burst the nor- (1) Groups such as Hare Krishna or the mative bounds of a largely “secular” culture, Unification Church may be said to be incivil and in particular, repudiate the expected dif- religions which claim a monopoly of spiritual ferentiation of secular and religious spheres of truth and legitimacy and in so doing contra- action (Anthony and Robbins 1980). Some vene American civil religion qua “religion of new religions do not “know their place.” civility” (Hammond 1981; Cuddihy 1978; These troublesome aspects of “cults” would Robbins 1984b). (2) Such groups are fre- cause concern even if individuals entered and quently communal and totalistic and thus addi- remained in cults voluntarily. However, in tionally contravene the norm of personal the context of the constitutional guarantee of autonomy (Beckford 1979) and the value “free exercise of religion,” it is difficult to con- of individualism, which is central to strain or control deviant religious movements. modern Western culture. (3) Groups such as There is a paradox to freedom: one cannot Scientology or the Unification Church are be truly free unless one is free to surrender highly diversified and multifunctional and freedom. However, this consideration, and civil therefore compete with and threaten many libertarian objections to action against cults, groups and structures in modern society can be obviated if it is established that in fact (Robbins 1981, 1984a). (3a) Close-knit, total- the involvement of converts in offending istic “cults” operate as family surrogates and movements is involuntary by virtue of “coer- thus disturb the parents and relatives of con- cive” tactics of recruitment and indoctrination verts (Bromley et al. 1983; Schwartz and plus consequent psycopathology and converts’ Kaslow 1979), who are also concerned with diminished rational capacity. The “cult converts’ termination of conventional career problem” is thus “medicalized” (Robbins and goals. (3b) Dynamic religious movements Anthony 1982). Cultist claims to “free exercise diminish the pool of young persons available to of religion” are neutralized by the implication participate in conventional churches and that cultist religion is not really free because denominations; moreover, religious move- cults “coerce” their members into joining and ments elicit an intense and diffuse commitment remaining and because the latter may lose their from converts which contrasts with the limited capacity for decision-making.2 Discourse on commitment of most churchgoers (Shupe and cults is thus displaced to models of conversion Bromley 1980). (3c) Gurus and new move- and persuasion, and disputes over how persons ments compete with certified secular therapists enter and leave (or don’t leave) cults. In effect, and healers; moreover, the latter are increas- what is considered is not so much the nature ingly taking advantage of opportunities as and goals of these groups but their procedures counselors, rehabilitators and quasi-depro- of recruitment and indoctrination (Beckford grammers of “cult victims” and families trau- 1979). matized by the “loss” of a member to a In the bulk of this essay we will discuss the close-knit movement (Robbins and Anthony assumptions and conventions of reasoning 1982). The conflict between “cults” and and rhetoric which constitute the “issue” of “shrinks” also has an ideological dimension “forced conversion” in religious movements. involving the conflict between the socially We will discuss the following: (1) the simulta- adjustive ethos of mental health and the various neous employment of critical external per- deviant visions of transcendence, apocalyptic spective to analyze and evaluate processes transformation, mystery and ecstacy (Anthony within cults and an empathic internal per- and Robbins 1980; Anthony et al. 1977). (4) spective to interpret processes entailing the The totalism and multifunctionality of some seizure, “deprogramming,” and “rehabilita- movements encourages a strong dependency tion” of devotees; (2) “epistemological

168 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY manicheanism,” which imputes absolute truth alternative perspective would yield different to the accounts of hostile apostates and nulli- interpretations. fies the accounts of present cult converts as It is arguable that the case against cults with insincere or delusory; (3) the use of a broad respect to brainwashing is grounded in the and only tenuously bounded concept of “coer- simultaneous employment of a critical exter- cion”; (4) the assumption that it is intrinsically nal perspective to interpret processes within “coercive” or reprehensible for movements to religious movements, and an empathic inter- recruit or “target” structurally available or nal perspective to evaluate activities in which “vulnerable” persons; and (5) exaggeration of movement participants are pressed to de- the extent and effect of deception utilized as convert and guided in the negative reinter- a recruiting tactic by some groups. pretation of their experiences in stigmatized movements. However, it is also arguable that defenses of cults against mind-control allega- Epistemological Issues: Internal and tions tend to entail the combination of a External Interpretive Frameworks critical external perspective on deprogram- ming and an empathic “inner” or phenome- Many elements involved in controversies over nological perspective on processes within alleged cultist brainwashing involve transval- controversial new movements. uational conflicts. Behaviors and processes Defenders of controversial religious groups which might otherwise be seen mainly as have protested the radical transvaluation indications of intense religious commitment, implicit in some applications of external per- zeolotry, and dogmatic sectarianism are spectives. A civil liberties lawyer criticizes “the reinterpreted as signs of pathological mind name calling which is typical of programs of control. Repetitive chanting, “obsessive denigration.” prayer,” repetitive tasks, evocations of sin and guilt, and “intense peer pressure” are viewed A religion becomes a cult; proselytization as “coercive” (or even “hypnotic”) processes becomes brainwashing; persuasion becomes propaganda; missionaries become subversive which paralyze free will and enslave the agents; retreats, monasteries, and convents devotee (e.g., State of New York 1981). become prisons; holy ritual becomes bizarre Speaking in tongues is considered by some conduct; religious observance becomes clinicians as an aspect of coercive mind control aberrant behavior; devotion and meditation (Mackey 1983). Cult-induced psychopathol- become psychopathic trances. (Gutman ogy and “thought disorders” are inferred 1977: 210–11) from a convert’s unconcern with conven- tional career goals, stereotyped and dogmatic Another legal writer maintains that responses to questions (Delgado 1977), and arguments in support of deprogramming from an alleged pattern of absolutist and essentially transvalue the intensity of faith in polarized thinking which impairs cognition inferring psychopathology or coercion from such that “the thinking process is limited to a items such as total involvement in a move- black–white totalistic perspective where every- ment, unconcern with public affairs, dualistic thing external to the cult is evil and everything thinking, etc. Converts who “subordinate within is good” (Rosenzweig 1979: 150–1. their reason to imperatives of faith” and Any social process can be evaluated from “demonstrate the depth of their commitment two perspectives: an empathic internal or by insisting upon their beliefs as ultimate con- actors’ phenomenological perspective or an cerns, should not find the intensity of their external critical observer’s perspective. As we faith being used as proof of their incompe- have seen, evocations of sin and guilt, repeti- tence” (Shapiro 1978: 795). tive chanting, and “obsessive prayer” are inter- In legal terms, Shapiro is arguing that the preted as “coercive processes” which destroy use of allegations of polarized thinking or free will, although the application of an unconcern with public affairs as rationales for

169 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY state intervention violates the absolute quality of deprogramming, intervention, and therapy of freedom of belief. But, whatever the appear to exert influence on ex-cultists in legalities, clinicians may still insist that certain the direction of assisting them to reinterpret behavorial and thought patterns are objec- their experiences in terms of brainwashing tively coercive or pathological or constitute (Solomon 1981). In this connection, the mind control, notwithstanding legal con- literature of sociology is replete with “external” straints on the use of such allegations or the conceptualizations of psychotherapy as a per- traditional quality of behavior such as glosso- suasive process, a process of thought reform, a lalia. On the other hand, some sociologists context of conversion, a context of negotiation have argued that the behavioral and linguistic and bargaining in which the greater power of patterns from which clinicians have inferred a the therapist is crucial, or a social control device general “depersonalization” or a basic alter- (Frank 1980; Schur 1980). ation of personality may really be indicative The case against cults with respect to of situationally specific role behavior (Balch alleged brainwashing tends to be grounded in 1980). The different conceptual frameworks the simultaneous employment of a critical exter- of sociologists, civil libertarian lawyers, and nal perspective to evaluate and analyze processes students of religion produce different inter- within movements and an emphatic internal pretations of the same phenomenon. perspective to interpret the activities outside of It is important to note that conflicts of religious movements through which devotees internal vs. external perspectives also emerge are physically coerced, pressed to de-convert, or with respect to counter-cult activities. A clini- guided in the reinterpretation of cultist experi- cal psychologist who supports the practice of ences. Likewise, the polemical defense of cults deprogramming comments, “Although lurid tends to combine a critical external perspec- details of deprogramming atrocities have been tive on deprogramming and anti-cult activities popularly supplied by cults to the press, the with an emphatic internal orientation toward process is nothing more than an intense period what goes on in cults (e.g., Coleman 1982). of information giving” (Singer 1978: 17). Since so many cult issues involve transvalua- Alternatively, deprogramming has been exter- tional conflicts, one’s evaluation of conflicting nally viewed as coercive persuasion (Kim claims may be largely a function of one’s a 1978) or even something akin to exorcism priori interpretive framework or perspective. (Shupe et al. 1978). Many elements involved in controversies over alleged cultist brainwashing entail trans- Epistemological Manicheanism valuational conflicts related to alternative inter- nal vs. external perspectives. The display of An additional aspect of the epistemological affection toward new and potential converts dimension of cult-brainwashing controversies (“love bombing”), which might be interpreted is the issue of who is a credible witness. This is as a kindness or an idealistic manifestation of the problem of evaluating the conflicting tes- devotees’ belief that their relationship to spiri- timonies of present devotees and apostates. tual truth and divine love enables them to Some critics of cults seem to embrace a kind radiate love and win others to truth, is also of epistemological manicheanism whereby the commonly interpreted as a sinister “coercive” accounts of recriminating ex-devotees are technique (Singer 1978). Yet successfully acceptable at face value while the accounts of deprogrammed ex-devotees have enthused current devotees are dismissed as manifesting over the warmly supportive and “familial” false consciousness derivative from mind milieu at post-deprogramming “rehabilita- control or self-delusion.3 However, defenders tion” centers such as the Freedom of of cults have been criticized – perhaps justly – Thought Foundation (e.g., Underwood and for too readily discounting the testimonies of Underwood 1979). Could this also be “love ex-converts because they are allegedly under bombing”? One study indicates that processes the influence of new anti-cult reference groups

170 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY or their recriminations against cults are self- as a necessary condition legitimating the justifying, while naively accepting the accounts appointment of a guardian over a member of a of current devotees (Zerin 1982c). Doubts communal group. “Systematic coercive persua- have been cast on the accounts of fervent sion” may be inferred from a variety of indices devotees (Schwartz and Zemel 1980), and specified in the bill, including “control over knowledgeable circumspection has also been information” or the “reduction of decisional urged with respect to the accounts of ex- capacity” through “performance of repetitious converts whose interpretations have been tasks,” “performance of repetitious chants, influenced by deprogrammers, therapists, sayings or teachings,” or the employment of parents, and anti-cults activists (Beckford “intense peer pressure” to induce “feelings of 1978; Solomon 1981) and whose current guilt and enxiety” or a “simplistic polarized interpretations may function to disavow view of reality” (State of New York 1981). deviant stigma and facilitate social and Can persons be “coerced” by repetitious familial reintegration. Epistemological chanting or by peer pressure in a formally manicheanism often characterizes both fervent voluntary context? Perhaps, but what has indictments and defenses of cults. One’s analy- emerged is a relatively broad and unbounded sis can too easily be predetermined by one’s conception of coercion which transvalues as rep- implicit epistemological exclusionary rule.4 rehensible “coercive” activities which have otherwise been viewed as innocuous religious staples (e.g., repetitious chanting). What pres- Construction of Coercive Persuasion sure cannot be viewed as “coercive” along Claims Through Assumptions these lines? and Definitions In general, no distinction between “coer- cive” and “manipulative” processes seems to It is our view that debates about mind control be made by critics of cults. Disparate processes and brainwashing in cults are inherently and pressures arising in cults are labeled “coer- inconclusive. Arguments on either side cive.” It is arguable, however, that in com- depend upon arbitrary or a priori assump- mon linguistic usage, the term “coercive” is tions, interpretive frameworks, and linguistic employed to denote a situation in which an conventions. Our argument does not imply order and a threat are communicated such that that reprehensible manipulative practices and the “coercee” is aware that he is being pres- strong peer pressures are not present in the sured and that his action is involuntary. Subtle proselytization and indoctrination repertoires manipulative influence via information control of some movements. However, it is implied or seductive displays of affection (i.e., Moonist that certain key issues are assumptive, defini- “love bombing”) would ordinarily he viewed tional, or epistemological, and thus in a sense as manipulative rather than coercive pro- ideological and not susceptible to decisive cesses. Thus, Lofland and Skonovd (1981) empirical resolution. Propositions may some- distinguish between the manipulated ecstatic times hinge on the arbitrary use of terms. arousal or “revivalist” techniques of the “Moonies” and true “coercive conversion” or Coercion brainwashing. “Coercion,” however, has a Arguments to the effect that religious move- stronger negative connotation of the overrid- ments “coerce” their participants to remain ing of free will, and is thus an ideologically involved generally depend upon broad superior term. Broad conceptions of coercion conceptions of “coercion” which need not be inevitably have rhetorical and ideological sig- tangible (e.g., physical), and of which the nificance because they generalize a nega- “victim” need not be aware (Ofshe 1982). tive connotation to disparate situations and Thus, a bill passed by the New York State leg- groups, which become psychologically and islature identified an individual’s subjection to morally equivalent. Formally voluntary associ- “a systematic course of coercive persuasion” ations such as religious movements are some-

171 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY times acknowledged to embody a different 1983; Solomon 1983). Interesting in this form of coercive persuasion compared to respect is the use by Singer (1979) and Zerin POW camps, but are then viewed as essentially (1982a) of the vocabulary of “technologies” equal in coerciveness or even more coercive of coercive persuasion employed by cults, as if than the latter because seductive cultist pros- influence processes in cults involved precise elytizing may indeed sometimes be more instruments or machines operating automati- effective than the techniques used to indoctri- cally on passive cogs. In short, arguments as nate prisoners. On the other hand, it is to the involuntary quality of involvements are arguable that seductive appeals are often more often supported more by connotative imagery effective than persuasion of captives in part and rhetorical reification than by sophisticated because they are less coercive and thus do not applications of models of coercive persuasion elicit the crystallization of a prisoners’ adver- or thought reform. sary culture or resentment syndrome. Models of “coercive persuasion,” “brain- The concept of “coercive persuasion” has, washing,” and “thought reform” vary in in fact, been used in some significant research. the stringency of their existential criteria A respected model of c.p. is the one developed (Richardson and Kilbourne 1983). Sargent by Edgar Schein and his colleagues (1961). (1961) interprets religious revivals as a form of Schein argues that if the notion of coercive brainwashing. Schein (1961) model is the persuasion is to achieve objectivity, it must be broadest and is clearly applicable to cults, as seen as transpiring in a wide range of – often well as to college fraternities, reputable reli- culturally valued – contexts, e.g., conventional gious orders, etc. Lifton’s well-known model religious orders, fraternities, mental hospitals, (1961) of “thought reform” is applicable to the army. Coercive persuasion is generally stig- various cults (Richardson et al. 1972; Stoner matized only when its goal is detested, e.g., and Parke 1977: 272–6), and is probably producing communists or Moonies. applicable to any authoritarian and dogmatic Schein’s analysis strives for stringent ideo- sect. Recently, Lofland and Skonovd (1981) logical neutrality. Nevertheless, he may have have argued that Lifton’s criteria embody “ide- contributed somewhat to a subjective and ological totalism,” which is a broader phe- stigmatizing use of the concept of coercive nomenon than true brainwashing or coerced persuasion by downplaying an essential conversion. The latter, according to Lofland distinction between forcible physical restraints and Skonovd, is delineated by the more strin- (e.g., as in the prisoners of war he studied) and gent criteria employed by Somit (1968), which the more voluntaristic contexts to which he would exclude practically all formally voluntary aspired to generalize the concept. Notwith- groups. Given the array of diverse models of standing this effect, it is important to realize varying restrictiveness, cults can “brainwash” that assumptions about free will are external and be “coercive” depending upon which model to Schein’s model and some other models is employed. Polemicists tend to conflate differ- (Solomon 1983). “Coercively persuaded” ent models or shift back and forth between subjects are not necessarily helpless robots models (Anthony, in preparation). (Shapiro 1983). Finally, neither the growing number of In rhetorical applications of c.p. models an studies reporting that the Unification Church unexamined and arbitrary assumption is often and other cults exhibit substantial voluntary made with regard to the involuntary nature of defection rates (Skonovd 1981; Barker 1983; the involvement of persons involved in move- Beckford 1983; Ofshe 1976), nor studies indi- ments allegedly utilizing coercive persuasion. cating that there is a substantial “failure rate” References to “forced conversions” and in cultist indoctrination and recruitment similar notions arise (e.g., Schwartz and Isser (Barker 1983; Galanter 1980), can settle the 1981), although the inference as to absence of debate about cultist coercion. Voluntary volition is not warranted by the mere techni- defectors and non-recruits can be said to lack cal applicability of c.p. models (Shapiro 1978, the “vulnerability” traits which allow coercive

172 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY pressures in cults to operate (Zerin 1982a). have recruited largely from existing interper- The basic issue is largely definitional and is not sonal networks, it appears likely that relatively susceptible to empirical resolution. authoritarian and totalistic groups such as Hare Krishna or the Unification Church recruit many unattached individuals whose lack of Targeting the “vulnerable” binding ties and commitment render them One of the characteristics of cultist recruit- structurally available.5 ment and proselytization which is widely It is arbitrary, however, to stigmatize this excoriated is the alleged tendency of cults to mode of recruitment as coercive or reprehen- exploit the “vulnerability” of young persons sible. Clearly social movements and prosely- who are lonely, depressed, alienated, or drift- tizing religious sects will “target” the more ing away from social moorings. Cultist mind “vulnerable” potential participants. Young control is held to be differentiated from persons occupying transitional and ephemeral respectable, innocuous monasticism by the statuses (e.g., students) bereft of consolidated reluctance of the latter to “concentrate, as do careers, salaries, dependents, spouses, and religious cults, on the weak, the depressed, or children, and not harmoniously nestled into the psychologically vulnerable” (Delgado other affiliative structures such as fraternities 1977: 65). “Cult recruiters tend to look for or clubs, will surely be prime “targets.” Such the ‘loners,’ the disillusioned or floundering individuals have less to lose in joining a com- ones and those who are depressed” (Schwartz munal sect or a messianic movement than and Kaslow 1979: 21). other persons. A greater proportion of “avail- The above allegations concerning the nature able” persons relative to unavailable persons of cultist recruitment are not false. Social recruited to a movement would seem to this movements in general tend to recruit individ- writer to be indicative of a voluntary rather uals who are “structurally available” and who than a “forced” quality of participation. Some are not integrated into “countervailing net- sort of hypnotic or “coercive” device might works” which would operate to inhibit recruit- be indicated if a disproportionate number ment in a new movement (Snow et al. 1980). of “unavailable” middle-age executives with This is the case with respect to those “author- large families, numerous dependents, and sat- itarian” movements in which participation is isfying social affiliations were recruited.6 exclusive in the sense that “core membership It also seems rather plausible that unhappy may even be contingent upon the severance or “alienated” persons who are dissatisfied of extra-movement interpersonal ties” (ibid: with either themselves or “the system” are 796). Movement organizations of this type more likely to be recruited to messianic move- tend to proselytize in public places and to ments than complacent “pharisees.” The recruit relatively unattached persons who are special importance of messianic religion for “more available for movement exploration and “miserable sinners” is a rather traditional evan- participation because of the possession of gelical theme. While some persons may be unscheduled or discretionary time and because more “vulnerable” to cultist involvement than of the minimal countervailing risks or sanc- others (Zerin 1982b), it seems arbitrary to tions” (ibid: 793). In contrast, groups with view the “targeting” of such persons as less exclusive participation patterns exhibit a illegitimate or as indications of the involuntary greater tendency to “attract members primar- or irrational quality of involvement.7 ily from extramovement interpersonal associa- tions and networks, rather than from public Demonology of deception places, i.e., existing members recruit their pre- conversion friends and associates.” Although The role of deception in the proselytizing of some stigmatized “cults” such as the Divine cults is receiving increasing emphasis in alle- Light Mission of Guru Maharaj-Ji (Downton gations of cultist mind control. There appears 1979) appear to be of this latter variety and to to be some tendency to treat deception as a

173 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY functional equivalent to the raw physical coer- Let us examine some issues arising from cion which is used to initially bring individuals Delgado’s formulation. First we need to con- into POW or concentration camps. The absence sider the question of generality. How typical of the physical coercion, which is a defining is Delgado’s account? attribute of classic brainwashing contexts such Let us examine three examples. (1) Firstly, it as POW camps, is thus neutralized as an indi- would be difficult for someone to become cator of voluntariness or lack of coercion. involved with the Hare Krishna sect without The writings of Richard Delgado on cults knowing at the very outset that he had encoun- express succinctly a clear and coherent con- tered a very eccentric and somewhat regimented ception of the crucial role and significance of communal sect. The Krishnas are known to deception of in cultist mind control: solicit funds deceptively, donning wigs and business suits to solicit in airports (Delgado The process by which an individual becomes 1982). Such ruses are employed for the a member of certain cults appears arranged in purpose of soliciting funds – not warm bodies. such a way that knowledge and capacity, the Devotees seem relatively straightforward with classic ingredients of an informed consent, are respect to acknowledging the stringent mem- maintained in an inverse relationship: when bership requirements and they do not place capacity is high, the recruit’s knowledge of intense pressure on marginal hangers-on who the cult and its practices is low; when knowl- attend festivals at the Krishna Temple to edge is high, capacity is reduced. (Delgado become encapsulated in the communal sect.9 8 1980: 28). A six-month screening period allows persons who cannot take the discipline to self-select The potential recruit, attending his first themselves out (Bromley and Shupe 1981). meeting, may possess an unimpaired capacity (2) During the middle 1970s one of the most to make rational choices. “Such persons, if controversial cults in the northeast was the given full information about the cult and their Church of Bible Understanding (COBU), for- future life in it, might well react by leaving. merly the Forever Family.10 Several members For this reason, the cult may choose to keep were deprogrammed and rehabilitated at the secret its identity as a religious organization, Freedom of Thought Foundation in Tucson, the name of its leader or messiah, and the Arizona. Members of this movement wore more onerous conditions of membership until large buttons saying GET SMART GET it perceives that the victim is ‘ready’ to receive SAVED. They would accost one on the streets this information. These details may then be and inquire. “Do you know the Lord?” The parceled out gradually as the newcomer, as author was invited to visit the loft which a large a result of physiological debilitation, guilt number of devotees were occupying. After manipulation, isolation, and peer pressure, “hanging around” the group for a few days, loses the capacity to evaluate them in his ordi- certain properties of the group were rather nary frames of reference” (Delgado 1980: obvious (and, in the opinion of the writer, 28–9). The necessary conditions for volun- would have been readily apparent to anyone). tariness are knowledge and capacity; however, Though not as well-organized as the Krishnas the cult convert “never has full capacity and or “Moonies,” the sect was regimented and knowledge at any given time; one or the other authoritarian. Large numbers of converts lived is always impaired to some degree” (ibid: 29). in decidedly unhygienic conditions in lofts In short, gross deception lures the victim on from which they were later evicted on health to the premises where he is fairly quickly grounds. The members were expected to take relieved of his mental capacity. It is claimed odd jobs and relinquish their pay to the leaders, that by the time the veil of deception drops, who researched and publicized available jobs. the disoriented convert is not in a position to The group focused on the Bible and had take advantage of his knowledge (see also an eccentric exegetical technique of “color Schwartz and Zemel 1980). coding” scriptural passages. Doubtless, there

174 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY were salient aspects of the movement’s lifestyle that period? In the above examples, which and interactional process which escaped the involved very authoritarian communal sects, writer during his brief observation. What is sig- thorough deception as to the nature of the nificant, however, is that a number of rather movement and its internal milieu was not unpleasant aspects of the group were immedi- really accomplished. It seems to be the case, ately apparent. These were not elaborately or however, that some Moonist groups, par- effectively concealed. It would be impossible to ticularly the “Oakland Family” operation at be fooled into thinking that this was a discus- Booneville, California, utilized a greater sion club or a respectable church outreach degree of deception than that experienced by program. Recruits were presumably individuals the writer in New York (Bromley and Shupe who were willing to sacrifice amenities and 1981). But how long does deception last? No “take risks” of various sorts to pursue truth and estimates this writer has heard involve a period salvation. longer than three weeks. The question thus (3) Finally, the writer attended a three-day arises as to whether a person can actually “lose indoctrination workshop sponsored by the capacity” during this period? Conceivably, Unification Church in 1974. There was a there might be methods involving brutality salient element of deception: the link to and torture which could “break” a person in Reverend Sun Myung Moon was not empha- a matter of weeks or even days. But these sized, and the writer was struck by the absence methods are not used. Scheflein and Opton of pictures of the leader of the movement, (1978) argue that cults do not really utilize whom the writer already knew to be an object extreme brainwashing or coercive persuasion of devotion to followers. But other elements of methods: “Some might do so if they could, the workshop were relatively straightforward. but they cannot, for dehumanization is excru- There was not real concealment of the eccen- tiatingly painful. Most people who were not tric “religious” character of the group. Lec- prisoners, or tied to the group by strong tures commenced on the first day and dealt bonds of loyalty, or by lack of anywhere else with the nature and relationship of God and to go, would leave” (ibid: 60).12 man, and other matters derived from church Given the likelihood that unmotivated doctrine. The regimented character of the persons will shun a stringently regimented movement could easily be inferred from the authoritarian milieu, supporters of mind- disciplined and ascetic quality of the workshop; control allegations are heavily dependent upon men and women were separated; participants claims with regard to deception. Yet it is prob- were awakened at 7:00 for calisthenics. There lematic whether deception is as widespread, were 5–8 hours of lectures each day. There was extreme, or significant as the influential clearly a manipulative quality to the workshop, Delgado model suggests. Cultist deception is although it seemed relatively crude and heavy- really a (reprehensible) foot-in-the-door tactic handed.11 But extreme deception entailing con- and cannot plausibly provide the motivation cealment of the basic nature of the group simply for a person to tolerate otherwise objection- did not seem to have been the case. able conditions.13 It does not seem likely that deception in the One additional point is worth noting. The above groups was of sufficient magnitude to Moonist indoctrination center at Booneville, account for the initial involvements of partic- California once utilized deception to a degree ipants. The latter would likely be aware of the which exceeds the manipulation experienced by eccentric, authoritarian, and ascetic aspects of the author at another Moonist indoctrination these groups from the outset. center. As Bromley and Shupe (1981) note, the Another implication of Professor Delgado’s modus operandi of the Unification workshop at analysis needs to be considered. It is clear that Booneville has been generalized by opponents Delgado believes that the pre-convert loses his of cults and by the media to “cults” in general. or her “capacity” during the period in which he Indeed, the pervasive general stereotype of the is denied knowledge, i.e., deceived. How long is deceptive cult which lures unwary youth to

175 THE “BRAINWASHING” CONTROVERSY totalistic communes under false premises is rules. Nevertheless the debate will continue. largely based on the Unification Church, and in The medicalized “mind control” claim articu- particular, its operation at Booneville (Bromley lates a critique of deviant new religions which and Shupe 1981; Robbins and Anthony 1980). not only obviates civil libertarian objections to The overgeneralization of the Booneville social control but also meets the needs of the Moonist modus operandi to contemporary various groups which are threatened by or deviant religious movements in general has antagonistic to cults: mental health profes- been partly a product of fortuitious circum- sionals, whose role in the rehabilitation of stances (Bromley and Shupe 1981) and partly a victims of “destructive cultism” is highlighted; deliberate tactic of anti-cultists (ACLU 1977) parents, whose opposition to cults and will- to exploit the notoriety of the Moon sect. The ingness to forcibly “rescue” cultist progeny allegation of widespread cultist mind control are legitimated; ex-converts, who may find it is thus constructed in part through an over- meaningful and rewarding to reinterpret their generalization of the extreme deceptive prior involvement with stigmatized groups as proselytization of one group.14 basically passive and unmotivated; and clerics, who are concerned to avoid appearing to persecute religious competitors. An anti-cult Conclusion coalition of these groups is possible only if medical and mental health issues are kept in the While the manipulative and heavy-handed forefront (Robbins and Anthony 1982) and if recruitment and indoctrination practices of the medical model is employed in such a way some groups cannot be gainsaid, arguments as to disavow the intent to persecute minority imputing extreme mental coercion, mind beliefs and to stress the psychiatric healing of control, and brainwashing to cultist practices involuntary pathology. tend to depend upon arbitrary premises, defi- As argued above, the debate over whether nitions, and interpretive and epistemological cult devotees are “coerced” via “mind conventions. Arguments in this highly subjec- control” and “psychologically imprisoned” tive area are too often mystifications which will necessarily be inconclusive. To some embellish values and biases with the aura of degree one can choose from an array value-free science and clinical objectivity. ofbrainwashing/coercive/persuasion/ As acknowledged in this essay, there are thought reform models with existential crite- many difficulties and conflicts associated with ria of varying stringency, and, by then select- cults. These conflicts would be legitimate objects ing appropriate background assumptions, of concern even if commitments to troublesome imagery, and epistemological rules, “prove” movements were acknowledged to be voluntary. whatever one wishes. The argument will Rhetorical mystiques about mind control have persist, however, because it articulates an the consequence of implying that cultist “acceptable” indictment of cults which is involvements are involuntary and that devo- arguably compatible with respect for religious tees are not fully capable of making rational liberty, and which avoids a direct confronta- choices. In consequence, these arguments tion with the underlying issue of the limits serve as a rationale for legitimating social of “church autonomy” in the context of the control measures which treat devotees as if increasing diversification of the functions they were mentally incompetent without (e.g., educational, political, healing, commer- formally labeling them as such and without cial) of various kinds of religious groups. applying rigorous criteria of civil commitment Because they use “mind control,” it has been (cf., State of New York 1981). argued that cults can be set apart from The debate over cultist brainwashing will other religious organizations (Delgado 1977), necessarily be inconclusive. The contending which arguably are not threatened by con- parties ground their arguments on differing straints on cults. Medicalization of deviant assumptions, definitions, and epistemological religion compartmentalizes issues involving

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“cults” and obscures some of the underlying numbers of ex-cultists who do not recriminate conflicts and broader implications of conflicts against cults or interpret their experiences in over contemporary movements. A shift of terms of brainwashing in the manner of those focus will be necessary to transcend the incon- embittered deprogrammed apostates whose clusive psychologism of debates over brain- testimonies and allegations have been widely publicized. The absolute contrast of devotees’ washing. Such a shift will not isolate cults as and ex-devotees’ accounts is an appearance a special theoretical compartment but will which arises from the fact that more public reconsider the uneasy general boundary of attention has been focused on a subset of 15 church and state in the 1980s. ex-devotees who have usually been depro- grammed and have become assimilated to an anti-cult subculture or social network Notes (Solomon 1981). 5 Snow et al. (1980) present data comparing The author wishes to thank Dick Anthony, whose Hare Krishna with the less totalistic Nicheren collaboration with the writer over a number of years Shoshu movement, which supports their argu- contributed to the development of perspectives ment. A more recent study of Hare Krishna by which are reflected in this essay. Rochford (1982) came up with somewhat dif- 1Dr. Wolf-Petrusky’s unpublished paper, “The ferent findings. Krishna recruitment patterns Social Construction of the ‘Cult Problem’,” varied from city to city, and overall, there was represents a pioneering formulation, which significant recruitment from social networks. bears some similarities to the present analysis. See Wallis and Bruce (1982) for a conceptual However, the present writer’s analysis of the critique of the “structural availability” concept. construction of anti-cult claims through a 6Interestingly, elderly persons also appear to be priori premises, epistemological rules and def- prime “targets” for cults (see, for example, initional parameters diverges somewhat from ABC-TV’s 20/20 program, November 24, Dr. Wolf-Petrusky’s natural history approach, report on an eternal life cult). Elderly persons, which follows Mauss (1975) more closely. The like young persons, are often poorly integrated present writer has only been slightly influenced into the occupational structure. Such margin- by the earlier work of Dr. Wolf-Petrusky. ality qua “rolelessness” may enhance one’s 2Interestingly, the medical model is less salient susceptibility to the appeals of extraordinary in conflicts over cults in France and West groups. Germany where norms of civil liberties and 7 The concept of “vulnerability” seems to have religious tolerance are weaker and deviant cults an interesting affective connotation, i.e., one can be directly attacked as anti-social and cul- isn’t considered “vulnerable” to something turally subversive (Beckford 1981). positive such as a promotion. The implicit 3A recent survey distributed by anti-cult activists imagery is mildly medicalistic, i.e., a “vulnera- (Conway and Siegleman 1982) of psycho- ble” person is like a weakened organism whose pathological symptoms among ex-converts defenses against germs have been impaired. made no attempt to include “returnees” or ex- 8 See also Delgado (1977, 1982). cultists who had returned to their religious 9 The author conducted preliminary participant groups in their sample. Schwartz and Zemel observation among Hare Krishnas in 1969–70 (1980) suggest that converts’ allegations of in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. A close col- lack of deception in their recruitment are not league and collaborator conducted observation credible because acknowledgment of decep- in Berkeley during 1970–2. tion would be cognitively dissonant with their 10 F. E. Galler, “Inside a New York Cult,” New present fervent belief. The authors do not York Daily News series (Jan. 1–4, 1979). apply a cognitive dissonance argument to the The author briefly observed this group in the claims of recriminating ex-cultists for whom a middle 1970s. lack of deception and manipulation may be 11 For a description of the workshop as observed dissonant with their present disillusionment, by the author, see Robbins et al. (1976). anger, and activism. 12 Some cult critics have acknowledged that it is 4 It is worth noting in this connection that social bonds which “incapacitate” a devotee to several recent studies (Skonovd 1981; Wright leave the group. By the time a neophyte 1983) have indicated that there are substantial Moonie is undeceived as to the identity of the

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group he has joined, he is “bonded” to the dent upon public services). The debate over group and its members one cannot leave “mind control” obscures the linkage between (Edwards 1983). But do we generally con- controversies over cults and other “church sider social bonds to nullify free will, e.g., is autonomy” conflicts. someone who loves his spouse a “prisoner” in his or her marriage? 13 A Superior Court judge in San Francisco References recently issued a 30-page opinion granting summary judgment for the defendants in a case American Civil Liberties Union 1977. Deprogram- in which two former “Moonies” sued the Uni- ming: Documenting the Issue. New York. fication Church for “false imprisonment” Anthony, Dick. Monograph on Cults and Coercist (through mental coercion) and fraud. The ex- Persuasion. In Preparation. converts had initially been deceived as to the Anthony, Dick and Thomas Robbins. 1980. “A identity of the group, and claimed that by the Demonology of Cults.” Inquiry 3, 15: 9–11. time the deception was lifted (after 2–3 weeks) Anthony, Dick, Thomas Robbins, Madalyn Doucas, they had become psychologically dependent and Thomas Curtis. 1977. “Patients and Pil- upon the group and were not capable of grims: Changing attitudes toward psychotherapy choosing to leave voluntarily. The court found of converts to Eastern mystical converts.” that, initial deception notwithstanding, the American Behavorial Scientist 20, 6: 861–86. plaintiffs’ lengthy subsequent involvement Balch, Robert W. 1980 “Looking Behind the with the church was essentially voluntary; Scenes in a Religious Cult.” Sociological Analysis moreover, coercive persuasion without force or 41 (2): 137–43. threat of force was not sufficient to establish Barker, Eileen. 1983. “Resistable Coercion: The actual imprisonment. See Molko and Leal vs. significance of failure rates in conversion and Holy Spirit Association For The Unification of commitment to the Unification Church.” Forth- World Christianity, et al., California Superior coming in D. Anthony, J. Needleman, and T. Court. City and County of San Francisco, Robbins eds. Conversion, Coercion and Commit- Department No. 3, Order No. 769–529. The ment in New Religious Movements. Unpublished. facts of this case, involving both deception and Beckford, James. 1978. “Through The Looking- alleged “coercive persuasion,” closely corre- glass and out the other side: Withdrawal from spond to the model used by Delgado (1982) Reverend Moon’s Unification Church.” Archives in proposing a civil remedy for cultist mind de Sciences des Religions 45 (1): 71–83. control. —— 1979. “Politics and the anticult movement.” 14 See Schwartz and Kaslow (1982) for a descrip- Annual Review of the Social Sciences of Religion 3: tion of a “typical” cultist recruitment scenario, 169–90. which appears in fact to be a description of the —— 1981. “Cults, controversy and control: A com- Notorious Moonist “Camp K” at Booneville, parative analysis of the problems posed by new California; which, in our view, is of limited religious movements in the Federal Republic of generality. Germany and France.” Sociological Analysis 42, 3: 15 It has recently been argued (Robbins 1984a) 249–63. that a general crisis of church and state is —— 1983. “Conversion and apostacy.” Forthcom- emerging in the United States because of three ing in D. Anthony, J. Needleman, and T. Robbins converging factors: (1) the increasing state reg- eds. Conversion, Coercion and Commitment in ulation of “secular” organizations, from which New Religious Movements. Unpublished. “churches” are exempt; (2) the increasing Bromley, David and Anson Shupe. 1981. Strange functional diversification of religious groups Gods: The Great American Cult Hoax. New York: which increasingly perform functions similar to Beacon Press. those of secular organizations; and (3) the Bromley, David, Bruce Busching, and Anson failure of the liberal ideal of providing goods, Shupe. 1983. “The Unification Church and the services, and meanings essential to enhance the American Family: Strain, Conflict and Control.” “quality of life” under state auspices. As reli- In E. Barker ed. New Religious Movements: A gious groups such as evangelicals or cults strive Perspective for Understanding Society: 302–11. to “fill the gap” they increasingly become Coleman, Lee. 1982. “Psychiatry: The Faith embroiled in conflicts with other groups and Breaker.” Pamphlet. institutions (e.g., minorities who feel depen- Conway, Flo and Jim Siegleman. 1982. “Informa-

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tion Disease: Cults have created a new mental zation transformation.” Sociological Analysis 41 illness.” Science Digest 90 (1): 86–92. (2): 109–27. Cuddihy, John M. 1978. No Offense: Civil Religion —— 1982. “Regulating diversified social move- and The Protestant Taste. New York: Seabury ments.” Seminar presentation at the Graduate Press. Theological Union, April. Delgado, Richard. 1977. “Religious Totalism: —— 1983. “The role of out-of-awareness of Gentle and Ungentle persuasion.” Southern influence in the creation of dependence on a California Law Review 51: 1–99. group: An alternative to brainwashing theories.” —— 1978. “Investigating Cults.” New York Times, Forthcoming in D. Anthony, J. Needleman, and Op-ed. (Dec. 27, 1978): A27. T. Robbins, Conversion, Coercion and Commit- —— 1979–80. “Religious Totalism as Slavery.” ment in New Religious Movements. Unpublished. New York University Review of Law and Social Richardson, James and Brock Kilbourne. 1983. Change 9: 51–68. “Classical and contemporary applications of —— 1980. “Limits to Proselytizing.” Society 17 brainwashing models: A comparison and cri- (March/April): 25–32. tique.” In D. Bromley and J. Richardson, —— 1982. “Cults and Conversion: The Case for The Brainwashing–Deprogramming Controversy. Informed Consent” Georgia Law Review 16 (3): Toronto: Mellon. 533–74. Richardson, James, Robert Simmonds, and Mary Downton, James. 1979. Sacred Journeys: The Con- Harder. 1972. “Thought Reform and the Jesus version of Young Americans to the Divine Light Movement.” Youth and Society 4: 185–200. Mission. New York: Columbia University Press. Robbins, Thomas. 1979. “Cults and the therapeu- Edwards, Chris. 1983. “The Nightmare of Cult tic state.” Social Policy 10 (1): 42–6. Life.” Lecture at Central Michigan University, —— 1979–80. “Religious movements, the state January 25. and the law.” New York University Review of Law Frank, Jerome. 1980. Persuasion and Healing. New and Social Change 9 (1): 33–50. York: Schocken. —— 1981. “Church, state and cult.” Sociological Galanter, Marc. 1980. “Psychological Induction Analysis 42 (3): 209–25. Into the Large-group: Findings from a Modern —— 1984a. “Religious Movements and the Religious Sect.” American Journal of Psychiatry Intensification of Church/State Tensions.” 137: (112). Society 21 (4): May/June. Goode, Eric. 1968. “Marijuana and the Politics of —— 1984b. Incivil religions and religious Reality.” Journal of Health and Social Behavior deprogramming. Presented to the Midwest 10: 83–94. Sociological Society, Chicago. Hammond, Phillip. 1981. “Civil Religion and New Robbins, Thomas and Dick Anthony. 1980. “The Movements.” In Robert Bellah and Phillip limits of ‘coercive persuasion’ as an explanation Hammond eds. Varieties of Civil Religion. New for conversion to authoritarian sects.” Political York: Harpers, 1981. Psychology 2 (1): 22–37. Kim, Byong-Suh. 1978. “Deprogramming and —— 1981. “Harrassing cults.” New York Times, Subjective Reality.” Sociological Analysis 40 (3): Op-ed (Oct. 16): A31. 197–208. —— 1982. “Brainwashing, deprogramming and the Lifton, Robert. 1961. Chinese Thought Reform and medicalization of deviant religious groups.” the Psychology of Totalism. New York: Norton. Social Problems 29, 3: 283–97; 2 (2): 22–6. Lofland, John and Norman Skonovd. 1981. “Con- Robbins, Thomas, Dick Anthony, Madalyn Doucas, version Motifs.” Journal for the Scientific Study of and Thomas Curtis. 1976. “The Last Civil Religion 20 (4): 373–85. Religion: Reverend Moon and the Unification Mackey, Aurora. 1983. “The truth about cults.” Teen Church.” Sociological Analysis 37 (2): 111–25. Magazine vol. 27, no. 4 (April): 12–14 and 97. Rochford, E. Burke, Jr. 1982. “Recruitment Mauss, Armand. 1975. Social Problems as Social strategies, ideology and organization in the Hare Movements. Philadelphia: Lippincott. Krishna movement.” Social Problems 29 (4): Ofshe, Richard. 1976. “Synanon: The people’s 399–410. business.” Pp. 116–38 in C. Glock and R. Bellah Rosenzweig, Charles. 1979. “High demand sects: eds. The New Religious Consciousness. Berkeley: Disclosure legislation and the free exercise University of California Press. clause.” New England Law Review 15: 128–59. —— 1980. “The social development of the Sargent, William. 1957, Battle of the Mind. Garden Synanon cult: The managerial strategy of organi- City, NY: Doubleday.

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—— 1961. Battle for the Mind. London: Process of Defection from Religious Totalism. Heinemann. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Scheflein, Alan and Edward Opton. 1978. The California-Davis (sociology). Mind Manipulators. New York: Paddington. Snow, David, Louis Zurcher, and Sheldon Eckland- Schein, Edgar, I. Schneir, and C. H. Barker. 1961. Olsen. 1980. “Social networks and social Coercive Persuasion. New York: Norton. movements.” American Sociological Review 45: Schur, Edwin. 1980. Politics and Deviance. 787–801. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Solomon, Trudy. 1981. “Integrating the Moonie Schwartz, Lita and Natalie Isser. 1981. “Some experience.” Pp. 275–94 in T. Robbins and D. involuntary conversion techniques.” Jewish Social Anthony, In Gods We Trust. Transaction. Studies 43 (1): 1–10. —— 1983. “Programming and deprogramming Schwartz, Lita and Florence Kaslow. 1979. the Moonies.” In D. Bromley and J. Richardson, “Religious cults, the individual, and the family.” The Brainwashing–Deprogramming Controversy. Journal of Marital and Family Therapy 6: 301–8. Toronto: Mellon. —— 1982. “The cult phenomenon: Historical, Somit, Albert. 1968. “Brainwashing.” Pp. 138–43 sociological, and familial factors contributing to in vol. 2 of D. Sills ed. International Encyclope- their development and appeal.” Pp. 3–30 in F. dia of the Social Sciences. New York: Macmillan. Kaslow and M. Sussman eds. Cults and the State of New York. 1981. “An act to amend Family (special double issue of Marriage and the mental hygiene law, in relation to the ap- Family Review 4 (3–4). pointment of temporary guardians.” In assembly, Schwartz, Lita and Jacqueline Zemel. 1980. March 31. “Religious cults: Family concerns and the law.” Stoner, Carroll and Jo Anne Parke. 1977. All Gods Journal of Marital and Family Therapy 6: 301–8. Children: The Cult Experience – Salvation or Shapiro, Eli. 1977. “Destructive cultism.” Slavery. Radnor: Chilton. American Family Physician 15 (2): 80–3. Szasz, Thomas. 1976. “Some call it brainwashing.” Shapiro, Robert. 1978. “Mind control or intensity New Republic (March 9). of faith: The constitutional protection of religious Thomas, W. John. 1981. “Preventing non-profit beliefs.” Harvard Civil Rights–Civil Liberties profiteering: Regulating religious cult employ- Law Review 13: 751–97. ment practices.” Arizona Law Review 23: 1003– —— 1983. “On persons, robots and the constitu- 29. tional protection of religious beliefs.” So. Cal. Underwood, Barbara and Betty Underwood. 1979. Law Review 56 (6): 1277–1318. A shorter Hostage to Heaven. New York: Potter. version of this paper is forthcoming in T. Wallis, Roy and Steve Bruce. 1982. “Network and Robbins, W. Shepherd, and J. McBride, The Law Clockwork.” Sociology 16 (1): 102–7. and the New Religions. Chico, CA: Scholars Press. Wolf-Petrusky, Julie. 1979. “The social construc- Shupe, Anson, Roger Spielmann, and Sam Stigall. tion of the Cult Problem.” Paper presented at the 1978. “Deprogramming: The new exorcism.” annual meetings of the “Association for the Study Pp. 145–60 in J. Richardson ed. Conversion of Religion,” Boston, 1979. Careers. Sage. Wright, Stuart A. 1983. “Post-involvement atti- Shupe, Anson and David Bromlev. 1979. “The tudes of voluntary defectors from controversial Moonies and the anti-cultists: Movement and new religious movements.” Presented to the countermovement in conflict.” Sociological Society for the Scientific Sociology of Religion, Analysis 40: 325–34. Knoxville, TN. —— 1980. The New Vigilantes. Beverley Hills, CA: Zerin, Margery. 1982a. The Pied Piper Phenomenon: Sage. Family Systems and Vulnerability to Cults. Disser- Singer, Margaret. 1978. “Therapy with Ex-Cult tation. The Fielding Institute. Members.” National Association of Private Psy- —— 1982b. Review of F. Kaslow and M. Sussman chiatric Hospitals Journal 9 (4): 14–18. eds. Cults and the Family, 1982, Haworth, pp. —— 1979. “Coming out of the Cults.” Psychology 7–9 in Cultic Studies Newsletter 1 (1). Today 12 (8): 72–82. —— 1982c. “Reply to Dr. Robbins,” Cultic Studies Skonovd, L. Norman. 1981. Apostasy: The Newsletter, forthcoming.

180 VI

Violence and New Religious Movements

Popular awareness of NRMs is probably most At any given time there are many thousands closely associated with a handful of incidents of NRMs operating in the world. Yet only a of mass violence involving “cults” that have tiny handful of these groups has systematically occurred over the last several decades (see reverted to violence to serve its ends, and with table). The controversies surrounding NRMs one exception (Aum Shinrikyo), this violence readily attract media attention, but nothing has been directed primarily at the group’s own matches the negative publicity generated by members. From the scholarly perspective, the episodes of murder–suicide discussed in however, the rarity of these occurrences simply this section of the book. For many today the increases the importance of understanding very word “cult” most quickly calls to mind what went so horribly wrong in these reli- the grisly image of the Branch Davidian com- gions. We must come to grips with the causes pound in Waco, Texas, engulfed in flames at of violence in each case in order to derive the end of the single largest police action in broader principles through comparative analy- US history. For 51 days the FBI lay siege to sis that might help to prevent future tragedies. the compound following the deadly shootout To do this effectively we cannot rest content between the Davidians and the agents of the with vague and alarmist talk of mad and Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms. corrupt cult leaders and brainwashed and As the world watched through daily media helpless followers. There are no “destructive reports, the FBI slowly tightened the noose on cults,” just NRMs that come to be destructive. the Davidians. In the end, 74 “cult” members, In each instance, we now appreciate, the men, women, and children, died in the con- violence stems from a complex interaction of flagration. In the face of the fear and mistrust factors that set a cycle of deviance amplifica- created by such tragic events scholars have tion in place that heightens the possibility of tried to gain an accurate picture of what hap- extreme behavior. But these factors need not pened in each of the episodes of cult-related result in violence, if appropriate measures are violence and to learn about the social and taken. The internal beliefs and practices of psychological processes that precipitated the some NRMs raise the suspicions of the outside violence. world, while simultaneously leading the Contrary to popular suspicions, NRMs are members of these groups to be fearful of not prone to violence (see Melton and and hostile towards the larger society. With Bromley 2002). In fact violent behavior time, interactions based on mutual fear can may well be more rare amongst NRMs than induce a measure of paranoia that takes on the general population – at least in America. a life of its own, severely aggravating the

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Cult tragedies NRM Location and year Number of deaths Research literature Peoples Temple Jonestown, Guyana, 918 (mostly suicide) Hall (1987, 2000a); November 1978 Chidester (1988); Maaga (1998) Branch Davidians Waco, Texas, 80 (murder–suicide) Tabor and Gallagher April 1993 (1995); Wright (1995); Hall (2002) Solar Temple Switzerland, Québec, 53 (murder–suicide); Mayer (1999); and France, 16 (suicide); Introvigne (2000); October 1994, 5 (suicide) Hall and Schuyler December 1995, (2000); March 1997 Introvigne and Mayer (2002) Aum Shinrikyo Tokyo, Japan, 12 (murdered on Lifton (1999); May 1995 subway and 1000s Reader (2000); injured); Hall and Trinh 23 (or more) previous (2000); murders Reader (2002) Heaven’s Gate San Diego, California, 39 (suicide) Hall (2000b); March 1997 Balch and Taylor (2002) Movement for the Uganda, March 2000 780 (murder–suicide) News sources, and Restoration of the Mayer (2001); Ten Commandments Melton and Bromley (2002)

misinterpretations and distrust that mark the committed mass suicide by drinking poison relations between some NRMs and the rest of at their small religious compound, called society (e.g., Dawson 1998, 2002; Richardson Jonestown, deep in the jungle of Guyana, 2001). With informed judgment, however, South America. Earlier in the day some of the agents of social control in our societies can their members had assassinated a US con- break or at least retard this cycle of mounting gressman and several members of his tension and avert its worst consequences (e.g., entourage following their investigative visit to Kliever 1999; Rosenfeld 2000). Jonestown. The Peoples Temple, which had The readings provided in this section of the begun in the 1960s, was a fairly successful new book simply open the door to understanding Christian group dedicated to racial integration some of the incidents of mass violence and the and service to the poor in the United States: interpretive issues they raise. In chapter 12, It was also, however, very much under the “The Apocalypse at Jonestown,” John Hall control of its creator, the highly charismatic provides us with an excellent case study of the and rather unstable Reverend Jim Jones. The first and still the largest instance of cult-related church espoused an unusual blend of socialist violence in modern times. In November of and apocalyptic beliefs, mixed with the often 1978, 913 members of the Peoples Temple extreme and sometimes illegal aspirations and

182 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS actions of its leader. In the wake of some nega- fessional couples, with French-speaking and tive publicity Jones had built Jonestown in predominantly Catholic backgrounds, in Guyana to escape persecution by his enemies, Europe and Québec. Yet, in the end, their both real and perceived. He and his followers fates were much the same. sought to fashion a religious utopia free from The Solar Temple was a small but very pros- outside interference. But their troubles, both perous group, founded in Switzerland, that within and without the organization, only believed itself to be the contemporary embod- worsened with the move and tragedy soon iment of a long mystical and esoteric tradition ensued. within Christianity. They claimed to be the Hall’s chapter provides an overview of every spiritual descendants of the Knights Templar, aspect of this movement, its history and a wealthy medieval order of warrior monks nature, its accomplishments and failings, as whose members were ultimately convicted of well as the precise circumstances of its violent heresy and burned to death by the Catholic demise. His analysis pinpoints some of the Church. They infused this mystical tradition “necessary preconditions” for the group’s self- with other ideas drawn from New Age destruction in terms of six internal features of philosophies, homeopathic systems of healing, the group. He argues, however, that its violent and prophecies of ecological doom. In the end depended more on the impact of three year or so prior to its demise the group had additional “precipitating factors” born of the experienced internal turmoil and attracted efforts of the group’s opponents (i.e., some some negative publicity. But no one foresaw of the relatives of members and some the ritual death of 53 of its members in three ex-members). Many other groups share the different locations over the course of one day preconditions he delineates for the Peoples in October of 1994. Why the deaths happened Temple, but they have never contemplated remains more obscure than in the case of undertaking an act of “revolutionary suicide.” the Peoples Temple. But as Mayer’s analysis In the face of perceived persecution, the reveals, these deaths were carefully planned people of Jonestown rehearsed their collective and justified in terms of the ideology of the suicide. Through Hall’s careful and complete group. His essay provides a detailed account analysis we can begin to understand how “the of the nature and history of the group, as well souls that Jones had lifted to a new self-respect as the events leading up to the tragedy. He and vision of hope could decide that it was uses the statements that the leaders of the better to die for their beliefs, and with their group left behind to provide insight into the community, than to stand by and witness the worldview of the Solar Temple, documenting defeat of their dreams and the destruction of their seemingly sincere belief that their deaths their new extended family” (Dawson 1998: were only a “transit” to a higher plane of exis- 156). tence, and in service of a greater purpose to In chapter 13, “ ‘Our Terrestrial Journey is which they had dedicated their lives. Whatever Coming to an End’: The Last Voyage of our own lack of comprehension or sheer skep- the Solar Temple,” Jean-François Mayer pro- ticism of this purpose, it is telling that some vides another excellent case study, this time of remaining members later repeated the ritual the Solar Temple. The Solar Temple and the suicide twice in order to join their departed Peoples Temple were markedly different colleagues. If nothing else, it is clear that the groups. The latter, for example, drew most of bonds forged in the Solar Temple were its members from the underprivileged blacks remarkably strong. of America’s inner cities, though the organi- With some insight into at least two of the zation was led by a coterie of middle-class, episodes of mass violence involving NRMs in relatively young, well educated, and disaf- hand, readers may wish to consult a few of the fected white women. The former group, in efforts made to isolate a set of common factors contrast, drew its members from the middle facilitating the turn to violence in NRMs. to the upper classes, from middle-aged pro- The onset of violence is influenced by both

183 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS external and internal factors, working in dif- Religion and Violence. Cambridge: Cambridge ferent combinations in each of the cases. In a University Press, 209–28. well-known initial analysis Thomas Robbins Bromley, David G. 2002: Dramatic Denouements. and Dick Anthony (1995) concentrate on In D. G. Bromley and J. G. Melton (eds.), Cults, three crucial endogenous variables: (1) a Religion and Violence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 11–41. strong commitment to apocalyptic belief Chidester, David 1998: Salvation and Suicide: An systems and millennial visions of the imminent Interpretation of Jim Jones, the Peoples Temple, end of the world; (2) a strong investment in and Jonestown. Bloomington: Indiana University charismatic, and even more messianic, forms Press. of leadership; and (3) becoming socially Dawson, Lorne L. 1998: Comprehending Cults: The isolated and encapsulated. Each of these con- Sociology of New Religious Movements. Toronto: ditions has unanticipated behavioral conse- Oxford University Press. quences that support the eventual legitimation —— 2002: Crises of Charismatic Legitimacy and of acts of violence. But no one of these factors Violent Behavior in New Religious Movements. is sufficient to foster the violence, since they In D. G. Bromley and J. G. Melton (eds.), Cults, Religion and Violence. Cambridge: Cambridge are shared by many other nonviolent religious University Press, 80–101. groups as well. These are necessary factors for Hall, John R. 1987: Gone From the Promised Land: the emergence of violence. It is their com- Jonestown in American Cultural History. New bined effect, however, that can be lethal, espe- Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books. cially for groups who sense that their mission —— 2000a: Apocalypse Observed: Religious Move- has failed or that they are being persecuted. ments and Violence in North America, Europe, These ideas have been developed further by and Japan. New York: Routledge. Robbins and Anthony (e.g., Anthony and —— 2000b: Finding Heaven’s Gate. In J. R. Hall, Robbins 1997; Robbins 2002) and others Apocalypse Observed: Religious Movements and (Dawson 1998, 2002), and David Bromley Violence in North America, Europe, and Japan. (2002) provides a sophisticated overview of New York: Routledge, 149–82. —— 2002: Mass Suicide and the Branch Davidians. the social dynamic by which “cults” descend In D. G. Bromley and J. G. Melton (eds.), Cults, into violence, tracing the ways in which rela- Religion and Violence. Cambridge: Cambridge tively minor sources of conflict or latent ten- University Press, 149–69. sions escalate into situations where either a —— and Philip Schuyler 2000: The Mystical Apoc- religious movement or some segment of the alypse of the Solar Temple. In J. R. Hall, Apoca- dominant social order think that “the lypse Observed: Religious Movements and Violence requisite conditions for maintaining their in North America, Europe, and Japan. New York: core identity and collective existence are being Routledge, 111–48. subverted” and that the only tolerable —— and Sylvaine Trinh 2000: The Violent Path response is “a project of final reckoning” to of Aum Shinrikyo. In J. R. Hall, Apocalypse Observed: Religious Movements and Violence in restore “what they avow to be the appropriate North America, Europe, and Japan. New York: moral order” (Bromley 2002: 11). Routledge, 76–110. Introvigne, Massimo 2000: The Magic of Death: The Suicides of the Solar Temple. In C. Wessinger (ed.), Millennialism, Persecution, and Violence. References Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 138–57. Introvigne, Massimo and Jean-François Mayer Anthony, Dick and Thomas Robbins 1997: Reli- 2002: Occult Masters and the Temple of Doom: gious Totalism, Exemplary Dualism and the Waco The Fiery End of the Solar Temple. In D. G. Tragedy. In T. Robbins and S. Palmer (eds.), Bromley and J. G. Melton (eds.), Cults, Religion Millennium, Messiahs, and Mayhem. New York: and Violence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Routledge, 261–81. Press, 170–88. Balch, Robert W. and David Taylor 2002: Making Kliever, Lonnie 1999: Meeting God in Garland: A Sense of the Heaven’s Gate Suicides. In D. G. Model of Religious Tolerance. Nova Religio 3 Bromley and J. Gordon Melton (eds.), Cults, (1): 45–53.

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Lifton, Robert Jay 1999: Destroying the World to Richardson, James T. 2001: Minority Religions Save It: Aum Shinrikyo, Apocalyptic Violence, and and the Context of Violence: A Conflict/ the New Global Terrorism. New York: Henry Interactionist Perspective. Terrorism and Holt. Political Violence 13 (1): 103–33. Maaga, Mary McCormich 1998: Hearing the Voices Robbins, Thomas 2002: Sources of Volatility in of Jonestown. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Religious Movements. In D. G. Bromley and Press. J. G. Melton (eds.), Cults, Religion and Mayer, Jean-François 1999: “Our Terrestrial Violence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Journey is Coming to an End”: The Last Voyage Press, 57–79. of the Solar Temple.” Nova Religio 2: 172–96 Robbins, Thomas and Dick Anthony 1995: Sects (chapter 13, this volume). and Violence: Factors Enhancing the Volatility of —— 2001: Field Notes: The Movement for the Marginal Religious Movements. In S. Wright Restoration of the Ten Commandments of God. (ed.), Armageddon in Waco. Chicago, IL: Uni- Nova Religio 5 (1): 203–10. versity of Chicago Press, 236–59. Melton, Gordon J. and David G. Bromley 2002: Rosenfeld, Jean E. 2000: The Justus Freemen Challenging Misconceptions about the New Standoff: The Importance of the Analysis of Religions–Violence Connection. In D. G. Religion in Avoiding Violent Outcomes. In C. Bromley and J. G. Melton (eds.), Cults, Religion Wessinger (ed.), Millennialism, Persecution, and and Violence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Violence. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, Press, 42–56. 323–44. Reader, Ian 2000: Religious Violence in Contempo- Tabor, James and Eugene Gallagher 1995: Why rary Japan: The Case of Aum Shinrikyo. Hon- Waco? Berkeley: University of California olulu: University of Hawaii Press. Press. —— 2002: Dramatic Confrontations: Aum Shin- Wright, Stuart (ed.), 1995: Armageddon in Waco: rikyo Against the World. In D. G. Bromley and Critical Perspectives on the Branch Davidian J. G. Melton (eds.), Cults, Religion and Violence. Conflict. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 189– Press. 208.

185 CHAPTER TWELVE

The Apocalypse at Jonestown

JOHN R. HALL

Two years to the day after the 19 April 1993 and four other people – three newsmen and a conflagration at the Branch Davidians’ Mount young defector – were murdered at an airstrip Carmel compound near Waco, Texas, a bomb several miles from Jonestown as they prepared destroyed the federal building in Oklahoma to depart with more than a dozen defectors City, Oklahoma, killing at least 167 people that the visitors had brought out of the jungle and injuring hundreds more. Two years after utopian community. While this carnage that, in April 1997, jury selection finally began unfolded, back at Jonestown, the Temple’s in the trial of Timothy McVeigh, the man white charismatic leader, Jim Jones, orches- eventually convicted of the bombing. Antici- trated a “revolutionary suicide” where the pating the upcoming trial, the New Yorker members of the agricultural community – magazine’s “Talk of the Town” section led mostly black, some white – drank a deadly with a piece where Scott Malcomson (1997) potion of Fla-Vor Aid laced with poison. recounted his visit to “Elohim City,” a dirt- Counting the murders at the airstrip, 918 poor white-separatist Christian fundamentalist people died.1 community in the Ozarks. Over supper after Well before Timothy McVeigh’s trial, church on Sunday, the sect’s founder, Robert “Jonestown” had become so infamous as the G. Millar, mentioned to Malcomson that he ultimate “cult” nightmare that Malcomson had met a Pastor Jones in the 1950s, “a good could invoke the mere name of its leader as a pastor,” he called him. Did the New Yorker chilling conclusion to his story about an iso- writer remember Jones? “Oh yes, the man in lated, radically anti-establishment religious Guyana,” Malcomson replied, ending his community of true believers. In his short, piece, “Yes, I remembered him.” sophisticated New Yorker report, Malcomson Thus readers encountered yet another allu- symbolically aligned Waco, the Oklahoma City sion to the first mass suicide in modern times. bombing, and Jonestown with the racist sur- Jonestown was the communal settlement vivalist sect he had visited, all without saying founded by Peoples Temple in the small, poor, much of substance about any of these socialist country of Guyana, on the Caribbean episodes. He offered no reflection on even the coast of South America. On 17 November most immediately intriguing question raised 1978, a congressman from California, Leo by Elohim leader Robert Millar’s mention of Ryan, arrived there on an investigative expe- Jim Jones: why was a right-wing racist funda- dition, accompanied by journalists and some mentalist praising the founder of Peoples sect opponents who called themselves the Temple, a left-wing religious movement dedi- “Concerned Relatives.” The next day, Ryan cated to racial integration?

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The power of Malcomson’s piece hinges on along with other factors that may have con- the mention of Jim Jones, but the rhetorical tributed to the outcome of murder and mass form of this mentioning depends on gloss- suicide. ing any understanding of what happened at In the absence of this analysis, Jonestown Jonestown. Instead, it plays to a generalized becomes, as Roland Barthes wrote of myths collective memory that has enshrined Jones in more generally, “a story at once true and popular culture as the image incarnate of the unreal” (Barthes 1972: 128). In this case, the Antichrist, and Peoples Temple as the paragon story is one of a sick and fiendish man who of the religious “cult.’ Fed by a flood of news plotted the deaths of those who would expose articles, a film, a television docudrama, more his sham community, capping the murder than twenty books, and countless oblique allu- of opponents with the ritualized ceremonial sions, this collective memory now floats free murder of followers, many of them perhaps from what, in a simpler era, historians liked to well-intentioned, but too naive or powerless think of as facts. But when we search for the to break the hold of Jim Jones, a man sources of this memory, they trace back to the sufficiently obsessed with his orchestration of “Concerned Relatives,” the organization that events to die of an apparently self-inflicted had opposed Peoples Temple in the first place, gunshot to the head. and to the representatives of the media whom Treatment of Peoples Temple as the cultus the Temple opponents drew into the ill-fated classicus headed by Jim Jones, psychotic journey to Jonestown. After the murders and megalomaniac par excellence drifts on a sea of mass suicide, the Concerned Relatives became memory, only loosely tied to any moorings of the outsiders with the most knowledge about history. Still, like other myths that maintain a group that had carried out an appalling their power, the one signified by “Jonestown” act of mass suicide. Indeed, because the Con- must be culturally powerful, and perhaps even cerned Relatives had consistently sought to necessary, for it remains evocative even today. raise the alarm against Peoples Temple before In Barthes’s terms, the power of Jonestown is 18 November 1978, they could take the mass the power of the unreal to offer a meaningful suicide as a sad validation of their concerns. narrative of an event that is otherwise difficult But by the same token, popular ac- to reconcile with the world as we understand counts of Jonestown depended heavily on the it. The myth of Jonestown has a long half-life accounts of the Concerned Relatives, and because it serves vital needs not to understand these accounts tended to suppress a crucial the murders and mass suicide historically. In question. Did the actions of the Concerned effect, the myth of Jonestown displaces his- Relatives and the media in any way contribute tory by suppressing alternative narratives that to the grisly outcome of events in which they might debunk ideology. Only when this were not only observers, but also participants? ideological lens is broken can we search for Given the tragic deaths, the cultural oppo- historical explanations. nents had a vital interest in denying that their Devil, psychopath, con artist, Antichrist, actions had any consequences. This interest Jim Jones was also a discomforting critic of may help account for their consistent promo- American society, embraced by followers as a tion of a doctrine of cult essentialism, whereby prophet, redeemer, and friend. His strongest the dynamics of religious movements are countercultural images borrowed old Protes- treated as wholly internal, and unaffected by tant ideas about the Church of Rome as the interaction with the wider social world. Such whore of Babylon, ideas that themselves an analysis would free the cultural opponents come from deeper apocalyptic wellsprings of and the media from any responsibility for Western thought. But Jones transmuted these incidents of religious-movement violence. But ideas into a new religious dispensation: of the precisely because the proponents of cult essen- United States as Babylon, the Apocalypse as tialism themselves participated in the events, it race and class warfare that would engulf a is important to give their actions consideration society trapped in its own hypocrisy. An

187 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS unrelenting iconoclast, Jones sought to forge more complex than the caricature of him, a militant movement of people committed to and Peoples Temple was both utopia and the vision of a utopian alternative to a racist, anti-utopia. “Jonestown” was the disastrous class-dominated, imperialist society. Peoples outcome of a protracted conflict between Temple thus carried a double onus: it was a Peoples Temple and a loosely institutionalized countercultural communal group and a mili- but increasingly effective coalition of oppo- tant anti-American social movement. nents. But the myth of Jonestown has had Communalism per se has long been viewed consequences of its own. It did not simply as a way of life alien to mainstream America. arise after apocalyptic history. It has con- Legitimate organizations such as religious tributed to apocalyptic history. orders and the military may rightly require submission to collective authority, but in public discourse, the collectivism of counter- Jim Jones and the Origins of cultural organizations flies in the face of the Peoples Temple dominant American ideology that embraces capitalism, individualism, and the nuclear Peoples Temple began, like many American family, and it is thus vulnerable to becoming religious groups, in the mind of a self-styled coded as antidemocratic and subversive (cf. prophet. James Warren Jones was born in Alexander and Smith 1993). east central Indiana in the time of the Great Like other religious social movements, Depression on 13 May 1931. The only child Peoples Temple practiced a communal so- of poor white working parents (his mother was cialism. Yet unlike most countercultural later rumored to have Indian ancestors), Jones hippie communes and utopian communal grew up with a strong sense of resentment groups of the 1960s and early 1970s, Peoples toward people of wealth, status, and privilege. Temple located its communalism in a leftist Exposed as a child to a variety of Protestant political vein of crude communism. Jones churches – from the mainstream Methodists simultaneously evoked apocalyptic imagery to the pacifist Quakers and the holiness- that appealed to members of his audience movement Nazarenes – Jones found himself steeped in the codes of religious rhetoric, and especially impressed by the religious enthusi- used the political language of class and race to asm, revival-style worship, and speaking in amplify latent resentment among those drawn tongues that he encountered in the fellowship to his cause. By this dual strategy, he forged a of the then-marginal Pentecostalists, where he religious radicalism that attracted true believ- later described finding a “setting of freedom ers to a movement framed in militant opposi- of emotion.” tion to American capitalist society. Because During his high school years Jim Jones Jones so sharply opposed the predominant preached on the streets in a factory neighbor- ideology, that ideology requires that his move- hood of Richmond, Indiana, to an audience ment and its demise be misunderstood. of both whites and blacks. In the summer of The Jonestown myth can be deconstructed 1949, he married Marceline Baldwin, a young if we ask a straightforward question: “why nurse from a Richmond family of Methodists did the murders and mass suicide occur?” To and Republicans. Marcie was shocked, Jim answer this question without recourse to the later recounted, when he revealed the views lens of ideology brings into view a complex that he seems to have taken from his mother, relationship between Peoples Temple and namely his sympathies with political commu- the established social order. As we will see, the nism and his disdain for the “sky god.” carnage in Guyana was not simply the product In 1951 Jim and Marcie Jones moved to of the politically infused apocalyptic mentality Indianapolis. Although Jim Jones was barely that took hold within Peoples Temple. Nor twenty years old at the time, he quickly can it be explained as wholly the result of Jim became a preacher and created a volatile mix Jones’s demented manipulations. Jones was of theology and practice. Exposed variously to

188 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS the Methodists’ liberal social creed, commu- corporate vehicle of what was later named nist ideology, and the broadly apocalyptic Peoples Temple. vision of the Pentecostalists, Jones would In his ministry, Jones extended the always- promote racial integration and a veiled com- strong Pentecostalist ethic of a caring com- munist philosophy within a Pentecostal frame- munity toward racial integration, and he work that emphasized gifts of the spirit, initiated urban ministry programs more especially faith healing and the “discerning” of typically associated with the social gospel spirits. He displayed a knack for preaching, of progressive middle-class Protestant denom- and he learned some tricks already in use in inations like the Methodists. Peoples Temple the mid-South Pentecostal revival circuit: how became a racially integrated self-help commu- to convince audiences of his abilities in matters nity of believers in practical service under the of “discernment” and faith healing by sleights umbrella of a church. Out of this unlikely of hand, spying, and fakery. Jones was hardly amalgamation of disparate ideas and practices, the first faith healer on the circuit to cause Jones gradually built the church into a com- elderly ladies confined too wheel-chairs to munalistic social movement. Beginning as a rise up and walk again, though he may have somewhat unconventional preacher, he been the first to come up with the idea of increasingly took on the mantle of a prophet having a perfectly sound leg bone placed in a who warned of an impending capitalist apoc- plaster cast so that it could be removed after alypse and worked to establish a socialist a faith healing. Yet for all the deceit, some promised land for those who heeded his followers swore that the young minister had message. the gift of healing, and independent observers The movement grew up around the Jones later acknowledged that hokum aside, Jones family itself. Already by 1952 Jim and Marcie could produce results with a person whose had adopted a ten-year-old girl. Then in 1955, condition “had no major physiological they capitalized on Marcie’s nursing experi- basis.” ence, bringing an older follower to live in On the grounds of his religious chicanery their own home, thereby establishing a alone, Jones would have been hard to distin- nursing home under a formula whereby their guish from other self-styled Pentecostalist ever-widening family could be supported in faith healers of his day. But the audiences part by cash payments from outside. In the attracted by Jones’s gifts of the spirit encoun- late 1950s the couple adopted children who tered something far different from other tent- had been orphaned by the Korean War, initi- camp evangelists and small-time preachers ating what they would call their multi-ethnic who operated in the mid-South. “rainbow family.” Two years after the birth of Organizationally, Jones started in Indi- their natural son Stephan Gandhi Jones in anapolis with a small church called Commu- 1959, the Joneses became the first white nity Unity. His first important break came couple in Indianapolis, and perhaps in the when visitors from the Pentecostalist Laurel state of Indiana, to adopt a black child. At the Street Tabernacle in Indianapolis took in his time, when the civil rights movement was just services following a successful revival appear- gaining steam in the US, Jones remarked, ance that he had made in Detroit, Michigan. “Integration is a more personal thing with me In September 1954 some of the visitors in- now. it’s a question of my son’s future.” vited Jones to preach at Laurel Street. Jones For all the dynamism of Jones’s early family- created a stir by bringing blacks to the service centered ministry, however, he was hardly of the racially segregated church, but after his original in developing strategies, practices, preaching and healing performance a substan- and organizational forms. Instead, Jones was tial segment of the Tabernacle voted with their something of a living syncretist sponge who feet, leaving their congregation in order to could absorb ideas, people, and their energies walk with Jones. Together, on 4 April 1955, from the most diverse sources into the devel- they established Wings of Deliverance, the opment of his organization.

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Most importantly, Jones connected to the the years, he would vacillate between operat- legacy of blacks’s search for redemption in the ing an urban human-service ministry akin to United States. Several times in the late 1950s, Divine’s peace missions and establishing an he visited the Philadelphia Peace Mission of exurban settlement in California not unlike the American black preacher Father M. J. the black messiah’s upstate New York com- Divine, who, in the 1920s and 1930s, had munities. But Jones’s mission eventually established himself at the center of a racially took a more radical direction: emigration to integrated religious and economic community. escape the degradation of racism and class Father Divine himself stood in a long tradition inequality in the United States. Again of “black messiahs” who promoted migra- borrowing from Divine, the community tion from the Old South Black Belt after the that Peoples Temple founded in Guyana – American Civil War. The cultural sources are Jonestown – would sometimes be called the even deeper, going back to the time of slavery, Promised Land. and from it, to cultural memories drawn from In the 1950s and 1960s, Jones shaped the Bible. “The rhetoric of this migration” Peoples Temple in Indianapolis as an extended from the South, as James Diggs has noted, family that offered the shelter of communal “was often reminiscent of antebellum Black fellowship from an uncertain world beyond. nationalism, with its talk of escape from the Like Divine, Jones worked to develop Peoples land of bondage and quest for a promised Temple as an agent of social action, establish- land” (quoted in Moses 1982: 135). Like the ing care homes for the elderly, running a free biblical Jews under Moses, nineteenth-century restaurant to feed the hungry, and maintain- black ministers had sometimes portrayed the ing a social service center to help people get collective suffering of their people and their their lives back together. In time, the uncon- quest for redemption as part of a higher reli- ventional congregation attracted the notice of gious purpose to history. Collective migration the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ), could serve as a vehicle to this purpose, for which had long been committed to a social example, in the departure of “exodusters” ministry. By 1960, Peoples Temple had affili- from the South to settle in Oklahoma and ated with the Disciples, and in 1964 Jones was Kansas during the latter part of the nineteenth officially ordained a minister. century. In the early twentieth century, Peoples Temple thrived in Indianapolis, Marcus Garvey took up the theme anew with but it also gained a certain notoriety. Jones his back-to-Africa movement (which never was more political than Father Divine, and he repatriated a single US black to Africa while seemed to go out of his way to precipitate Garvey operated in the US). And then there public controversies, seizing on opportunities was Father Divine. During the 1930s, he to dramatize how racial segregation in Indi- dabbled with the Communist Party but, anapolis extended even to its hospitals and its more centrally, he relocated the destination cemeteries. Indianapolis was not a progressive of back-to-Africa dreams by setting up his place and bitter resistance to integration sur- peace missions in major Eastern US cities and faced in some quarters. By publicly challeng- establishing “The Promised Land” – rural, ing segregationist policies from the 1950s interracial cooperative communities – in onwards, Jones enhanced his own status as a upstate New York (Weisbrot 1983). civil-rights leader. Seeing the benefit of having Jim Jones borrowed much from the Peace reactionary opponents, he also sometimes Mission model (and stole some of its mem- staged incidents which made him, his family, bers). Like Father Divine, he took to a patri- and his church look like the targets of racist archal style of organization, with himself at the hate crimes. Nonetheless, some of the harass- center, surrounded by a staff that included a ment was real, and Jones does not seem to heavy concentration of attractive, white have held up well under the pressure. In the women. Like Divine, Jones took to being face of the public tensions, his doctor hospi- called “Father,” or sometimes, “Dad.” Over talized him for an ulcer during the fall of

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1961. After his release, Jones began to seek a buses to carry followers to church functions way out of Indianapolis. Leaving his congre- attended by thousands of people. gation in the care of associate pastors, he and his family visited British Guiana (Guyana The corporation of people before independence from colonial rule), and then lived for two years in Brazil. The care homes, like many other Temple enterprises, worked to the benefit of the orga- nization in multiple ways. Like private-sector California Heyday operators, the Temple was able to use care- payment income to leverage real estate Even as Jones returned to Indianapolis in investments that expanded the care-home 1964, he already was laying the groundwork operations and increased the property hold- for a collective migration by his most com- ings of the organization. It could also use the mitted followers. Tired of racial intolerance in care homes to employ Temple members. In Indiana and citing fears of nuclear holocaust, turn, because people were willing to work in the summer of 1965 they moved to the so hard for “the Cause,” the homes produced hamlet of Redwood Valley, near the quiet substantial profits. The Temple treated these northern California town of Ukiah, in the profits as organizational income rather than Russian River valley. About seventy the income of individual operators, but it families, half white, half black, made the neglected to pay taxes, even though the journey. money would have been considered “unre- The congregation established itself slowly, lated business income” falling outside the comprising only 168 adult members by 1968. “nonprofit religious organization” tax-exempt In 1969 the Temple completed its own church category of the Internal Revenue Service. building, enclosing a swimming pool they had Beyond the strictly financial benefits, the care- previously built on the Joneses’ land just south home operations became the nucleus for of Redwood Valley. But Jim Jones failed to promoting a collective life and communal make much headway in drawing converts orientation more widely among followers. The from the various apostolic fundamentalist con- people served by the care homes were more gregations in the Ukiah area, and he became than clients; they participated as active increasingly matter-of-fact in discussing members of the movement itself. secular socialism with his own congregation. By its heyday in the mid-1970s, the Temple He also pointedly criticized black ministers had established multiple streams of income, still promoting spiritualistic theologies of from petty church fundraisers and offerings at heavenly compensation for suffering during services, to a radio ministry, the care homes, life, proposing to replace it with an alternative and the salaries, social security checks, and real model: the activist church as social movement. estate donated by members who “went com- On this platform Peoples Temple gradually munal.” The money added up. After the mass attracted a wide range of people: working suicide in 1978, a court-appointed receiver and middle-class blacks, hippies, socially con- was able to consolidate $10 million of Temple cerned progressive professionals, fundamen- assets, even though he couldn’t recover all the talist Christians, former tenant farmers from defunct organization’s holdings. Before the the South, political activists and militants, disastrous end, Jones had once said, “I have street people, delinquents, and the elderly. made the poor rich.” But this isn’t quite right. These diverse sources fed an organization that If the value of the receiver’s Temple assets began to grow rapidly. In the early 1970s, the were allocated among the 913 members who Temple established a “human services” min- died in Guyana, it would have come to around istry of “care” homes for juveniles and the $12,000 per person, less if allocated among elderly, set up churches in San Francisco and the total number of Temple members. The Los Angeles, and began operating a fleet of Temple thrived on the basis of expanding

191 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS real-estate investments, a care-home business Social control and the social monitoring largely supported by state welfare payments, required to prevent “freeriders” who fail to do economies of scale of communal consump- their share are issues faced by all organizations tion, the labor of committed members sup- of any significant size, from corporations ported by the group, and a whole host of stores, schools, and monasteries, to mental evangelical fundraising techniques. But no one hospitals, prisons, and armies (Hechter 1987). got rich. Effectively, Jones forged a collective But in most organizations, procedures of organization that was wealthier than the sum monitoring and control tend to be legitimated of its individual parts. by legal authority, contract, or long- Peoples Temple was devoted to some dis- established convention. By contrast, counter- tinctly anti-establishment ends, but the success cultural communal organizations face more of the operation largely depended on disarm- formidable issues of control, because they are ingly conventional means, from the petty quasi-familial yet voluntary groups with much fundraisers to corporate entrepreneurship, weaker capacities to claim authority over their rationalized methods of administration that members. served a large membership, and active coordi- Historically, the most successful communal nation with external organizations such as groups have promoted solidarity and commit- welfare agencies and the Social Security ment through practices such as wearing Administration. On the whole, the Temple uniforms, sharing a communal table, regulat- avoided the sorts of shady practices that some- ing sexual relationships, and monitoring times have plagued both evangelical religious members’ behavior through techniques such organizations and the care-home industry. as confession (Kanter 1972). Among the wide Just as clearly, the group sometimes operated variety of communal groups, ones with apoc- outside the law, certainly in failing to report alyptic orientations have a particularly strong care-home income, and perhaps in its transfers basis to legitimate their demands for members’ of assets to off-shore bank accounts. Yet at commitment, for they frame their existence in least the quest for profits through tax avoid- relation to a society at large construed as the ance and off-shore banking share an under- embodiment of evil (Hall 1988). In such sects, standable rationale with more legitimate the “end of the world” is taken as a central organizations that engage in similar practices. tenet. But the content of collective demands on members depends on how the apocalyptic group construes its position in relation to The collectivist reformation the end times ...A key issue concerns Where Peoples Temple deviated much more whether the group locates itself before or after dramatically from conventional social practice the end of the current epoch. Before the dawn was in its members’ high rates of tithing, of the new era, a pre-apocalyptic “warring unsalaried labor, and donation of real and per- sect” will exhibit a high degree of solidarity in sonal assets. In turn, these differences were pursuing the battle of Armageddon, that last part of a more profound difference: replacing and decisive struggle between the forces of individualism and the family unit with the good and evil. On the other hand, a post- communal equation of an organization that apocalyptic “other-worldly sect” detaches pooled the economic resources of its most itself from the evil society held to be in its last highly committed members, and in return, days, retreating to an isolated heaven-on-earth offered them economic security, an extended where the time of this world is treated as part collectivist “family,” and the opportunity to of the past (Hall 1978). participate in a politically meaningful social In these terms, Jim Jones sometimes cause larger than themselves. Balancing that invoked other-worldly images of Peoples equation, the Temple demanded commit- Temple as an ark of survival, but during its ment, discipline, and individual submission to California years the Temple had higher stakes collective authority. of commitment than the typical other-worldly

192 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS sect. This was, first, because it operated in distribution of relatively equal benefits of urban and small-town settings where control group life. In turn, by giving the broad base was not enhanced by physical isolation, and of participants a stake in the organization, second, because religious rhetoric masked a Peoples Temple created a broad interest in supposedly secret political antagonism toward maintaining social control (cf. Hall 1988). the established order signaled by the Temple’s The leadership was able to consolidate a per- posture of alignment with political commu- vasive apparatus of monitoring in which rank- nism. Thus, an odd juxtaposition emerged: and-file participants provided information Peoples Temple developed its regime of social on their own and others’ personal problems, control within the framework of an organiza- sexual conduct, social relationships, degree of tion that had the external appearance of a commitment to the Temple, and deviant or conventional church. Internally, however, criminal activities. In turn, Temple staff used control increasingly operated in ways more this information for collective intervention in often found in militant political movements individuals’ lives and their social relationships. and clandestine warring sects. They conducted individual and group coun- Authority ultimately derived from the careful seling sessions, and they held public meetings legitimation of Jim Jones’s proclaimed charis- for “catharsis,” where Jim Jones sometimes matic mission as a socialist prophet. In practi- publicly humiliated backsliders and asked cal terms, he enhanced his position by staging the assembled populace to determine punish- demonstrations of his paranormal powers and ments that included paddlings and boxing cultivating a network of personal relationships matches for wrongdoers. The assembled col- that was sometimes tinged with sexual domi- lective itself participated in the practices that nation of both women and men. Jim Jones was sustained organizational authority. bisexual, and sex became something like a cur- Many of the Temple techniques of moni- rency that he used, supposedly, “for the cause.” toring, counseling, and social control were With it, Jones gave some people intimacy and borrowed from the wider society. But there controlled or humiliated others. The first off- was a critical difference: however pervasive the spring of his sexual unions was Stephan, the webs of social control in society at large, they child born in Indiana in 1959 to his legal wife do not become consolidated in a single appa- Marcie. In California, Jones fathered Carolyn ratus. Peoples Temple, on the other hand, Layton’s son Kimo Prokes, and he was widely amalgamated control in the hierarchy of a believed to be the father of John Victor Stoen, total institution that enveloped its participants born in 1972 to Grace Stoen, wife of Temple in a single web of surveillance, even though attorney Tim Stoen. many Temple members freely participated in Beyond social control based on personal the wider world through school and jobs. As relationships and charismatic projection, the in any social order, the burden of this regime Temple adopted practices derived from wider fell more heavily on the less committed than cultural sources: first, pseudo-Pentecostalist on loyal members who followed the rules. practices of “discernment” that Jones trans- From inside the Temple, monitoring, cathar- formed into a vehicle of intelligence gathering sis sessions, and physical punishment seemed used by Temple staff to monitor members; necessary to maintain standards of acceptable second, a military-drill security unit like those conduct and prevent internal dissension from found more widely in black American culture taking hold. But from outside, all this came to of the day; third, techniques derived from the be viewed as manipulation, physical abuse, and 1970s social-work and counseling-psychology brainwashing. culture of California, and, fourth, a funda- mentalist Christian ethic of punishment for Politics and public relations wrongdoing. These practices helped sustain collective authority that was legitimated in an Social control in the Temple gained a special even more fundamental way by the widespread edge through its connection to the group’s

193 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS disciplined struggle against injustice in the The attractions of the Temple wider society. Compared with both conven- tional churches and retreatist communal By any standard, Peoples Temple was a deviant groups of its day, Peoples Temple was an organization in American society. Its spartan anomaly, a highly organized radical religious regimen of social control depended on prac- collective that pursued activist politics within tices of humiliation and emotional and physi- the society at large. Perversely, the Temple used cal abuse abhorrent to norms of mainstream textbook public-relations (or PR) techniques American culture. Yet the dubious practices to protect an apocalyptic socialist movement of Peoples Temple do not seem sufficient to opposed to the capitalist society where prac- explain the solidarity of its members and tices of public relations had originated. cannot in themselves explain how the organi- In the political climate of California during zation was able to thrive and grow. What was the 1970s, shaped by the counterculture and it about Peoples Temple that attracted tens of the anti-Vietnam war movement, the Temple thousands to its services and led to the active used PR strategies within a broad political participation of over one thousand people? coalition committed to racial integration, In part, the group’s success was the conse- social and economic justice, peace, and other quence of the ways it exploited conventional progressive and radical causes. Because of pathways of action in the wider society. The its discipline, the Temple could turn out the Temple operated as a church, and drew on troops. Members demonstrated against the the legitimacy of churches. Its staff became Bakke decision by the California Supreme accomplished at organizational coordination, Court when it outlawed a University of public relations and political stratagems that California affirmative-action procedure. They largely mimicked conventional practices. And joined a coalition denouncing apartheid in as in other organizations, public and private, South Africa. Temple staff met with the Jewish they channeled resources from the state Community Relations Council about combat- welfare system into the material benefits that ing the increase in Nazi propaganda in the Bay the Temple offered. area. And the Temple supported gay rights, Yet these conventional features and benefits depicting the antigay stances of advertising came in an alien utopian package that pre- celebrity Anita Bryant as “giving birth to a sumably would have put people off, had they new wave of fascism ...spreading its poison not been willing to embrace a radical alterna- in attacking anything that’s not straight, white tive to their previous life circumstances. and conservative.” Peoples Temple differed dramatically from More concretely, the Temple provided a conventional organizations in the wider ready supply of political workers to the Demo- society, including the vast majority of its reli- cratic Party. By 1975 Peoples Temple was suf- gious organizations. It was first and foremost ficiently adept at conventional party politics to a highly unusual testament to an alternative become a formidable force in the left-liberal mode of ethnic relations, a racially integrated political surge that propelled democrat community of people who lived daily life George Moscone into office as mayor of San together. In a striking way, the Temple also Francisco. A year later the Temple reaped the reconfigured the various available missions political rewards. Temple attorney Tim Stoen of the local church as a social institution (cf. was called from his position as assistant district Becker 1999) by radicalizing the social gospel attorney in Mendocino County to prosecute through a congregational communal formula voter fraud for the San Francisco district attor- of “apostolic socialism” and direct social min- ney, and Mayor Moscone appointed Jim Jones istry, combined with a leftist political agenda to the San Francisco Housing Authority in the wider society. This model attracted Commission. At the end of the year, the San people from many stations in society, even Francisco Chronicle quoted Jones as favoring secular political leftists who might have been “some kind of democratic socialism.” expected to take the view of Karl Marx and

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Frederick Engels in the Communist Manifesto Gone to the Promised Land that “social Utopias” amount to “castles in the air.” However, if Peoples Temple was atypical The organizational and political successes of as a religious congregation, it was hardly the Peoples Temple by the mid-1970s give cause typical social utopia either. Most communitar- to wonder why Jim Jones did not move ian groups that developed “worldly utopian” directly into the realm of politics, as other alternative models of society – New Harmony activist leaders of religious social movements in Indiana during the nineteenth century, the have done. But the question is moot because Farm in Tennessee during the American coun- the Temple became embroiled in controversy tercultural wave of the 1960s and 1970s – did and migrated en masse to Guyana. Indeed, so at some remove from the society-at-large these developments reveal the precarious (Hall 1978). On the other hand, during its nature of Peoples Temple’s political successes, California heyday, Peoples Temple became for those successes depended on the public- an unusual hybrid: an urban-based, relatively relations facade that hid the Temple’s more autonomous communalistic organization that radical and dubious aspects from the wider was nevertheless complexly connected to the society. wider society, and to the state, corporate, Within the shell of a church, Jones called his political, and media institutions of that society. followers to what Max Weber called an “ethic By contrast with worldly utopian communal of ultimate ends.” He sought to recruit highly groups, Peoples Temple developed what may committed individuals, and he insisted that be called a “collectivist bureaucracy.” Through followers pursue the cause of Peoples Temple their joint efforts, Temple staff organized the selflessly, tirelessly, and without compromise. lives of everyday members in a way fully artic- It is a measure of the total commitment Jones ulated with the complex governmental and demanded that he invoked a doctrine origi- capitalist order around them. Yet by this col- nally developed by Black Panther Party lective enterprise, the Temple increased the member Huey Newton, namely, that the slow autonomy of its individual members from that suicide of life in the ghetto ought to be dis- external order, giving them time and direction placed by “revolutionary suicide.” The life of to channel their energies in politically activist the committed revolutionary would end only ways. in victory against economic, social, and racial No one should gainsay the reprehensible injustice, or in death. In keeping with this features of Peoples Temple public relations, thesis, the Temple expected Jones’s followers politics, and social control. Yet rejection of to give up their previous lives and become the reprehensible should be accompanied by born again to a collective struggle that had no recognition that the Temple’s practices – both limits. This radical ethos both deepened the those widely regarded as legitimate and other gulf between Peoples Temple and the wider more questionable ones – are hardly foreign society, and served as the ideological point of to the wider world. Nor should we deny the departure for the uncompromising posture organization’s appeal during its California that the Temple developed during its pro- years. Peoples Temple was distinctive in its tracted conflict with increasingly organized capacity to chart a pathway of expansion apostates and their allies, who became equally within the wider society under the auspices of committed to their own cause of opposition. a utopian vision and innovative form of social Forging a regime of militant activism, Jones organization that harnessed the energies of attracted the very “persecution” that he both many people of good will. From multiple feared and prophesied. Eventually, the Temple walks of life, its members came together in leadership uncovered information which, they a community that transcended the operative thought, confirmed Jones’s dire prophecies institutions, cultural boundaries, and social that the group would not be able to survive in divisions of the existing social order. the United States. Jones and over a thousand

195 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS followers thereupon undertook a collective regime of the country’s black prime minister, emigration to Guyana, leaving the path of Forbes Burnham. militant political struggle within the United Jonestown remained a small outpost until States behind. Peoples Temple undertook the collective While Peoples Temple remained in the migration of some 1,000 people during the United States, it operated in the world. Yet summer of 1977. Unlike the mid-1960s Jones never expected acceptance from the migration to California to escape Hoosier world. In Indianapolis, he promised followers racism, Jones did not justify this migration that the Temple would protect them from a solely on the basis of his personal perceptions hostile society, yet he also projected the belief about a hostile environment. The migration that his racially integrated congregation would unfolded as a move in an escalating conflict have to leave their present surroundings. Like between Peoples Temple and an emerging Moses and the ancient Jews searching for a coalition of external opponents. land of “milk and honey” or the Puritans who Over the years, members had occasionally fled to North America from religious persecu- left Peoples Temple, but they had never tion in England to found a “city on a hill,” actively turned against the organization. A Jones sought redemption for his followers in handful of outside critics of the Temple, who collective religious migration to a promised questioned Jones’s faith healing and other land by leading his congregation to California. unusual practices, remained relatively isolated. But there, Jones’s promised land soon took a But this all changed toward the end of 1975, new form: the creation of a sanctuary outside when Deanna and “Mert” Mertle, two high- the United States itself. Beginning in 1972 ranking members of the Temple leadership, and 1973, Jones used internal defections and departed, leaving a series of unresolved con- small incidents of external “persecution” in flicts in their wake, including a dispute over an California as the warrant to establish Peoples unrecorded deed to a property that the couple Temple’s “promised land” – an “agricultural had signed over to the Temple. In February mission” eventually called Jonestown – in a 1976, the Mertles changed their names to Al remote corner of Guyana, an ethnically diverse and Jeannie Mills, symbolizing that they were country with a socialist government on the new people now that they had left the Temple. northern, Caribbean, coast of South America. Eventually, the Mertles/Millses made contact At its inception, Jonestown was just a with others who were leaving the Temple. pioneer camp. But even before the site was Among them was Grace Stoen, who in July established in early 1974, a memo by Temple 1976 drove from Redwood Valley to Lake attorney Tim Stoen suggested that the Temple Tahoe with a Temple bus mechanic, Walter should methodically prepare for collective “Smitty” Jones, leaving behind her husband, migration from the US by consolidating its Temple attorney Tim Stoen, and her son, finances and other affairs. The plan was to four-year-old John Victor Stoen. remain in California “until first signs of out- By the autumn of 1976 a handful of these right persecution from press or government,” apostates coalesced into a small group, and the then “start moving all members to mission Mills’s teenage daughter Linda decided to post.” In practice, the Temple followed the follow the rest of her family out of the Temple. basic thrust of this plan. The initial party of Linda’s exit reduced the issues of contention settlers devoted most of their efforts toward between the Millses and the Temple and construction of enough housing and other strengthened the family’s separation from the facilities to accommodate a large influx of group. At the time, there was a wider tide of newcomers, while Temple operatives in public concern about “cults” like Sun Myung Guyana’s capital of Georgetown used their Moon’s Unification Church and the Hare public relations and political skills (and sexual Krishnas (Shupe, Bromley, and Oliver 1984). allure) to establish secure political alliances In this climate the reunited Mills family began with members of the patrimonial socialist to see Peoples Temple as a cult. They followed

196 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS the public controversies about families seek- nents appeared in these stories as apostates ing court-ordered conservatorships for and relatives courageous enough to expose custody over relatives lost to strange messiahs, the group, despite their fear of reprisals. The and they gravitated toward the centerpiece of narratives overwhelmingly depicted Peoples anticult movement activism: the “coercive per- Temple through an anticult lens that raised suasion” explanation of conversion and com- questions about supposed financial ripoffs, mitment. As one Mills daughter explained to extravagant living and hair-raising practices of her sister, “We were all brainwashed in there, psychological catharsis, physical punishment, Linda. The one thing we have learned is not and brainwashing. to blame ourselves for the things Jim made us At the time of the exposés, Peoples Temple do.” had already initiated the collective migration The apostates did not simply reinterpret to Guyana, and it was widely believed that their own experiences and actions. They they had done so in anticipation of the New sought to bring the Temple to a public West story. But the exodus had a more accounting. David Conn, a long-time critic of complex genesis in Temple concerns during the Temple and a confidant of the opponents early 1976 about an alignment that they per- who had come together around the ceived emerging among former members, Mertles/Millses and Grace Stoen, brokered reporters, and the federal government. the crucial contact. In early 1977, Conn put In the years of preparing for a migration to the apostates in touch with his daughter’s Guyana, the Temple had gone to considerable boyfriend, George Kleinman a reporter for the lengths to keep “black people’s money” out of Santa Rosa Press-Democrat. In turn, George the hands of the US Internal Revenue Service Kleinman put the opponents in touch with a (IRS). By the standards of poor people, they Customs Service agent in the US Treasury had created substantial collective wealth. Department. The agent met with thirteen Beyond maintaining Peoples Temple in Temple opponents and assured them that California, the Temple used the resources to a full-scale investigatory effort would be finance Jonestown and to prepare for a possi- directed at Peoples Temple, involving all levels ble migration. To pursue these activities they of government. shifted millions of dollars into overseas bank Around the same time, journalists for con- accounts beyond the reach of authorities in servative media magnate Rupert Murdoch’s the United States. In 1976, the Temple lead- New West magazine decided to write a story ership took steps to resolve its tax situation on Peoples Temple because of political efforts with the IRS by applying for tax-exempt status to unseat a political patron of Jones and the as a religious communal group. However, as Temple: liberal San Francisco mayor George the year wore on, they became increasingly Moscone. Initially, the New West reporters worried that their application had inadver- didn’t know about the apostates and didn’t tently triggered an IRS investigation into their have any viable source of information about care-home financial practices, political involve- life inside Peoples Temple. Lacking sources, in ments, and what the government might deem June 1977 they got the San Francisco Chron- “private benefits” that the group provided to icle to publish a story about how the Temple its communal members. Then in early March was trying to suppress the story they were 1977, the IRS notified the Temple that their working on. By this “ploy,” as one of the application for tax-exempt status had been reporters called it, they managed to hook up turned down. with the defectors. After gaining inside infor- Soon thereafter, and well before the inside mation in this way, New West published an sources met with New West reporters, David exposé series which generated a flood of neg- Conn, the confidant of the Temple opponents, ative newspaper accounts, beginning in July did something that had the unintentional con- 1977, just weeks before the election vote over sequence of heightening the Temple’s long- whether to recall Mayor Moscone. The oppo- standing concerns about its tax status. In late

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March, he met with American Indian Move- Their central concern was the fate of ment (AIM) leader Dennis Banks, whom Jonestown’s residents. Conn hoped to warn about the hidden side of The flood of negative press stories that Peoples Temple. But unbeknownst to Conn, accompanied the collective migration to Jon- Jim Jones had loaned Banks $19,000 to bail estown during the summer of 1977 height- his wife out of prison, and Banks was a close ened the anxieties of Jones’s opponents and and indebted Temple ally. At the meeting with stirred concerns among relatives who might Banks, Conn revealed a great deal about what otherwise have been less involved. The he knew of the Temple: the defectors’ stories strangest and most notorious case concerned of faked healings, beatings, property extor- the “child god”: John Victor Stoen. Legally tion, threats and intimidations, the fact that he he was the son of defector Grace Stoen and was working with a reporter, and the existence her husband, Temple attorney Tim Stoen. But of the US Treasury investigation (initiated Jim Jones claimed that he was the biological through the contact between opponents and father of John Stoen, and the boy was indeed the Customs Service agent that reporter raised socially within Peoples Temple as the George Kleinman had brokered). When son of Jim Jones. Three months after Grace Dennis Banks passed on what David Conn had had set off with Smitty Jones in July 1976, told him to the Temple leadership, they mis- Tim Stoen, John’s legal father, signed a nota- takenly supposed their opponents’ “treasury rized power of attorney for his son, appoint- agent” (that is, the Customs Service agent) to ing Jim Jones and others “to take all steps, be connected with the Temple’s tax situation. exercise all powers and rights, that I might do Faced with what they regarded as a serious in connection with said minor.” The four-and- governmental threat to their organization, a-half-year-old was trundled off to Guyana, Temple leaders launched urgent final prepara- to live at the agricultural community. Grace tions for mass departure to Guyana. In the Stoen came to recognize that her abandon- glare of the media spotlight, the collective ment of John Victor Stoen to an identity migration began in earnest in July of 1977. By within a collective organization contradicted September, the population of Jonestown had basic social mores in the wider society that she mushroomed to around a thousand people, had rejoined, and in February 1977 she began around 70 percent blacks, 30 percent whites. to assert her interest in getting the child to A steady trickle of immigrants continued to come back and live in San Francisco. In arrive through October of 1978. response, the Temple declared that the legal father, Tim Stoen, would go to Guyana to live with John. If Grace decided to press the issue, The Concerned Relatives and the the Guyanese courts would surely side with “Concentration Camp” the resident parent. Soon thereafter, Grace went to court to file for divorce and custody. There is no way of knowing how Jonestown The resulting struggle became the most cel- would have developed as a communal settle- ebrated among a series of contestations that ment in the absence of the increasingly eventually raised the question of whether polarized conflict with its opponents. The adults at Jonestown lived there of their own migration to Guyana did not cut the Temple free will. The conflict intensified in the off from controversy; it simply shifted the summer of 1977 when Tim Stoen went over dynamics of the struggle. The opponents con- to the camp of Temple opponents. After a tinued to offer reporters revelations about California court granted custody to Grace the Temple and they fed information about Stoen on August 26, her lawyer traveled to “nefarious acts” to a wide range of govern- Guyana. When people at Jonestown refused to ment authorities, including the San Francisco hand over John Stoen, the lawyer went to the Police Department, the Customs Bureau, and Guyanese courts and obtained an arrest order the Federal Communications Commission. for the child and a court summons for Jim

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Jones. Jones learned of these court actions on on due process, refusing to take sides in a 10 September, and he responded with a highly matter still proceeding through the courts of dramatized state of siege in Jonestown. Reaf- a foreign country. On other fronts, multiple firming his biological paternity of John Stoen, governmental investigations in the US failed he threatened death: “I related to Grace, and to come up with significant prosecutable out of that came a son. That’s part of the deal. offenses. And when US embassy officials in The way to get to Jim Jones is through his Guyana checked up on the “welfare and son. They think that will suck me back or whereabouts” of Jonestown residents for their cause me to die before I’ll give him up. And relatives, they found people living an austere that’s what we’ll do, we’ll die.” Jones’s staging third-world lifestyle who nevertheless of the crisis was by all accounts intense, but it “expressed satisfaction with their lives,” as one quickly abated; through intensive political and embassy consul reported after a visit to the legal maneuvering, Temple staff managed to jungle community. In the absence of evidence vacate the Guyanese court order by success- that supported the opponents’ charges of mass fully arguing that Grace Stoen had never starvation and people living in bondage, the revoked a standing grant of custody to a consul later observed, “The Concerned Rela- Temple member living at Jonestown. tives had a credibility problem, since so many The Stoen custody battle was a particularly of their claims were untrue” (Hall 1987: 217, complex case that brought to the fore basic 234). legal and social issues surrounding communal Overall, the campaign against Peoples versus conventional societal definitions of par- Temple backfired. But the meager results enthood and family. But this was not the only on legal and governmental fronts did have such case, nor were custody struggles the only an important consequence: the frustrated frontiers of conflict engulfing Peoples Temple. opponents sought other avenues of remedy. The increasingly organized network of oppo- Increasingly, they amplified and generalized nents grew in numbers and activities. Partici- their public charges against Peoples Temple. pants initiated court proceedings in both the In turn, even though the opponents failed US and Guyana to seek legal custody of other in their direct goals, the Jonestown leadership Jonestown children, and they made “welfare took the campaign of opposition as inspiration and whereabouts” requests for the US State for an increasingly apocalyptic posture, rein- Department to have its embassy in Guyana forcing the siege mentality that had started to check on their relatives in Jonestown. One take hold of the community during the Sep- distraught father embarked on a desperate and tember 1977 custody crisis over John Stoen. ineffective scheme to kidnap his adult daugh- Most ominously, they began to elaborate the ter from Jonestown. Once Tim Stoen came concept of “revolutionary suicide” that Jones over to their side, the opponents began to had borrowed years earlier from Black Panther use political pressure and public relations, leader Huey Newton. The writer of a March the same methods that Peoples Temple had 1978 Temple letter to members of Congress employed so effectively in the United States. warned, “I can say without hesitation that we Calling themselves the “Concerned Rela- are devoted to a decision that it is better even tives,” they launched a highly visible campaign to die than to be constantly harassed from one against Peoples Temple: they wrote to continent to the next. I hope that you can members of Congress, met with State Depart- protect the right of over 1,000 people from ment officials, and organized human rights the US to live in peace.” A woman who demonstrations. defected from Jonestown in May of the same Despite the intensity of the Concerned year, Debbie Blakey, told an embassy official Relatives’ manifold efforts, they were largely and the Concerned Relatives that Jonestown unsuccessful. The Stoen custody case became was developing plans to carry out a mass bogged down in legal issues in the Guyana suicide, murdering any resisters. In turn, the courts, and the US State Department insisted Concerned Relatives repeatedly publicized the

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Temple’s diehard threats of death and sui- they had already attracted the support of Leo cide as a way of raising the alarm against Ryan, a US congressman from San Mateo, Jonestown. “When you say you are ‘devoted’ California, known to be sympathetic to the to this decision,” they asked rhetorically, “does US anticult movement. In December 1977, that mean it is irreversible?” (Hall 1987: 229). Congressman Ryan wrote US Secretary of In a public petition, the Concerned State Cyrus Vance, asking him “to investigate Relatives also portrayed Peoples Temple what action might be taken in connection with as “employing physical intimidation and psy- Mr. Jones.” The State Department responded chological coercion as part of a mind- by describing the situation as a legal contro- programming campaign” in violation of the versy that did not warrant any “political action United Nations human rights declaration of without justification.” Ryan rejected this view. 1948 (Hall 1987: 229). This petition effec- In May of 1978, as the Concerned Relatives tively raised new issues about Jonestown. became increasingly frustrated with their lack Legally, adults at the jungle community had the of success in the courts and with the State right to avoid contact with their relatives if they Department, Ryan wrote to Peoples Temple, so chose. However, if their mail was censored, “Please be advised that Tim Stoen does have if they were intimidated, if they couldn’t travel, my support in the effort to return his son from then it could be argued that they had neither Guyana.” Then he began to work with free will nor free access to the outside world. In members of the Concerned Relatives to orga- the words of one of the Concerned Relatives, nize a visit to Jonestown. the residents of Jonestown had become “mind- programmed.” By small steps, the struggles by the Concerned Relatives to gain custody over Mission to Jonestown particular children and access to particular relatives became refocused into an effort to The expedition that Leo Ryan led to “dismantle” what they eventually portrayed as Jonestown was publicly billed as the ‘fact- a “concentration camp” (Hall 1987: 232–3). finding effort” of a congressional delegation, The Concerned Relatives demanded nothing but this public facade obscured a working less than that Jonestown cease to exist as a alliance between Ryan and the Concerned bounded communal society. In effect, they Relatives. As preparations unfolded, no other gambled that they could bring Jonestown to congressman would join Ryan on the trip, a public reckoning without precipitating the and for this reason the expedition failed to extreme acts of violent resistance that the meet congressional criteria as an official community had threatened. On the other side, congressional delegation. Another California the leadership of Peoples Temple would want congressman, Don Edwards, advised that to know what were the prospects for people taking the trip under such conditions “was not who had staked their lives on emigration to a the right thing to do.” Edwards later recalled, foreign country thousands of miles from Cali- “I said congressmen are ill-advised to take fornia, only to find their opponents hell-bent such matters into their own hands.” But Ryan on shutting down the community they had sac- pressed ahead anyway, accompanied unoffi- rificed so much to build. Contradictory fears cially by a number of Concerned Relatives and and postures fed the conflict over whether Jon- some journalists. estown was to survive. Diverse motives shaped the planned trip. Frustrated in both their legal efforts and At least two opponents, Tim Stoen and Steve their attempts to get the US State Department Katsaris, wanted to retrieve their relatives “by and its embassy to take their side in the tangle force if necessary,” as Stone put it. A less clan- of disputes, yet propelled by the belief that destine strategy hinged on the view of some Jim Jones had to be stopped, the Concerned opponents that conditions at Jonestown were Relatives increasingly pinned their hopes on desperate. In this scenario, the presence of political intervention. In Washington, DC, visiting relatives together with outside authori-

200 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS ties would break Jones’s discipline and precip- signed “Vern Gosney.” On the reverse side was itate a mass exodus. The press had agendas too. the name “Monica Bagby.” The next day, A freelance journalist, Don Harris, organized Jonestown staff tried to occupy the visitors an NBC crew to cover a story about a con- with public-relations activities, but Ryan and gressman and ordinary citizens traveling to embassy staff began to make arrangements for Guyana to investigate the plight of their rela- Gosney and Bagby to leave. NBC reporter tives trapped in a jungle commune. Don Harris then tipped off Leo Ryan’s assis- Given the participation of a congressman tant, Jackie Speier, about members of the and the newsmen, the expedition promised Parks family, who also might want to leave. to confront Jones with the choice of either Jones pleaded with the Parks family not to submitting to external scrutiny and possible depart with his enemies; he offered them intervention, or precipitating a flood of bad $5,000 to cover transportation back to the US press and governmental inquiry. When if they would wait several days and go on their Peoples Temple staff first learned of Ryan’s own. But they decided to leave with Ryan. “I plans, they sought to negotiate conditions have failed,” Jones muttered to his lawyer, about press coverage and the composition of Charles Garry. “I live for my people because the congressional delegation. Ryan considered they need me. But whenever they leave, they the negotiations a delaying tactic, and on 14 tell lies about the place.” November 1978, accompanied by the group As the dump truck was loaded for depar- of Concerned Relatives and the news ture, Ryan told Jones that he would give a reporters, he boarded the Pan American Air- basically positive report: “If two hundred lines flight from New York to Guyana’s capital, people wanted to leave, I would still say you Georgetown. The group would try to gain have a beautiful place here.” Ryan talked access to Jonestown once they arrived. But in about the need for more interchange with the Georgetown, Ryan met further resistance. outside world. Suddenly he was assaulted by a With time running out before he would have man brandishing a knife. Blood spurted across to return to the US, on 17 November he flew Ryan’s white shirt. Within seconds, Temple with the reporters and a subgroup of the Con- attorneys Charles Garry and Mark Lane cerned Relatives to Port Kaituma, a small set- grabbed the assailant, a man named Don Sly, tlement near Jonestown. From there, a dump the former husband of a Concerned Relative. truck brought Ryan, the US ambassador to Jones stood impassively by. Ryan was dis- Guyana, and Temple lawyers Charles Garry hevelled but unhurt: Sly had accidentally cut and Mark Lane up the muddy road to Jon- himself, not the congressman. estown, where they conferred with Jim Jones. “Does this change everything?” Jones asked Faced with the prospects of news reports Ryan. “It doesn’t change everything, but it about a congressman and relatives barred from changes things,” Ryan replied. “You get that entering a jungle compound that had been man arrested.” Then the US embassy deputy called a concentration camp, Jones acquiesced chief of mission, Richard Dwyer, led Ryan to to the visit of the Concerned Relatives and the departing truck and they piled in with the most of the journalists. reporters, the four Concerned Relatives, and At Jonestown, Jim Jones already had the Jonestown people who had decided to coached his community for days about how to leave with the entourage. The truck lurched respond to the visitors. On the evening that into low gear and down the muddy road Ryan and the others arrived, Jonestown gave toward the nearby Port Kaituma airstrip. them an orchestrated welcome at the main pavilion, serving up a good dinner and musical entertainment from “The Jonestown Gone from the Promised Land Express.” But during the festivities, a message was passed to NBC reporter Don Harris: All told, sixteen defectors, mostly whites, “Help us get out of Jonestown.” The note was departed under the auspices of a US

201 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS congressman whom the Jonestown leadership children could not have understood the con- regarded as allied with their opponents. One sequences of drinking the poison, and during of the apostates parted saying that the com- the suicide council a woman named Christine munity was nothing but “a communist prison Miller pleaded against Jones’s proposal. But camp.” From Jones’s viewpoint, the episode many people supported the plan: mothers was certain to be used by the Temple’s willing to have their infants killed, elderly opponents to fuel further accusations, more people telling Jones they were ready to go, the media scrutiny, and increased intervention sharpshooters who had killed the congress- in the affairs of Jonestown by external legal man. Amidst low wails, sobbing, and the authorities. These were the circumstances in shrieks of children, they all came up to take which the Jonestown leadership translated the “potion,” then moved out of the pavilion revolutionary suicide into a final decisive act to huddle with their families and die. What- against their opponents, sending sharp- ever their individual sentiments, the people of shooters to the airstrip in pursuit of the dump Jonestown departed their own promised land truck. through an improvised ritual of collective When the truck reached the Port Kaituma death. As people lined up to die, Jones airstrip and Ryan’s group started boarding preached to the believers and the doubters two planes, a Jonestown man posing as a assembled in the Jonestown pavilion. Invok- defector suddenly pulled out a loaded pistol in ing Huey Newton’s words, he assured them, the smaller plane and fired it. Simultaneously, “This is a revolutionary suicide. This is a tractor came up pulling a flatbed trailer car- not a self-destructive suicide.” In the con- rying men from Jonestown. When the trailer fusion, two black men slipped past the guards. had pulled to about thirty feet from the larger At the very end, Jim Jones and a close aide, plane, the men picked up rifles as if by signal Annie Moore, died by gunshots to the head, and started shooting at the people still clus- wounds consistent with suicide. Annie had tered outside the plane. After a seeming eter- scribbled a last sentence to the note she left: nity of gunfire, the tractor pulled away, leaving “We died because you would not let us live behind ten people wounded, and five dead in peace.” During the mass suicide, the bodies: Congressman Leo Ryan, Don Harris community’s two American lawyers, Charles and two other newsmen, and defector Patricia Garry and Mark Lane, had been sequestered Parks. at a perimeter house, and after their guards left By directing the airstrip attack on Leo Ryan to join the suicide ritual, Garry and Lane and his entourage, Jones and his followers plunged into the jungle. One elderly woman constructed a situation of such overriding slept through the event. Everyone else stigma that their enemies would surely prevail died. in their plan to “dismantle” Jonestown. The Jonestown leadership chose to finesse this outcome. Back at the pavilion, Jim Jones told After Jonestown the assembled residents of Jonestown that they would no longer be able to survive as a What is the cultural significance of Jonestown? community. With a tape recorder running, The answer to this question hinges on highly Jones argued, “If we can’t live in peace, then contested questions about why the mass let’s die in peace.” Medical staff set up caul- suicide occurred. With a basic narrative of the drons of Fla-Vor Aid laced with cyanide and group’s history at hand, we can consider these tranquilizers. questions. A general list of necessary precondi- A total of 913 members of the community tions – without which the murderous attack became caught up in the orchestrated ritual of and mass self-destruction would not have mass suicide that ensued. How many people occurred – might reasonably focus on the willingly participated? The question will internal features of a group that could under- always be open to debate. Certainly young take such acts, specifically:

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•a charismatic religious social movement; comes into question, it would be under these • an apocalyptic ideology; conditions (and in a strong explanation, these •a form of social organization adequate to conditions alone) that group leaders might maintain solidarity; unleash aggression toward detractors and use • legitimacy enough among followers to the device of mass suicide to cut off any exter- exercise collective social control over the nal exercise of authority over the group. affairs of the community; How well does this general causal explana- •sufficient economic and political viability; tion capture the circumstances that led up to • life within strong social boundaries in cog- the murders and mass suicide at Jonestown? nitive isolation from society at large. Clearly, the proximate cause of murder and mass suicide was the refusal of Jim Jones, his Without these circumstances, minor incidents staff, and the loyalists among his followers of violence might occur within a countercul- to brook compromise with opponents whom tural communal movement or in a conflict they believed (with some reason) were out to between it and external adversaries, but it is bring Jonestown as a community to an end. difficult to imagine that they would trigger Rather than submit to external powers that violence on a large scale. they regarded as illegitimate, they chose to These preconditions well describe Peoples stage the airstrip murders as revenge and shut Temple. Yet if the preconditions are particu- out their opponents by ending their own larly conducive to violence, they are hardly lives. sufficient. Numerous apocalyptic and quasi- After the fact, the narrative structure of apocalyptic religious communities – from myth carved the stigma of this massive carnage Mother Ann Lee’s Shakers to contemporary into infamy. Jones became a megalomaniacal “heavens on earth” like Seattle’s Love Family Antichrist; Peoples Temple, a cult of brain- and the Krishna farm in West Virginia (Hall washed robots; the Concerned Relatives, 1978) – have all these internal characteristics tragic heroes who valiantly tried but failed to without experiencing anything remotely like save their loved ones. However, the mythic murder of enemies followed by collective structure of this narrative depends on a suicide. Thus, strongly bounded apocalyptic particular analytic claim: that the avoidable religious movements may be especially prone carnage was solely a consequence of the acts to external violence and mass suicide, but that of Jones and his accomplices. It is by lifting outcome is extremely rare compared to the the mantle on this claim that we come to the number of groups adequately described by the heart of the apocalypse at Jonestown. list of preconditions. There must be specific Without the airstrip attack on Ryan and the additional precipitating factors that would others, the mass suicide would have lacked a result in murders and mass suicide. credible rationale, whereas in the context of In contemporary circumstances, the neces- the airstrip murders Jones presented collective sary precipitating factors would seem to be death as the only honorable collective choice the . . . in the face of certain subjugation to external authority. In other words, the Jonestown • mobilization of a group of cultural oppo- leadership constructed the murders and mass nents who possess a high degree of suicide as a unity, but that unity was predicated solidarity; upon the airstrip attack. The attack itself was •the shaping of news media coverage not an act of random violence: other than the through the cultural opponents’ frame of perhaps accidental killing of a young girl who interpretation about “cults”; defected, the gunfire seems to have been care- • the exercise of state authority. fully targeted toward individuals whom Jon- estown principals regarded as their opponents If through the operation of these factors, the in the ongoing struggle. It was a preemptive apocalyptic group’s very capacity to persist strike that snatched victory from opponents,

203 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS albeit by fulfilling their most nightmarish it was because they became frustrated with prophecies. their prospects within institutional channels of Given the targets, the attack itself has to conflict resolution that they turned to public- be understood as an extreme escalation of an ity campaigns in the media and the political intense conflict between the Concerned Rela- intervention of a congressman’s “fact-finding” tives and Peoples Temple. This conflict had expedition. already unfolded for more than a year in the Clearly then, the actions of the apostates press, the courts, the US State Department, in and relatives were crucial to catalyzing the the conduct of espionage on both sides, and dynamic of conflict between Peoples Temple in strategic actions that had previously come and the outside, and this conflict is a necessary close to direct confrontation. Under these cir- component of any explanation of the mass cumstances, it seems incontrovertible that the suicide that actually occurred. It is impossible, expedition of Congressman Ryan, the Con- however, to say with certainty whether a mass cerned Relatives and journalists, and especially suicide would have occurred without the Ryan their departure with sixteen Jonestown resi- expedition. Certainly there are plausible sce- dents, was the precipitating factor in the mur- narios in which a mass suicide would not have derous attack. As a specific event, the mass taken place. For example, the opponents suicide must be seen as a consequence of the might have won some legal battles, gained expedition. better access to visitation with relatives, and It is not easy to answer the question of what won other concessions without confronting would have happened had the expedition not the Temple with complete subordination to taken place at all, or not turned out as it did, external authority. Even more likely, given since there are so many alternative scenarios. time, the entire enterprise at Jonestown might Conducting “mental experiments” to consider have collapsed from internal dissension, as “what would happen if . . .” is a delicate the vast majority of communal groups do (cf. matter. Yet as Geoffrey Hawthorne (1991) has Kanter 1972). In light of these possibilities, argued, the consideration of alternative sce- the murders and mass suicide were in no way narios can deepen an analysis if the counter- inevitable. factual hypotheses are neither so distant from On the other hand, it is also apparent that the course of events as to be irrelevant nor so even without the Ryan trip, the conflict unstable in their dynamics as to make predic- between the Concerned Relatives and the tion unreliable. With these guidelines in mind, Temple was extremely intense, and the Con- it is possible to push toward a deeper – though cerned Relatives were willing to pursue it even necessarily tentative – understanding of the in the face of threatened violent responses. murders and mass suicide. They might have gained other victories to On the one hand, had the Concerned which the leadership at Jonestown would Relatives not formed an organized group, and likely have responded with violence. For had they not achieved some success in their example, had Grace and Timothy Stoen won substantial efforts to bring a critical mass of legal custody over John Victor Stoen, a dif- journalistic coverage and a US congressman ferent violent confrontation – and mass suicide to their side, it seems unlikely that the mass – might have ensued. In other words, within suicide would have occurred. Indeed, when the broad channels of contestation between they first formed, the Concerned Relatives Peoples Temple and the Concerned Relatives, understood their own powerlessness and the potential for violence could have been sought out sympathetic news reporters pre- unleased in more than one scenario. cisely as patrons who would help them. After The question of John Victor Stoen’s Jones and his followers migrated to Jon- biological paternity is the remaining major estown, the opponents took concerted actions mystery of the tragedy. Much anecdotal evi- through legal and administrative channels, but dence suggests that Jim Jones was his biolog- these actions failed to advance their cause, and ical father: his paternity was affirmed in an

204 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS affidavit by Tim Stoen in 1972 only days after cials and representatives may have acted in ways the boy’s birth (Hall 1987: 127–8), and taken that propelled it, there has been considerable as fact both within the Temple and by certain speculation about the government’s role. One people outside the group well before the issue book weaves some well established facts became folded into the conflict between the together with highly questionable inferences to Temple and its opponents. Tim Stoen only raise the question of whether Jonestown was a denied Jones’s claim publicly much later, “CIA medical experiment” (Meiers 1988). when he took the side of Grace Stoen in the Whatever the truth of the matter, such custody battle. To date, the evidence is not accounts cannot be easily assessed because the conclusive, but the weight of it leans to the US government has suppressed information paternity of Jim Jones. about its dealings with Peoples Temple, partly If Jones was indeed the biological father, on the basis of the sensitivity of its geopolitical then a central atrocity claimed by the Con- interests. If remaining government files on cerned Relatives during their campaign against Peoples Temple can be examined, they may the Temple that Jones amounted to the kid- well yield significant reassessments of its history napper of a child would lose much of its moral (the same holds for the NBC video “outakes” (though not legal) force. Thus one significant from its Jonestown coverage, which the element of the opponents’ brief against network has refused to make public). Peoples Temple would turn out to have been Whatever comes of the search for more based on a public construction of reality that information, causal analysis of available evi- differed from privately held knowledge. dence substantially revises the popular myth of Resolving this question might sharpen our Jonestown. Without question, the apocalypse opinions about the moral high ground held at Jonestown was an immense tragedy. The by the two sides. At the time, however, it Concerned Relatives, Leo Ryan, and the press would have resolved neither the cultural con- will no doubt continue to be portrayed as flict between communalism and familial indi- tragic heroes in the affair. Yet there is a deeper vidualism nor the struggle over whether the tragedy. It is now evident that the opponents’ adult people of Jonestown had the right to live own actions helped to precipitate a course of in isolation from the direct intervention of events that presumably led to the fulfillment opponents who sought to dismantle their of their own worst fears. The murders and community. And it probably would not have mass suicide cannot be adequately explained altered the commitments of the true believers except as the outcome of an escalating conflict at Jonestown to extreme violence, should their between two diametrically opposed groups: opponents prevail in subordinating them to Peoples Temple and the Concerned Relatives. external social and legal authority. Other religious groups important to A second controversy – about government American religious history – the Pilgrims and agencies – is even murkier. The Concerned the Mormons, for example – previously met Relatives triggered some governmental investi- with pitched opposition from relatives and gations of Peoples Temple. But other govern- public detractors, yet they managed to persist ment initiatives preceded the emergence and to succeed in ways important for the of the Concerned Relatives as an organized culture of American religion. By contrast, group, and the inquiries of various government Peoples Temple was a dramatic failure. Yet agencies fed on one another. In particular, the even so, the history of the movement reflects US government had diplomatic and strategic many of the tensions and contradictions concerns about the socialist government of of American culture. Its members sought to Guyana, and its embassy in Georgetown sent participate in an integrated community that operatives on monitoring visits to the Jon- transcended persistent racism in the United estown settlement. Because the United States States. In a society where the practice of reli- government might have been able to prevent gion is largely segregated from everyday the tragedy, and also because government offi- socioeconomic organization and practice, the

205 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS group infused its members’ working lives and A different irony was reflected in the future social relationships with new “religious” of memory. Jonestown fulfilled the most dire meaning. These aspects neither justify nor warnings of its opponents. After the murderes compensate for the tragic conflict that Jones and mass suicide, Peoples Temple became the long cultivated. But the seldom-acknowl- quintessence of the “cult,” stereotypically por- edged accomplishments of Peoples Temple trayed as an organization that drains both stand as stark reminders that the US has failed property and free will from its members and to achieve anything like a societal community “brainwashes” them into a “group mind.” Yet based on racial integration, equal opportunity, these issues have nothing specific to do with and economic justice. Jonestown, we now Peoples Temple’s sustained and increasingly know, came at the time when the liberal and violent interpretation of revolutionary suicide left social movements that had been active in as a doctrine of struggle against an established American politics during the 1960s and 1970s social order. Instead, they stem from a more were losing their influence. Ronald Reagan general cultural reflection of communalism as soon followed, proclaiming a pride-filled a form of life alien to capitalist democratic “morning in America.” society. The tragedy of Jonestown thus There is considerable irony in all this. Much became an opportunity for scapegoating a of the criticism of Peoples Temple focused on broader form of social organization that is not the group’s practices: faked healings, money- inherently associated with mass suicide. Here, making schemes, glorification of a prophet, the conflict that produced Jonestown was intimidation and punishment, public relations, recapitulated at the core of its mythical recon- and political manipulations. This auto-da-fé struction, for the demonization of commu- could only proceed by placing on Jim Jones nalism as “other” reinforces the ideology of and Peoples Temple the stigma of bearing evils individualism, thus providing the grounds for that are widespread and sometimes institu- further antagonism between communalists tionalized in the wider society. Unfortunately and their cultural opponents . . . Jones was hardly a creative man. On the contrary, however crudely, he mimicked and sometimes intensified practices that he drew Note from the wider culture. Jones established an organization with alien ends, to be sure, but 1 Unless otherwise indicated, information for this that organization owed its success in no small chapter is drawn from ...Hall (1987). See also part to the fact that its cultural inventory of Hall (1990), Moore (1985), Chidester (1988), means mostly came from the wider world. Moore and McGehee (1988), and Maaga Thus the Temple’s realm of opposition to the (1998). world at large was often enough but a mirror of it, and sometimes a grotesque reflection of its seamier side. After the mass suicide, those References who loaded the moral burden of evil onto Jonestown symbolically cleansed the wider Alexander, Jeffrey C. and Philip Smith 1993: “The society, but this ritual exorcism left behind Discourse of Civil Society: A New Proposal for elements of Jonestown culture still alive in our Cultural Studies.” Theory and Society 22: 151– world – in techniques of social control, reli- 207. gious practices, politics, and public relations. Barthes, Roland 1972: Mythologies. New York: Hill and Wang. The “negative cult” of Jonestown thus stands Becker, Penny 1999: Congregations in Conflict. as an ominous monument to an arsenal of New York: Cambridge University Press. manipulations that persist in wider institu- Chidester, David 1988: Salvation and Suicide: tional practices. To isolate this arsenal, its An Interpretation of Jim Jones, the Peoples Temple, boundaries must be drawn more widely than and Jonestown. Bloomington: Indiana University the jungle commune. Press.

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Hall, John R. 1978: The Ways Out: Utopian Com- of Jonestown. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University munal Groups in the Age of Babylon. London: Press. Routledge and Kegan Paul. Malcomson, Scott 1997: “Keep Out.” New Yorker, —— 1987: Gone from the Promised Land: Jonestown April 7: 39. in American Cultural History. New Brunswick, Meiers, Nichael 1988: Was Jonestown a CIA NJ: Transaction Books. Medical Experiment? Lewiston, NY: Edwin —— 1988: “Social Organization and Pathways Mellen Press. of Commitment: Types of Communal Groups, Moore, Rebecca 1985: A Sympathetic History of Rational Choice Theory, and the Kanter Thesis.” Jonestown. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press. American Sociological Review 53: 679–92. Moore, Rebecca and Fielding McGehee, III (eds.) —— 1990: “The Apocalypse at Jonestown.” Pp. 1988: New Religious Movements, Mass Suicide, 269–93 in T. Robbins and D. Anthony, eds. In and Peoples Temple. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Gods We Trust, 2nd edn. New Brunswick, NJ: Press. Transaction. Moses, William Jeremiah 1982: Black Messiahs and Hawthorne, Geoffrey 1991: Plausible Worlds: Possi- Uncle Toms: Social and Literary Manipulations of bility and Understanding in History and the Social a Religious Myth. University Park: Pennsylvania Sciences. New York: Cambridge University Press. State University Press. Hechter, Michael 1987: Principles of Group Soli- Shupe, Anson D., Jr., David G. Bromley, and darity. Berkeley: University of California Press. Donna L. Oliver 1984: The Anti-cult Movement Kanter, Rosabeth Moss 1972: Commitment and in America: A Bibliography and Historical Survey. Community: Communes and Utopias in Sociolog- New York: Garland. ical Perspective. Cambridge, MA Harvard Weisbrot, Robert 1983: Father Divine and the University Press. Struggle for Radical Equality. Urbana: University Maaga, Mary McCormich 1998: Hearing the Voices of Illinois Press.

207 CHAPTER THIRTEEN

“Our Terrestrial Journey is Coming to an End”: The Last Voyage of the Solar Temple

JEAN-FRANÇOIS MAYER Translated by Elijah Siegler

We, Loyal Servants of the Rosy Cross, declare exchange between Joseph Di Mambro and that, as we left one day, we will return Luc Jouret: stronger than ever ...for the Rosy Cross is immortal ...Like Her, we are of all time and JDM: People have beaten us to the punch, 1 no time. you know. LJ: Well, yeah. Waco beat us to the punch. The mysterious circumstances surrounding JDM: In my opinion, we should have gone the dramatic “transit” of fifty-three members six months before them ...what we’ll do will of the Order of the Solar Temple (OTS, Ordre be even more spectacular . . .2 du Temple Solaire) in Switzerland and in Québec in October 1994 have spawned an “More spectacular”: such are the words unprecedented wave of public speculation and used by Joseph Di Mambro himself. A move- conspiracy mongering. The subsequent death ment such as the Solar Temple cannot escape of sixteen people in France in December 1995 its media-saturated era. It worries about its and of five more in Québec in March 1997 public image until the very hour of the have only added to these conspiratorial “crowning of the work,” to use its own vocab- speculations. Ironically, Joseph Di Mambro, ulary. Many fringe movements tend to culti- Luc Jouret, and those who, over the course of vate a very high estimation of their own months, methodically prepared their own importance, and the OTS was no exception. deaths and the deaths of dozens of others The core members of the group understood were quite concerned about the impact their themselves as an elect people who had incar- departure would have on the public mind and nated periodically on Earth since ancient times spent many hours creating a kind of legend in order to fulfill a cosmic mission. They had that would survive their earthly exit. Why else gathered together for that purpose and were would they have felt the need to send ready to sacrifice their lives for its sake. Espe- manifestos justifying post mortem their cially toward the end, some internal texts dis- decision not only to other members but also close these grandiose perspectives: to television stations, newspapers, and some other correspondents (including the author Do you understand what we represent? We of this article)? The Swiss investigators found are the promise that the R[osy] C[ross] made a tape, dating probably from the spring of to the Immutable. We are the Star Seeds that 1994, in which one can hear the core group guarantee the perennial existence of the uni- discuss the “departure.” There is a telling verse, we are the hand of God that shapes

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creation. We are the Torch that Christ must August 1924. At the age of sixteen, he began bring to the Father to feed the Primordial Fire an apprenticeship as a watchmaker and jeweler and to reanimate the forces of Life, which, and very soon became fascinated with esoteri- without our contribution, would slowly but cism. In January 1956, he joined the Ancient surely go out. We hold the key to the universe and Mystical Order Rosae Crucis (AMORC), 3 and must secure its Eternity. to which he would belong until at least 1968. In the 1960s, he apparently established links In reality, like so many other movements with several persons who would later play a that see themselves on the cutting edge of role in OTS history, including Jacques Breyer, cosmic progress and who assign to minor the initiator of a “Templar resurgence” in events in their own history a global signifi- France in 1952 to which several groups, cance, the Solar Temple was in fact a tiny (and including Di Mambro’s OTS, trace part of actually declining) group whose claim to their roots. cosmic importance would have been viewed as Several major points of doctrine, as well as dubious by most commentators. But through an embryonic circle of disciples, began crys- a sensational act of self-immolation that tallizing during the 1960s. After visiting Israel compelled the attention of both popular and and dealing with legal problems in Nîmes in academic observers, the leaders of the Solar 1971 related to swindling and writing bad Temple came close to creating a durable checks, Di Mambro set himself up in legend for their esoteric order. Annemasse, near the Swiss border. In 1973, Unfortunately for the order’s leaders, doc- he became president of the Center for the uments exist which, when analyzed carefully, Preparation of the New Age, which was pre- begin to deconstruct this legend. If everything sented as a “cultural center for relaxation” and had worked as Di Mambro planned, no trace a yoga school. The center became a full-time would have remained. Nothing, not even the job by 1976. That same year, eight people bodies themselves, would have been recov- (seven of whom resided at a common address) ered: “We will not let our bodies dissolve formed a building society and purchased a according to nature’s slow alchemy, because house named “The Pyramid” at Collonges- we don’t want to run the risk that they sous-Salève, close to Geneva. Of these eight 4 become soiled by frantic lunatics.” The Solar people, four would lose their lives in October Temple’s thorough preparation for their 1994. The building society in fact sheltered mysterious exit, however, could not take into an esoteric activity: the consecration of the account certain technical problems: some of Temple of the Great White Universal Lodge, the devices intended to start the fire did not Pyramid Sub-Lodge, was celebrated on 24 function properly, which made it possible for June 1976. Internal documents show that, of the investigators to seize a large number of the fifty-three believers who died in October written documents (in part found on com- 1994, at least twelve already belonged to the puters that survived the fires relatively group by the end of 1977. unscathed) as well as video and audio cassettes The next step commenced on 12 July 1978 belonging to the group’s archives. It is upon with the creation of the Golden Way Founda- these sources that this article is in large part tion in Geneva. This foundation would remain 5 based. at the very heart of activities undertaken by Di Mambro’s various groups over the ensuing years. Thanks to substantial financial sacrifices Joseph Di Mambro, the Golden made by several members, the foundation Way Foundation, and the bought an attractive property in a suburb of Neo-Templar Movement Geneva that was the site of meetings open to nonmembers. The Golden Way Foundation Joseph Di Mambro was born in Pont-Saint- was above all a front for a nucleus of people Esprit, in the French department of Gard, 19 called simply the “Fraternity,”6 who took part

209 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS in esoteric rites in a communitarian setting. oath of “Knights of the Rosy Cross.” Di This communitarian ideal played a role in Mambro confided to some members at the attracting people to the group and also led time that Jouret had charisma and, being a later to disappointments when the gap physician, would be taken seriously; therefore, between the ideal and the reality of everyday he should be pushed into the limelight, while life became untenable for certain members. Di Mambro would remain discretely backstage. People belonging to the “Fraternity” held all From that moment on, Luc Jouret became assets in common; along with them lived the propagandist for the group. Beginning in people belonging to what was called the 1983, he gave lectures in Switzerland, France, “Community,” who kept their income, paid and Canada. Cultural clubs were created and, a rent, and bought tickets for food and from 1984 to 1990, the organization operated beverages. In the context of the 1970s, it was as a tripartite structure involving (1) public only one attempt among many others at de- lectures and seminars given by Jouret and a veloping an ideal communal life. Indeed, one few others under the label of Amenta; (2) an member who joined at that time had lived exoteric structure, the Archedia Clubs, for in the New Age community of Findhorn, those wishing to go further; and finally, for a Scotland, and was hoping to find something limited number of candidates, (3) an initiatory similar in the Golden Way. order (organized as the esoteric counterpart Excerpts from an account given at a 1994 of the clubs) called the “International Order OTS meeting provide us with retrospective of Chivalry, Solar Tradition.”8 Obviously, the (and no doubt idealized) glimpses into the group hoped to attract a wider audience, and experiences of the pioneer members of the it thus prepared structures meant for a much brotherhood: larger movement than it ever became. The success of Luc Jouret, a gifted speaker who Meeting at first in a house which they called easily attracted hundreds to his lectures, could “the Pyramid,” where every evening was only add fuel to the fire of such hopes. The devoted to rituals and meditation, they later fact that Jouret was able to draw such large moved near Geneva, to a large property which audiences to his lectures is proof that the was discovered to be an ancient Templar topics he was dealing with were of interest to command post ...There, living in a perfect at least a part of the cultic milieu of the time.9 fraternity where all was equally shared – However, because of the seeker’s mentality salaries were put into a common fund and typical of the cultic milieu, most of those who everyone received in return an equal share – came to Jouret’s lectures did not want to they devoted all their free time to the cause of spirituality. Daily ceremonies quickly commit themselves on a firm basis and, despite became operational at the highest degree, the lecturer’s success, significant growth for even more so because hermeticists, the OTS in terms of committed membership alchemists, and spiritually elevated people never materialized. 10 joined in. The Masters of the beyond regu- The group’s Templar activities had their larly manifested themselves, with a presence roots in a 1952 “resurgence” in which visible, audible, and olfactory. the French esoteric author Jacques Breyer (1922–96) played a central role. While reluc- The Golden Way Foundation had impressive tant to take upon himself any administrative headquarters, but in order to spread responsibility in those Templar circles claim- its ideas on a larger scale the group needed a ing some link with the “resurgence,” Breyer communicator. Enter a Belgian homeopathic enjoyed the role of an elder adviser to whom physician, Luc Jouret (born 18 October 1947), those groups turned at crucial times in order who was likely introduced to Di Mambro by to ask his opinion. Di Mambro did so several one of the victims of October 1994. On 30 times. May 1982, Jouret and his then wife7 were Although Di Mambro’s OTS considered “accepted in the Golden Way” and took the the 1952 resurgence as a “first impulse,” the

210 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS real resurgence began for them on 21 March to Toronto. And Breyer himself, at a conclave 1981. On that day, “knights” met at the of ORT officers during Easter 1984 in Golden Way Foundation headquarters “to Geneva, informed the gathered people that renew their oath of alegiance to the Order of the deposit was “to be transported to Canada” the Temple and to the XXIIIrd Occult Grand where a “Noah’s ark” was to be built.13 Master to come.”11 One of the goals of the From 1984 forward, the movement had meeting was to achieve “Templar unity,” and two centers of activity – French-speaking for this purpose the heads of two Neo- Europe and Québec. The presence in Canada Templar Orders had been invited – Jean-Louis was also meant to reach the English-speaking Marsan, Grand Master of the OSTS (Ordre world, mainly the United States: Souverain du Temple Solaire, i.e., Sovereign Order of the Solar Temple) and Julien Origas, The Executive Council of this New Order Grand Master of the ORT (Ordre Rénové du decided that, in line with the historic destiny Temple, i.e., Renewed Order of the Temple). of the Order of the Temple, the headquarters Like Di Mambro, both Origas and Marsan had of the Order should be located somewhere on been connected with the resurgence initiated the North America continent. The reason for this decision is simple. North America has by Breyer. “Templar unity” was not achieved, become the source of most of the new but such meetings show that members of these impulses which determine the way life evolves neo-Templar groups were partly interacting in on this planet. It is therefore fitting that the the same milieu, with each group maintaining modern Knight Templar of the old continent its specific features. For instance, the ORT was should play his part in the Age of Aquarius by originally sponsored by Raymond Bernard adding his inspiration to that which his coun- (born in 1923), head of AMORC for French- terparts in the New World will bring to the speaking countries, who functioned for a time planet.14 as the secret Grand Master of the ORT.12 After the death of Julien Origas (1920–83), However, despite the beginning of a trans- Luc Jouret briefly took control of the ORT as lation project designed to make certain rules Grand Master, but immediately found himself and ritual texts available to English-speaking confronted with opposition from Origas’s audiences, the order never had more than a wife and daughter. At the same time, some handful of isolated members in the United Canadians linked to the ORT expressed a States. In January 1989, at the height of strong interest in Jouret’s message. During its development and before internal turmoil this period of crisis (March 1984), Luc Jouret, took its toll on membership, OTS had 442 Joseph Di Mambro, and a Canadian member members, of which 90 were in Switzerland went to consult Jacques Breyer. Breyer told (monthly revenues: $12,600), 187 in France them that he thought it possible to develop ($12,700), 53 in Martinique ($3,400), 16 in something out of the small Canadian nucleus the United States ($1,125), 86 in Canada through restructuring the local groups and ($7,000) and 10 in Spain. transferring the center of the OTS’s activities to Canada. Breyer’s advice was connected to apocalyptic considerations typical of his way of From Survivalism to Self-Destruction thinking: the “age of plagues,” needed to open people up spiritually, was about to come In addition to these revenues, several well- because of the earth’s growing corruptions. endowed members donated large sums that The area around Toronto, Breyer claimed, amounted to hundreds of thousands (and up would experience less upheaval during this to millions) of US dollars over the years. These time of troubles. In 1984, the Golden Way donors hoped that their generosity would Foundation financed Joseph and Jocelyne Di permit the financing of “life centers” on Mambro’s emigration to Canada; according to farms acquired in Canada and in Cheiry, Breyer’s advice, the Di Mambros first moved Switzerland, in 1990. But the group’s leaders

211 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS diverted part of these donations into other Mambro had grown more authoritarian. He areas, including their own travel expenses and no longer helped with the daily chores, as he living costs for community members with no had in the original community.16 He wanted external means of support. The constant need to gather bright people around him, but prob- for funds led to financial problems, which ably was also afraid of potential competitors. were perhaps not entirely unrelated to the There was never any attempt at a takeover, but events of 1994. there were rivalries among Di Mambro’s Beginning in the 1990s, several members underlings, and some people felt that he began distancing themselves from the order. was playing a game of divide and rule while Important donors among these members expecting unconditional obedience from all wanted to recoup at least some of their money, members.17 When speaking to the police, a and the group’s revenues began to decline. Di Canadian member who broke with the Solar Mambro had long pretended (since at least Temple in 1993 summarized the feelings of the late 1970s) to represent the “Mother many defectors: “I did not feel that the people Lodge” and to receive his orders from myste- were living what they preached. And I was rious “Masters” in Zurich. The theme of tired of the infighting and never being able to “Unknown Superiors” is a commonplace of find out what was going on, so I left.”18 occult movements such as Rosicrucianism, A report on the organization’s situation Theosophy, and the I AM Activity. However, in Europe written to Di Mambro on 10 around 1990, Di Mambro’s son Elie (1969– December 1993 by a Swiss OTS officer 94) began seriously to doubt the existence of reflects the growing dissent that was affecting the “Masters” of Zurich and discovered that the group at this time. The document also fakery had been practiced by his father to shows how a longtime follower who had produce the illusion of spiritual phenomena developed serious doubts about Di Mambro’s during the ceremonies celebrated in the honesty nevertheless wanted to persevere in order’s sanctuaries. These phenomena – which serving the ideal he had dedicated his life to included apparitions of spiritual entities – had for so many years. This loyalty had tragic con- been a major reason why several members had sequences, as he was murdered in October accepted Di Mambro as what he claimed to 1994 as he was about to leave the farm where be. Even today, several leading former he lived with other members. The report members remain convinced that, notwith- states, standing occasional fakery, some of the phe- nomena were authentic. Elie spoke openly Rumors about embezzlement and various about what he had discovered, which led to [forms of] skullduggery are propagated by the departure of fifteen members. In 1993, influential ex-members. Many members . . . there was a wave of resignations of French have left or are leaving. They feel their ideals members who saw that their donations ended have been betrayed ...It is even said that you up as home improvements for their leader’s have fallen because of money and women, and residence. In February 1994, two members you’re no longer credible. This is very serious from Geneva sent an open letter to announce for the Order’s mission. their decision to leave the movement, because There are even more serious grumblings, and “real fraternity [did] not exist in this structure, you know them. Here they are: everything as extolled in the teachings.” They were also that we saw and heard in certain places has worried about what happened to their contri- been a trick. I have known this for some time. butions, observing the absence of the “life Tony [Dutoit]19 has been talking about this 15 centers” which were supposed to be created. for years already ...I have always refused And these were not the only examples of to pay attention to these rumors, but the defections. evidence is growing, and questions are being Throughout the years, according to expla- asked. This calls into question many things nations provided by former members, Di I’ve seen, and messages. I would be really

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upset if I had to conclude that I had sincerely Not long after, Luc Jouret ran afoul of prostrated myself in front of an illusion!!! . . . law enforcement officials in Québec after he There is enough stuff here to send less com- encouraged trusted members to buy guns mitted people packing. And all the resigna- illegally. The police were investigating anony- tions and departures of recent times just mous threats from an unknown terrorist confirm it. group at the time and, when tipped off by an I don’t want to analyze the reasons that could informer about the attempt by an inexperi- lead to such trickery, which was motivated by enced OTS member to get three guns with good intentions no doubt, but which trans- silencers, began to watch several members of gressed the rules of common sense, when we the group. The members were arrested in see the mess we’re in now. It’s also been said March 1993. The Canadian media reported that Zurich has never existed, that it’s pure the story and published extracts from police fantasy . . . wiretaps revealing the homeopath’s unusual As for myself, I believe in the cosmic law. I interest in firearms. This gave the OTS more believe in the message received 2000 years unwanted publicity and cooled the enthusiasm ago by which I aim to live. I believe in the life of several members, even though Jouret and ethic which my parents taught me and which two of his followers were given the relatively I aim to apply. I believe in a conscience which mild sentence of one year of unsupervised I aim to find within myself. If I go down this probation and a fine of one thousand Cana- path, I cannot be wrong. And no rumor, true dian dollars (to be paid to the Red Cross) for of false, could deter me from what I have to buying prohibited arms. do. I will continue to work in the Order and These problems, internal and external, are for the mission as long as you need me and crucial in understanding the OTS’s gradual as long as I can do it.20 distortion and disintegration. Di Mambro had gathered around him a group that lent an These controversies were not confined to appearance of reality to the fictions he created. the OTS sanctuaries. During the 1980s, the And now this imaginary universe began to Solar Temple had more or less escaped anti- come under critical scrutiny. The head of the cult polemics. Jouret had two lines written Solar Temple apparently decided to respond about him in an entry on the ORT in a by taking himself and his followers away from booklet put out by a French anti-cult group the scene altogether. in 1984,21 but in the 1987 edition, both he Throughout the 1980s, the Solar Temple’s and the ORT were left unmentioned. Oddly doctrine had grown increasingly apoca- enough, in the end critical coverage did not lyptic. Even in his public meetings, Luc come from Europe or Canada, but from the Jouret frequently alluded to cataclysmic island of Martinique: on 10 September 1991, upheavals that threatened the planet with Lucien Zécler, president of the local branch imminent destruction. The apocalyptic of the Association for the Defense of Families thinking of the Solar Temple had clear eco- and Individuals (ADFI), the leading anti- logical connotations, and Jouret’s lectures cult movement in France, sent a letter to often described the earth as a holistic living several associations and centers in Québec, entity who could no longer endure what asking for information on the OTS. The humankind was inflicting on her.22 The request followed the decision of several concern of the leaders for the environmental citizens of Martinique to sell their worldly situation seems to have been a sincere one: Di goods, leave their families, and move to Mambro kept several video recordings of TV Canada to escape coming disasters. At the end reports about ecological problems; in his of 1992, a former member of the OTS went home, investigators also found a testament to Martinique to publicly denounce the showing that Di Mambro and his wife had Solar Temple, which provoked local media considered listing ecological organizations in coverage. their will.

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The Solar Temple’s message was survivalist a mirror and evoked the possibility of the as well. We have already seen that this had coming of a flying saucer to take faithful caused the group to establish a base in Canada, members to another world. On this last point, which was considered to be a safer place. In it is worth noting that, at some of Luc Jouret’s 1986, the temple published in Toronto two seminars which I attended in 1987, a comic volumes under the title, Survivre à l’An 2000 strip called Timeless Voyage was on sale.27 This (Survival beyond the Year 2000). The first strip tells the story of a group of UFO believ- volume was mostly doctrinal. The second dealt ers who, before the imminent “great muta- with the subject in a very practical way, estab- tion,” are brought on board a “cosmic vessel” lishing guidelines as to what provisions to to “Vessel-Earth.”28 Solar Temple members store in order to survive a disaster that would were thus already familiar with this type of destroy all essential technologies and what to scenario well before 1990. An ex-member do to survive atomic, bacteriological, or chem- explained to the investigators that talks about ical warfare. In addition, it provided a detailed transit never implied suicide, but rather the idea first aid manual. Nothing in these volumes of being saved from disasters. Perhaps the would lead one to suspect suicidal tendencies; theme of “transit,” rather than marking a break to the contrary, it seemed as if the adepts with survivalism, should be interpreted as hoped to find themselves among those who a reorientation towards a survival in other survived the apocalypse unscathed. dimensions following the irreversible worsen- How, then, can one explain the reversal ing of the situation on this planet.29 that led a core of members to choose collec- If we believe their declarations to the police tive self-immolation? Besides survivalism, after the events of 1994, most of those there were other latent themes, always on the members who had heard about the idea same apocalyptic foundation, which had the of “departure” or “transit” considered it as potential to encourage somewhat different rather nebulous or interpreted it innocuously pursuits in the group.23 In a certain way, the as a departure to other geographical loca- Solar Temple’s goals were classically gnostic in tions (for example, leaving Geneva). When that they ultimately aimed at “the release of members wanted to know more, they some- the ‘inner man’ from the bonds of the world times received evasive answers: and his return to his native realm of light.”24 The manifesto-testaments sent just prior to Transit was the return to the Father, the return the events of October 1994 echo such feel- to the Unity, after having left Earth ...Two ings: “We, Servants of the Rosy Cross, force- or three years before October 1994, I dis- fully reaffirm that we are not of this world and cussed with —— what was meant by the we know perfectly well the coordinates of our concept. She told me that I shouldn’t worry, that I wouldn’t realize, that we would all leave Origins and our Future.”25 “Always belonging together, as one. At the time, naively, I never to the Reign of the Spirit, incarnating the thought that meant collective suicide.30 subtle link between Creature and Creator, we 26 rejoin our Home.” The most devoted Solar Some members had known a little more Temple adepts would push this reasoning to precisely how things would happen. One its extreme logical consequences. remembers that Di Mambro “started talking According to several testimonies gathered by about transit to another world. He said that the investigators, the theme of “transit” began this would be accomplished by a shift in con- to be evoked by Di Mambro in 1990 or 1991. sciousness and we wouldn’t be aware of it.”31 It meant a voluntary departure or a consent to But this operation presupposed a certain bring the germ of life to another planet. It was degree of preparation: necessary to be ready to leave at any time in response to the call. Di Mambro said he did not [Di Mambro] explained to us that one day yet know what the mode of transit would be: we’d all be called to a meeting at which a he presented the metaphor of a passage across transit would be accomplished. It had to do

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with a mission, with a departure towards Passing the Torch Jupiter ...He said to his listeners that they had to be on call twenty-four hours a day so as not to miss the departure and that once the The fact that texts trying to explain and justify order was given, we would have to move the “transit” (including two of the four which quickly.32 were sent to the media in October 1994) were written by 1993 reveals that a group of people This helps to explain the speed with which methodically prepared for their deaths over a some of the victims suddenly abandoned period of many months. To be ready for the everything to head to their mysterious demise. passage to other spheres, the most dedicated But if this confirms the emergence of the idea members progressively severed all ties with the of “transit” well before October 1994, it does outside world. Messages received from other not explain the reasoning that led Di Mambro dimensions came to bolster them in their toward this plan of action. Outside of possible resolve to quit this planet. For example, a explanations linked to Di Mambro’s men- series of five messages collected under the title, tal state, it seems likely that criticism by “The Polestar,” and supposedly delivered by ex-members, episodic public exposure in “the Lady of Heaven,” were received between Martinique and Québec, and disappointed 24 December 1993 and 17 January 1994. The hopes for success led the Solar Temple’s lead- first message calls on the recipients to root out ership to revise their view of the future. In their “terrestrial attraction” and talks about addition, the wiretaps of Luc Jouret made by Jupiter as their “Next Home.” The second the police in Québec during the 1993 investi- message exhorts them to “put [their] last gation reveal that the charismatic physician things in order to leave Earth free and clear.” was in a depressed mood, constantly com- The third message declares, “We want you free plaining about feeling tired and expressing to rejoin us, without feeling constrained, eagerness to leave the world. Still, no one without feeling pressure, but of your own free factor is sufficient in and of itself, especially will,” and warns, “If you do not try your since the collective self-immolation involved hardest to escape the attraction of this Earth, not just one individual but the order’s entire woe is you!” The fourth message repeats, “It core group. We cannot rule out the possibility is now time to leave humanity to its deadly that some elements in the decision still remain destiny, you are done with it. Don’t look in unknown to us. the world for whomever or whatever to save. The first known version of a text explaining Close the door on humans.” As for the fifth “departure” had been written by February message, it announces in a solemn tone that 1993. This coincides with the opening of the “no Light will stay on Earth” and can be investigation into the group by Québec police summed up by the sentence, “Retire, let go of on 2 February 1993; since some sources this Earth without remorse.”34 suggest that Jouret may have gotten word of It no doubt took a great deal of persuasion the investigation before the police interven- to convince a nucleus of members to accept tions of 8 March 1993, we do not know with such a radical step. Some documents reflect absolute certainty whether the text was written the hesitation that was probably expressed and without knowledge of the investigation in the arguments used to reassure and maintain 33 progress. At any rate, even if the problems adherence to the plan. A few of these argu- in Martinique and in Québec confirmed Di ments were in keeping with classic themes of Mambro and his close associates in their plan millenarian literature not otherwise found in to leave a world perceived as unjust and the group’s teachings: doomed, these events did not initiate the idea of departure: the attempt at buying guns in- The idea of the passage from one world to dicates that the idea was already under con- another might worry some of you. I assure sideration prior to these investigations. you that you are going towards a marvelous

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world which could not be, in any case, any about the self-destruction project. If the day worse than the one you are leaving. or the month had been set a long time in Know from now on that after the passage, you advance, she would certainly not have taken will have a body of glory but you will still be the time to prepare instructions for the period recognizable. You will no longer need to eat after the set date. The will to leave a legacy but if you want to eat, you will be able to do and a following behind after the “transit” also it without earning your bread with the sweat shows itself in the initiative of summer 1994 of your brow. (and up to the eve of the events) to start up a new organization, the Rosicrucian Alliance Your eternal body will be subject neither to (Alliance Rose-Croix, ARC). aging nor to pain nor to sickness.35 Over the years, it appears the group devoted a great deal of energy to organizing and reor- According to Solar Temple beliefs, the ganizing its various subsidiaries. As early as departure was only possible because on 6 1991, documents had suggested that the January 1994 the mysterious “Elder Brothers Templar Order should soon make room for “a of the Rosy Cross” “effected their Transit for new Rosicrucian Fraternity”; but there was an Elsewhere that only the initiates know and resistance to this idea in some OTS sectors by serve.”36 Taking off towards superior dimen- believers who were attached to the Templar sions, the “Brothers” in some way carried form. Although there is no real historical con- Solar Temple members in their wake, allowing nection between the medieval Templar Order those who were worthy to ascend to a higher and Rosicrucian doctrines, the conjoining of level. Significant allusions to this subject can the Temple and the Rosy Cross was noth- be read in notes found on a diskette in one of ing new, since such theories had originally the chalets in Salvan (Switzerland): “Take the appeared in Western occult circles during the place of the E[lder] B[rothers] on Venus, so eighteenth century.37 According to the teach- that later on J[upiter?], we will be reunited. ings of the Solar Temple, “the true Order of They will precede us, make room for us, show the Rosy Cross is ...the Order of the Temple us the way and we will follow them.” Accord- in its center ...More than an esoteric institu- ing to the declarations of a witness who tion at the heart of the Order, it was and it is later perished during the second “transit” in in truth its secret Church.”38 December 1995, Jouret, at a small gathering At a first meeting in Avignon on 9 July just before the events of October 1994, 1994, 95 out of the 118 people present explained that if the leadership would cross a responded positively to the proposition to new step in effecting a passage from matter to create a new association. The ARC’s con- essence, all the subsequent levels would auto- stituent assembly, a purely administrative oper- matically progress one degree. ation, met with a few people present in Even within this perspective of escape from Montreux on 13 August 1994. Of the four worldly catastrophes and transit to a better committee members elected that day, two world, however, the order’s leaders deemed it were found dead in October. The real launch- fitting to leave something behind for poster- ing of the ARC took place at a second meeting ity. Only this desire to leave a legacy can in Avignon on 24 September 1994, with the explain why the leadership continued to be as theme “The new mission of the Rosy Cross”; active as ever while making preparations for the invitation described the new order as “the their exit. The exact date of “departure” was natural successor to the OTS.”39 One hundred probably decided on short notice: the outline people were present, including 88 dues-paying of the internal monthly instructions meant for members plus some of Di Mambro’s en- distribution to the members, which was found tourage. The documents revealed a desire to by police in the chalets in Salvan, continued simplify the organizational structure. Partici- until May 1995. These instructions were pre- pants had the feeling of a new beginning; the pared by Jocelyne Di Mambro, who knew notebook of one of the participants had listed

216 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS under 24 September, “Meeting of the New had traveled several times to Australia, where Alliance in Avignon.” he attempted to create a “life center.” Suspi- cious international monetary transfers drew the attention of the Australian police: during A Persecution Mania the month of October 1993, Di Mambro received on three separate occasions 100,000 Many of those present on 24 September 1994 dollars from Switzerland, money which was were not aware that the hour of the “depar- then deposited into bank accounts he had ture” was approaching. Joseph Di Mambro opened in Sydney. Canberra Interpol asked and those close to him were becoming more the French police for information regarding and more discouraged, as an audio cassette Di Mambro, who had no known resources. from spring 1994 in which several core The French police squad in charge of financial members of the group discussed their “depar- improprieties wondered if it might be a case ture” demonstrates. Di Mambro is heard of illegal trafficking in foreign currency. saying, The French consulate in Montreal also became suspicious of the Di Mambros. In We are rejected by the whole world. First by March 1994, the French Ministry of Foreign the people, the people can no longer with- Affairs asked the Ministry of the Interior to stand us. And our Earth, fortunately she advise whether it should extend Jocelyne Di rejects us. How would we leave [otherwise]? Mambro’s passport, as the family was unable We also reject this planet. We wait for the day to provide proof of their residence in Canada we can leave ...life for me is intolerable, and had changed residence five times in five intolerable, I can’t go on. So think about the years. Even stranger, Joseph Di Mambro had dynamic that will get us to go elsewhere. obtained no less than five passports in seven years, and his visas showed he had made Compared with other controversial groups, numerous short international trips, including the Solar Temple encountered very modest several to Malaysia. By October 1994, the opposition; it would be excessive to use the inquiry headed by the financial squad of the term “persecution,” despite what the group’s French judicial police was still ongoing. As for spiritual testament would have us believe. In Jocelyne Di Mambro’s passport, the French fact, Di Mambro’s loss of a sense of reality embassy in Ottawa finally renewed it, but only made any opposition or criticism intolerable. for three months, and this gave rise to a The legal problems encountered by Jouret strange incident. Jocelyne Di Mambro hired a and others in Québec in 1993 did nothing Montreal lawyer to defend her interests in the to assuage his growing sense of paranoia. passport renewal affair. Through an unknown After all, the press had reported that several channel (perhaps simply the French con- members of the group had been subjected to sulate?), the lawyer heard about the investiga- official surveillance and wiretapping.40 This led tion of his client and her husband and seems the core leadership to believe themselves the to have become reluctant to be associated object of omnipresent police control and with the couple and their possibly question- the victims of traitors who had infiltrated the able business affairs. He wrote to Jocelyne Di movement. Mambro on 25 August 1994 to explain to her Jocelyne Di Mambro’s difficulties in getting that the affair had implications that were her passport renewed only exacerbated these “political as much as they were legal,” and suspicions. This and the fact that Di Mambro that the non-renewal decision came from the sent a posthumous letter to Charles Pasqua French Ministry of the Interior and was (then French minister of the Interior) gave rise linked “to a police investigation of a criminal to speculation concerning a mysterious poli- matter.” Even as he told his client that he tical or criminal background for the OTS’s would no longer be representing her interests, leader. The explanation is simpler. Di Mambro he advised her to “take very seriously the

217 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS results of the investigation by the French We are being followed and spied upon in authorities.”41 our every move. All the cars are equipped In point of fact, during the investiga- with tracing and listening devices. tions following the events of October 1994, All of their most sophisticated techniques nothing came to light confirming a surveil- are being used on us. While in the house, lance of the group during this period.42 Not beware of surveillance cameras, lasers, and only did the financial investigations squad of infra-red. the French police likely have more urgent Our file is the hottest on the planet, the business to attend to, but the matter appears most important of the last ten years, if not of to have been related only to unexplained the century. However that may be, as it turns out, the financial transfers by an individual French concentration of hate against us will give us citizen and not by the leader of a small apo- enough energy to leave.44 calyptic order. The police in Québec ceased their surveillance of the Solar Temple after the incident with the illegal gun purchase in 1993, The alleged surveillance was construed as and the French Renseignements généraux one more proof that the group was really what (political police), which also keep an eye on it claimed to be, the vehicle of a mission of religions and “cults,” knew little about the cosmic magnitude. The previous document Solar Temple. But one can imagine what the also mentions two members (one of whom lawyer’s statement could have meant for an died in Switzerland and the other a year later increasingly paranoid leadership, which now in France) suspected of infiltrating the move- believed that its worst suspicions were con- ment. Several texts written during that period firmed. It is significant that the document sent warn against “traitors,” and the group in October 1994 to Charles Pasqua (enclosed believed in the right of applying “justice and with the Di Mambros’ passports) was written sentence” to those who showed disloyalty. on a computer at Salvan on 30 August 1994 In a videotape dated September 1994, Di – just after the Di Mambros received the letter Mambro explains that “justice and sentence” from their Montreal lawyer. As Minister of the are the equivalent of “vengeance,” but in an Interior, Pasqua was held personally responsi- impersonal sense. In the spring 1994 audio ble for the problems they encountered: “We track about the “departure,” Di Mambro talks accuse you of deliberately wanting to destroy about those “who had committed themselves our Order and having done so for reasons and then no longer wanted to remain of state.”43 Such writings confirm the Di involved. That changes nothing about their Mambros’ growing persecution paranoia, but commitment ...You’ll see, you’ll see how lend no credibility to the theories linking the things will go for them.” The letter to Charles letter to Pasqua with mysterious underworld Pasqua is explicit: connections. Another text found on Jocelyne Di If we must apply our justice ourselves, it is Mambro’s computer and written after a because of the fact that yours is rotten and conversation with an unknown speaker adds corrupt . . . It behooves us, before we leave further evidence of a growing sense of these stinking terrestrial planes, to reduce persecution: certain traitors to silence, which you and your agencies have directly or indirectly mani- pulated ...to destroy our honor and our We are far from knowing the whole truth actions.45 about the surveillance. Police all over the world are concentrating on us. Our file is coded, nobody has access except the leaders While it cannot be doubted that the exter- (it is on Pasqua’s desk). nal opposition encountered by the Solar We don’t know when they might close the Temple strengthened the resolve of its leaders trap on us ...a few days? a few weeks? to depart for a higher plane of existence,46 the

218 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS root of Di Mambro’s decision to launch the from the collective by superhuman effort.” process which led to the “transit” is most The temple “did not recognize” itself “as closely connected to internal dissent (the belonging to the human world, but to the theoretical idea of the possibility of having to race of Gods.”50 “depart” having already been present longer The leaders of the Solar Temple explained in the ideology of the group, as we have seen). their actions in the texts sent to the media Di Mambro nourished a deep resentment from a Geneva post office on 5 October 1994, toward critical members and former members, and in three videocassettes which were although these dissidents had kept their criti- shipped to a French OTS member by another cism within the confines of the group and had trusted member at the same time. Two of not gone public – except for the ex-member these cassettes are titled “Testament of the who spoke with the media in Martinique in Rosy Cross,” and the third is titled “Joseph of December 1992 and who had repeated her Arimathea – Messages.” accusations to the Canadian media in March The lengthy recording of the “Testament of 1993.47 In the important tape recording the Rosy Cross” opens with the symbol of (mentioned earlier) of a discussion within ARC (a double-headed eagle behind a rose the core group in spring 1994, Di Mambro with a cross). On the screen a seated woman declared to his most trusted disciples, appears51 who reads a text; in the background, a rose emerges from a misty landscape; as There are people who claim that I have taken background music, the Grail theme from everything for me ...what I have taken, I Richard Wagner’s opera Lohengrin plays haven’t taken it for me, since I leave every- throughout the entire lecture.52 The lengthy thing behind. But I will leave nothing, I will “testament” is read with a growing exaltation; leave ashes, I will leave nothing to the bas- there are several mentions of “departure.” tards who have betrayed us. The harm they This “Testament of the Rosy Cross” is most have done to the Rosy Cross, that I cannot interesting because of its synthesis of Solar forgive; what they have done to me, it doesn’t Temple beliefs on the eve of the group’s matter. But the harm they have done to the self-immolation. 48 Rosy Cross, I won’t forgive it. I cannot. The testament first underlines man’s mission as mediator between God and the Di Mambro still harbored feelings of Earth: “We are the focalization on which the betrayal and resentment during the final hours Creator rests...Today, we are in the final of his life. On 3 October 1994, when the cycle of conscious creation; we must be able “transit” had begun and a number of victims to control these bodies ...and, with full had in all likelihood already lost their lives, Di maturity, to leave the mother [i.e. the Earth] Mambro (or one of his assistants) wrote two ...We must not bring back consciousness to drafts of letters to a general attorney which the state before the fall, but become aware of accused two former members of black- this state, enrich it with the painful experience mailing him and of tarnishing the Temple’s of the fall and redeem our being, so that we reputation.49 could continue after the fall with a capital of enriched consciousness-energy-love.” In this way, the spirit is able to follow its route across The Creation of a Legend the sublimation of matter and, enriched by its experience in matter, “start up a superior As already asserted, however, it was not just a cycle of evolution.”53 matter of “leaving” and punishing “traitors,” According to the testament, 26,000 years but of accomplishing these ends in such a ago the Blue Star (related to Sirius’s energy) manner as to leave behind an enduring legend. left on the earth “Sons of the One”; it appears The group was convinced that it belonged to in the sky every time its help is needed and “the pivotal elite” which “has been removed responds to magnetization when humanity

219 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS undergoes its crises of transmutation. The pillar, people’s profiles, one by one, whom it years 1950 to 1960 saw a growing change in is not possible to identify because they are the consciousness of human beings. Human- dressed in ample capuchin capes pulled around ity is passing through periods of preparation their faces. They process in a slow and untir- called “tribulations,” successive cycles of seven ing march, each holding in both hands a lit years which end in 1998. The circumstances candle. This mysterious procession is com- of the “departure” are then explained: mented on by the voice of Joseph Di Mambro and a member of the fraternity: In the 1980s, the Sons of the One called the Blue Star. With man’s consciousness still too JDM: Space is curved, time comes to an end fragmented, it was asked of the spiritual forces ...Our cycle is over, these images tell all. to intervene and to allot an additional period F: On 6 January 1994, at 0 h 15 m, the of time to move back the date, to slow down Elder Brothers of the Rosy Cross left their ter- the irrevocable changes on Earth ...The restrial planes, preceded by entities from the Earth was given an additional seven years to Great Pyramid who have gone back to their prepare ...This delay acts like a rubber band original planes. Programmed for all eternity, which, when stretched to its limit, becomes this unique event in history confirms the truth unstable and too powerful. This limit has been and the actualization of the prophecies that reached ...and we still need more time. But warned man that one day, because of this delay given to us has nonetheless allowed [mankind’s] disdain for the Word, the Gods beings to hear the message, to prepare and to would leave the earth ...A unique time is participate with full consciousness in this coming to an end as these knights, anony- unique event which we call the passage. The mous by choice, last carriers of the original passage, which is also the gathering of the Sons fire, prepare in their turn to proceed, by their of the One. The Blue Star has come to mag- own means, with the liberation of the capital netize the last workers and bring them back of energy-consciousness which the Rosy towards those of the first hour. The time of Cross bequeathed to them until the comple- return is at hand and the astrological influences tion of the work. are affecting all the physical and non-physical JDM: The good-hearted man can live in planes. They work on the hearts and spirits of this precise second ...a sublime event: the all those who accept their divine origin and are passage of the cycle of Adamic man towards ready to play their part until the end. At the a new cycle of evolution, programmed on moment of passage, the Blue Star ...will another earth, an earth prepared to receive instantly transform in a flash the carriers of life the stored vibrations enriched by the authen- and of the consciousness. tic servants of the Rosy Cross.55 The Star will unleash its influence on the earth, and there man, the unbeliever, remain- This solemn scene is meant to symbolize the ing on Earth, will hope for death. The Blue final procession of the Knights of the Solar Star will leave, he will feel abandoned and he Temple, who are leaving this Earth: “Noble will be right, but it will be too late. The travelers, we are of no era, of no place.”56 radiant Star will be gone, bringing with it If there were still a need to demonstrate that Di every chance at redemption. Yet, if man had Mambro planned to create and leave behind a wanted to remember, wanted to hear, wanted grand legend concerning his order’s transit, this to see . . . Why did he not seize his last “choreography” offers persuasive evidence. chance, brought by the Blue Star?54

The third cassette is a composite of four ele- ments: three messages received from above by The End of the Solar Temple one of the members and a strange sequence that Di Mambro wanted to leave to posterity. On 4 October 1994, at 1:40 p.m. (Swiss time), In a room that looks like a church crypt, we Canadian police intervened at a fire in Morin see through a doorway, in front of a large Heights and discovered two adult corpses. On

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6 October, the corpses of two parents who had several OTS survivors (including victims of the been savagely murdered were found with their December 1995 “transit”) were troubled over baby child hidden in a closet. It was later dis- the methods used in October 1994. However, covered that the murders had occurred on 30 this discomfort did not stop a few of them from September and that the perpetrators had sub- recognizing that they would have responded sequently flown back to Switzerland. Also on 4 to the call if it had been addressed to them, or October, a little before midnight, residents of indeed from feeling a little disappointed not the small Swiss village of Cheiry noticed that a to have been invited to participate. fire had started at the La Rochette farm in the Several testimonies collected by the Swiss heights around the village. On Wednesday, police after the event of December 1995 show 5 October, around 3 a.m., three chalets were that a process of reinterpretation was quickly in flames at another place in Switzerland, elaborated among the core of the surviving Granges-sur-Salvan. Twenty-three corpses believers, leading to the conclusion that what were discovered at Cheiry, twenty-five at happened was in fact positive and that those Salvan. In Cheiry, most of the victims had who departed had sacrificed to save the apparently been called to a meeting on Sunday consciousness of the planet and to pave the and were probably already dead on Monday, 3 way for others. In their eyes, the “departure” October. A total of sixty-five bullets were found conjoined the horrible and the sublime in a in their heads, and most of the victims had strange harmony. They came to the decision absorbed a strong soporific before being shot. to follow the same path, probably convinced No firearm had been used at Salvan, where only that the first group was waiting for them.57 members of the core group lived; they had been The death of five more persons in Québec in injected with a poisonous substance provided March 1997 follows the same pattern, and by Jouret. the letter sent to the media by this handful of It has been clearly established that some of hardliners articulates their doubts that there the fifty-three victims were murdered, while remain other people ready to follow the same others submitted to execution voluntarily. path after them.58 However, even if their deaths were technically Scholarly observers have advanced varied assassinations (bullets in the head), we will interpretations of the Solar Temple’s saga.59 never know with absolute certainty how many Whatever the primary cause of the “transit,” victims volunteered for their “departure” or it was not a hasty decision, and the core group how many realized beforehand that the took time and care to legitimate ideologically fabulous voyage to another planet they had the suicides and murders. This process proba- been hoping for would take such brutal form. bly also helped them reinforce each other in The fact that members who were fully cog- their choices, which had to be agreed upon nizant of the macabre details of this “depar- collectively. Moreover, they likely celebrated ture” and who were deeply affected by the loss ceremonies that ritualized their beliefs con- of long-standing friends nevertheless decided, cerning the act they were about to commit in December 1995, to themselves “leave” near the time of the final departure. Texts (again using firearms) in a clearing in French detailing these ceremonies were discovered at Vercors left many observers in such a state Di Mambro’s residence at Salvan. They strik- of incredulity that a number of journalists ingly illustrate the mind-set of the core group advanced the hypothesis of external interven- with regard to the coming transit: tion. But no such trace has been found (which would have been easy, since the area was Brothers and Sisters of the First and of the snowy), and without ruling out the possibility Last Hour . . . that some victims did not fully consent or Today . . . as we are gathered here in this wanted to back out at the last minute, the deeds Holy Place . . . of these members are explicable without the The Great Terrestrial Cycle is closing in on intervention of a third party. It is true that itself.

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Alpha and Omega are fusing [to initiate] a way to assert dramatically its claims before the new Creation. entire world. Creators of their own legend, the The Time of the Great Gathering is pro- core members of the Solar Temple considered claiming the Departure of the Sons of themselves as an elect circle, heirs to an Heaven. uncommon destiny who were invested with a In the Name of a Will above mine . . . cosmic task to fulfill. Believing that they would I am handing the seed of our Immortality and become gods, they followed the flute player in of our Transcendent Nature to the Infinite a dance of death and paid the ultimate price. Worlds . . . At this Supreme Moment . . . The ruby power of the Work should free itself Notes and rejoin the Levels of the Future . . . So that, engendered by ourselves . . . 1 Concluding text from two videocassettes Like the Phoenix . . . titled, “Testament of the Rosy Cross,” sent We might be reborn from our ashes. from Geneva to a member of the OTS on 5 Through the Sword of Light . . . October 1994. Raised toward the Levels Above, what is 2 This quote is excerpted from a tape transcript refined should depart from the world of made for the use of the police investigation. All density . . . documents without specific indication of And ascend toward its Point of Origin. source belong to the material gathered by the Our Terrestrial Journey is coming to an end police and kept either in Fribourg or in ... Martigny (Switzerland). These documents are The Work is being completed. not individually numbered, and they are not presently accessible to researchers; the author Everyone must return to their position on the has been able to use them solely because of his Great Celestial Chessboard.60 participation in the official police investigation of the Solar Temple case. Regarding quotes We have to consider seriously the OTS’s from interrogations conducted by the police beliefs. Di Mambro acted at times like a with witnesses, they can be included only if the common swindler, but he very likely remained anonymity of the individuals quoted remains convinced of his message and mission until the fully protected. For this reason, it is not possi- end. Certainly, internal dissent and outside ble to provide references in the usual way. criticism helped to convince hesitant members 3Taken from a document dated 28 May 1994 of the core group that radical methods were found on one of the order’s computers. Rituals celebrated toward the end, especially one needed in order to leave Earth. But, although called “The Return of the Fire,” develop such we will never know for sure, it seems doubt- ideas and show how the core members had the ful that a lesser degree of public exposure feeling of being in control of events when would have prevented the “transit.” Even if he committing suicide and returning to their orig- was able to hide such feelings when it was inal home after having been enriched through needed, Di Mambro had reached the point their experiences. that he could no longer accept questioning of 4“Transit to the Future,” one of four texts deliv- or disagreement with his views. Convinced of ered to several dozen recipients on 5 October their own superiority and insulated psycho- 1994. All the (unpublished) internal docu- logically from countervailing perspectives, the ments of OTS quoted in these notes were leadership came to view any dissonant voice as written in French, but their titles are translated here into English. unbearable. 5 An original, longer version of this study was Finally, the transit presented an attractive published in French as Les Mythes du temple response to the movement’s decline: the solaire (Geneva: Georg, 1996). A revised and temple needed to be “re-dynamized” period- updated Italian translation was published the ically. The transit also allowed the group to following year as Il Tempio Solare (Leumann escape from perceived threats and offered a [Turin]: Editrice Elle Di Ci, 1997). There is

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also an updated and extended German version, Geneva, Switzerland, found in personal Der Sonnentempel: Die Tragödie einer Sekte archives of Joseph Di Mambro. (Freiburg: Paulusverlag, 1998). The English 14 Delaforge, The Templar Tradition, 138. version has been rewritten to a large extent and 15 Open Letter, February 1994. See note 2. also contains several passages and quotes which 16 However, there were several other members are not found in the previous versions. The who remained totally devoted to Joseph Di author thanks the three anonymous reviewers Mambro, as their decision to follow him in for their critical comments: he has tried to take death demonstrates. Regarding the question of several of their remarks into consideration. the nature of Di Mambro’s charisma, see Jean- Comparisons with other cases of suicide or François Mayer, “Les Chevaliers de violent action by religious groups, however, l’Apocalypse: l’Ordre du Temple Solaire et ses will be kept for a future article. This one con- adeptes,” in Sectes et démocratie, ed. Françoise centrates exclusively upon the OTS case. Champion and Martine Cohen (Paris: Seuil, 6 There were always people who belonged to the 1999), 205–23. The article also examines the inner “Fraternity’ around Di Mambro and interaction between affiliations with the Solar never to OTS itself. Hence the use of “OTS” Temple and previous backgrounds in the cultic as a generic label can be misleading. milieu. 7 He divorced his first wife in January 1985, but 17 He justified this demand by claiming that he she continued to follow the group and was was only relaying the orders from the “Mother found dead at Cheiry in October 1994. Lodge.” 8 Although it is used here generically for describ- 18 Interrogation of former member by Canadian ing the group, the name “Order of the Solar police, 28 December 1994. See note 2. Temple” was only one label among several and 19 Tony Dutoit, his wife, and their baby child was not always in use between 1970 and were the first victims of the carnage of 1994, 1994. savagely murdered in Morin Heights 9 Some attendees with whom the author spoke (Québec). did not like Jouret’s apocalyptic leanings. He 20 Report to Joseph Di Mambro by OTS officer, sometimes conveyed the ambiguous impres- Switzerland, 10 December 1993. See note 2. sion that he was possessed of both charm and 21 Les Sectes: que sont-elles? comment agissent-elles? fanaticism. comment s’en défendre? ce qu’il faut en savoir 10 An overview of the various (and sometimes (Paris: Centre de Documentation, d’Educa- unconnected) movements with reference to tion et d’Action contre les Manipulations the Neo-Templar tradition is provided in the Mentales, 1984), 49. In 1987, during a dis- first part of an article by Massimo Introvigne, cussion with the author, Jouret did not hide “Ordeal by Fire: The Tragedy of the Solar his irritation concerning those two lines. Temple,” Religion 25 (1995): 267–83. 22 For more details about the ecological concern 11 Gaetan Delaforge, The Templar Tradition in behind the apocalpytic views of the Solar the Age of Aquarius (Putney, VT: Threshold Temple, see Mayer, “Les Chevaliers de Books, 1987), 136. ‘Gaetan Delaforge” is the l’Apocalypse.” 211–14. pseudonym of a North American OTS 23 See also the interesting observations by Susan member (who is still alive). Palmer, “Purity and Danger in the Solar 12 See Serge Caillet, L’Ordre rénové du temple. Temple,” Journal of Contemporary Religion 11 Aux racines du temple solaire (paris: Dervy, (1996): 303–18. 1997). There is no relation between the 24 Hans Jonas, The Gnostic Religion (Boston, French citizen Raymond Bernard and his MA: Beacon press, 1958), 67. “The reawak- American homonym who wrote books on the ening of the gnostic conscience in a few human “hollow earth” theory and other topics beings is considered as the sign that the diffuse popular in some segments of the cultic milieu; parcels of light dispersed in the world will according to information provided by Joscelyn reunite and that apocalyptic events are immi- Godwin, the (late) American Raymond nent” (Massimo Introvigne, Il ritorno dello Bernard’s real name was Walter Siegmeister gnosticismo [Milan: SugarCo, 1993], 15– (Joscelyn Godwin, Arktos: The Polar Myth in 16). Science, Symbolism, and Nazi Survival 25 “To those who can still hear the voice of [London: Thames and Hudson, 1993], 122). wisdom ...we send this final message,” 13 Tape of conclave of ORT officers, Easter 1984, Manifesto-testament of OTS, 1994, 2.

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26 “Transit to the future,” Manifesto-testament 42 It should, however, be mentioned that the of OTS, 1994, 5. French embassy in Washington, DC sent a 27 Appel Guery and Sergio Macedo, Voyage request to law enforcement agencies in Canada intemporel (Grenoble, France: Glénat, 1983). in early 1994 requesting information concern- There exists an English translation, Timeless ing possible involvement of Joseph Di Voyage (Papeete, Tahiti: Transtar Pacific, Mambro in money laundering. It is not known 1987). if active investigations were undertaken 28 This is not merely a comic strip, because it following this request. carries the message of a French UFO group 43 Letter sent by Di Mambro to French Interior which really exists. Minister charles Pasqua in October 1994. See 29 “The current planetary situation is irreversibly note 2. escaping all human control ...All creative and 44 Untitled document found on computer at positive forces are strangled ...we refuse to Salvan, Switzerland. See note 2. participate in the assassination of our carrier 45 Letter sent by Di Mambro to French Interior the Earth, we leave this world where our voices Minister Charles Pasqua in October 1994. See can no longer be heard” (“Transit to the note 2. Future”). “Once the time of the Great gath- 46 In a recent article, two American scholars have ering will have come and the Sons of the One very pointedly observed that the “critical issue will withdraw,...the North and South Poles, seems to concern whether the group’s princi- deprived of their magnetic balance which had pals can legitimate to their followers the claim until now been kept by the conscious carriers, of persecution by apostates and other external will give birth to cataclysms and final destruc- opponents as the basis of their troubles.” See tion. This is the Third secret of Our Lady of John R. Hall and Philip Schuyler, “Apostasy, Fatima, which is revealed here” (from a Apocalyse, and Religious Violence: An document dated 28 April 1994 found on a Exploratory Comparison of Peoples Temple, computer in Salvan, Switzerland). the Branch Davidians, and the Solar Temple,” 30 From interrogation of former OTS member by in The Politics of Religious Apostasy: The Role of Swiss police, 18 January 1996. See note 2. Apostates in the Transformation of Religious 31 Ibid, 22 January 1996. Movements, ed. David G. Bromley (London: 32 Ibid. Praeger, 1998), 168. 33 John R. Hall and Philip Schuyler, “The 47 In a few cases, dissidents were threatening to Mystical Apocalypse of the Solar Temple,” in go public with their criticisms in an attempt to Millenium, Messiahs, and Mayhem; Contempo- recoup financial contributions. rary Apocalyptic Movements, ed. Thomas 48 Transcript of tape, spring 1994. See note 2. Robbins and Susan J. Palmer (London: Rout- 49 For unknown reasons, the letters were never ledge, 1997), 300. completed or mailed. 34 “The Polestar,” a series of five OTS messages 50 From a document entitled “Exit toward the founds at Salvan, Switzerland, December light,” end of 1993. See note 2. 1993–January 1994. See note 2. 51 The woman was one of Joseph Di Mambro’s 35 “Last Voyage,” document found at Salvan, most convinced followers. In the spring 1994 Switzerland, 1993. See note 2. audiocassette, already cited several times, this 36 Message dated 28 January 1994. woman is shown as one of those most in favor 37 See René Le Forestier, La Franc-Maçonnerie of the idea of a “departure”: “Yes, I have asked occultiste et templière aux XVIIIe et XIXe soècles, for that for a long time, I think I will have no 2nd edn., 2 vols. (Paris: La Table d’Emeraude, regrets ...I think I will have no doubts or 1987). fears ...I am ready to leave.” 38 “Epistle/Archives ZZA-4,” OTS teaching 52 Di Mambro enjoyed Wagner’s music, which material sent to members, n.d. See note 2. was often used in OTS ceremonies. 39 OTS invitation to meeting, 24 September 53 Excerpt from two videocassettes called “Testa- 1994. See note 2. ment of the Rosy Cross.” See note 1. 40 This wiretapping was conducted over several 54 Ibid. weeks spanning February and March 1993. 55 Excerpt from third videocassette sent with 41 Letter from Di Mambro’s Lawyer in Montreal, “Testament of the Rosy Cross.” See note 1. 25 August 1994. See note 2. 56 Sometimes used by OTS members, this phrase

224 VIOLENCE AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

is actually borrowed from the famous occultist contributed to the resolve of surviving OTS and adventurer, Cagliostro, whose real name members to “leave” in December 1995 and was Giuseppe Balsamo (1743–95). Di March 1997. The conclusions of the French Mambro considered himself a reincarnation of investigation have not yet been made public at Cagliostro. The author wishes to thank the time of the last revisions to this article Massimo Introvigne for bringing the original (November 1998). author of this phrase to his attention. 58 Letter sent 21 March 1997 to leading 57 Internal documents show that the leadership newspapers in Québec including La Presse, Le was considering the possibility (and hoping) Devoir, and Le Soleil. that other people would follow at a later stage. 59 For an overview of the various interpretive cat- The manifesto “To those who can still hear the egories, see Massimo Introvigne, Les Veilleurs voice of wisdom” conludes with the following de l’apocalypse: Millénarisme et nouvelles reli- sentence: “From where we will be, we will gions au seuil de l’an 2000 (Paris: Claire Vigne, always hold our arms toward those who will be 1996), 223–45. worthy of joining us.” It is difficult to estab- 60 Ritual entitled “The Return of the Fire,” n.d., lish accurately how far the media harassment found at Salvan, Switzerland, with manuscript and the wild theories spread about the group corrections. See note 2.

225

VII

Sex and Gender Issues and New Religious Movements

As researchers began to acquire a better grasp the group. In some religious traditions sexual of the details of life in many NRMs it became energies are enlisted as natural aids in the apparent that men and women often are pursuit of spiritual wisdom or other religious attracted to these groups for different reasons goals, but for most of the major religions of and their experiences in them differ in im- the world the sexual appetites of humanity are portant ways as well. Some of the differences viewed with suspicion. They are manifesta- simply emerged from in-depth interviews with tions of our baser natures, and associated with the participants in various groups. Women, for volatile and distracting emotions that must be example, have expressed either their satisfac- transcended to achieve peace and enlighten- tion or irritation, depending on the circum- ment. In all the situations, however, the sexual stances, with their fate as mothers in different relationships happen within the confines of a NRMs. In many groups the duties of mother- larger and imbalanced relationship of power hood exclude them from achieving spiritual that places the student at a disadvantage. From authority (e.g., Krishna Consciousness), while a psychological and sociological perspective in others it garners honor and is beneficial there are intrinsic problems with such rela- (e.g., the Unification Church). But regrettably tionships. But we must be cautious in consid- attention has also been drawn to the issue of ering accusations of abuse or harm since, as gender differences by the sexual scandals and demonstrated in chapter 6, it is common for accusations of abuse that have been leveled at the opponents of new religions to use claims some movements. As each of the readings of some kind of sexual deviance, whether in this section discuss, the bond between the justified or not, to discredit these movements. leaders of NRMs and their followers is In NRMs, as in contemporary society in very intense and personal. Sometimes, general, gender and sexual relations are whether intentionally or unintentionally, stu- contentious. But the concern with issues of dents and teachers also become lovers. More sex, affection, and intimacy in NRMs is not often than not the teachers in NRMs are male, accidental. Gender is what sociologists call a while the students are female. In some tradi- “master status,” and in modern Western tions, or under some circumstances, this devel- societies the private spheres of live in which opment is not necessarily problematic and no gender identities are shaped and primarily one is hurt. But at other times the sexual inti- exercised are being “de-institutionalized”(see macy either contravenes the dictates of the Hunter 1981). Where once there were clear religion, impairs the spiritual development of social rules about dating, marriage, and child- the devotee, or disrupts the social harmony of rearing (i.e., with regard to who could or

227 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES should do what with whom and how), now complex, but one thing is clear: there are a there is a greater freedom of expression that greater variety of attitudes to women and creates ambiguity. For some individuals, the experiences of women in NRMs than is com- level of ambiguity is disconcerting and con- monly appreciated. Still, in the end, Puttick cern about these issues plays a key role in why presents most NRMs as essentially patriarchi- some people join NRMs. Religions have cal, either because they continue to place a always been sites of meaning, order, and con- higher priority on male spiritual development trolled experimentation with aspects of sexual and authority, even if they honor a feminine and family life (see Dawson 2000). Religions ideal of spirituality, or because they may grant anchor the moral regulation of our private women real positions of power but in accor- lives – so important to our sense of security dance with a feminine ideal that is very tradi- and worth – in the natural or transcendent tional and restrictive. There are some signs, order of things. The new religions reassert the however, of the emergence of a more “post- certainty of this ordered and meaningful life, modernist, post-feminist, and androgynous giving a cosmic significance to personal rela- style of leadership” that Puttick thinks is tionships. For some individuals in our increas- preferable, and potentially more revolutionary. ingly secularized societies, particularly women, In chapter 15, “Women’s ‘Cocoon Work’ in who by nature or socialization are typically New Religious Movements: Sexual Experi- more concerned with these matters, this in- mentation and Feminine Rites of Passage,” creased certainty is appealing (e.g., Rose Susan Palmer presents a more optimistic view 1987; Davidman 1990). of the experience of women. Palmer focuses In these and many other ways discussed in more attention on what actually happens to the readings of this section, the issues of sex women in NRMs, stressing in particular the and gender go to the heart of a sound under- fact that most people stay involved for only a standing of both the emergence and func- short period of time (less than two years; see tioning of NRMs and the controversy swirling chapter 11). Even more than Puttick she around them (see Dawson 1998: 94–101). In emphasizes the diversity of women’s roles in chapter 14, “Women in New Religious Move- different NRMs, noting that at least three ments,” Elizabeth Puttick provides an excel- quite distinct models of gender relations can lent overview of the research findings on be found: sex complementarity, sex polarity, the topic, highlighting the issues of access to and sex unity. She further suggests that many power, sexual abuse, alternative conceptions of women are using their time in NRMs to exper- the relationship of sexuality and spirituality, iment with new identities, to “find them- and the experience of motherhood in differ- selves” in an alternative and supportive social ent NRMs. Like Susan Palmer (chapter 15), context. “By temporarily inhabiting the styl- Puttick notes the important role played by ized feminine roles in NRMs and submitting different interpretive orientations in this to their leaders’ erotic/ascetic ordeals,” research. For some observers the experience of Palmer argues, “members appear to undergo women in NRMs is empowering, while for a self-imposed psychological metamorphosis, others it is regressive and repressive. For other or ‘cocoon work,’ which in many ways resem- observers it is empowering in some cases (e.g., bles the ritual process found in feminine rites Wicca) and regressive in others (e.g., Krishna of passage in traditional sociaties.” Consciousness). The judgment will depend on NRMs have good reason to experiment the interpretive perspective brought to bear on with alternative sexual practices as a way the situation (e.g., conservative Christian or of accessing and reforming the most personal feminist). But in other cases, the same situa- and significant motivations and self- tion (e.g., involvement in the Rajneesh/Osho conceptions of their members, and rupturing movement) can be seen as both empowering their habitual bonds to the supposedly mis- and regressive depending on which aspects of guided or even sinful customs and goals of the situation are emphasized. The issues are conventional society. The realm of sexuality

228 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES has long been a theater of operation in the war Modern Dilemma. In T. Robbins and D. to save souls. There are also organizational Anthony (eds.), In Gods We Trust: New Patterns motivations for wishing to change and regu- of Religious Pluralism in America, 2nd edn. New late the sexual behavior of members, since the Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 385–407. obligations associated with romantic love rela- Dawson, Lorne L. 1998: Comprehending Cults: The Sociology of New Religious Movements. Toronto: tionships may run counter to the demands for Oxford University Press. group solidarity. But as the old adage says, —— 2000: Religious Cults and Sex. In C. D. “What is one man’s poison, is another’s meat Bryant (ed.), The Encyclopedia of Criminology or drink,” and in most instances there is no and Deviant Behavior. New York: Taylor and clear way to define religiously sanctioned Francis, 323–6. forms of sexuality as deviant without at least Hunter, James D. 1981: The New Religions: implicitly invoking and accepting some other Demodernization and the Protest Against religious preference as normative, and that Modernity. In B. Wilson (ed.), The Social Impact choice poses ethical and legal problems in our of New Religious Movements. New York: Rose of increasingly pluralistic societies (see Dawson Sharon Press, 1–19. Rose, Susan 1987: Woman Warriors: The Negotia- 2000). tion of Gender in a Charismatic Community. Sociological Analysis 48 (3): 245–58.

References

Davidman, Lynn 1990: Women’s Search for Family and Roots: A Jewish Religious Solution to a

229 CHAPTER FOURTEEN

Women in New Religious Movements

ELIZABETH PUTTICK

Gender Roles in NRMs and the New Christian Right. Despite some questioning of gender roles resulting in theo- The position of women in religion is para- retical equality, in practice women are social- doxical. On the one hand they are the primary ized into rigidly submissive roles in relation to ‘consumers’ of religion who fill the churches, their husbands and pastors.1 keep the ritual fire burning, venerate and Asian religions have also tended to view adorn statues of divinities. On the other hand, women as spiritually inferior and deny them in most of the world’s religions they are power and status, and Eastern-based NRMs debarred from playing an active role and tend to continue this tradition. In the Eastern sometimes even from entering places of groups she studied, Aidala found that ideo- worship. Women are sometimes perceived as logically, ‘No differences were seen in the having an affinity with the numinous, possess- abilities of men and women to attain self ing qualities of devotion, compassion, intui- perfection or “higher consciousness” which tion and receptivity that are often associated was held to be the only relevance in life’. with religiosity. Yet they may also be con- However, translated into daily life, ‘Concern demned as spiritually inferior, weak, fallen, for such mundane matters as the tendency polluted, incapable of attaining enlighten- of male members of the commune to avoid ment, even literally soul-less. Accordingly, in household chores was scorned as evidence of most religions their role has been limited wrong or limited consciousness’. In other to the menial: arranging flowers on the altar, words, ‘The quest for personal transcendence sweeping the temple floor, but not preaching in such groups most often resulted in the or teaching. reproduction of traditional patterns of gender Despite the enormous range of experimen- relations, however refurbished with spiritual tation in belief and practice in NRMs, until explanations’.2 recently there has been depressingly little evi- Kim Knott, discussing the low status of dence of significant changes in gender roles. women in ISKCON, suggests that it is unfair This is mainly because most NRMs are based to make comparisons with the ideal of gender on world religions and tend to reflect their tra- roles in liberated American society.3 ISKCON ditional values. Accordingly, most research on is unliberated even by Indian standards; edu- gender has found an across-the-board sub- cated Indian women do not follow the policy ordination of women, even where the ideol- of standing separately from men during ogy was non-discriminatory, especially within temple functions. But the main criticism of Christian NRMs such as the Jesus Movement Knott’s position is that to set different

230 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES standards and criteria, making a special case of Again, the practice does not always match the religion, is to marginalize these movements theory, and some members express disquiet at even further, as well as setting dangerous the under-representation of women in the precedents that can be used to maintain higher echelons and the perceived reluctance women’s inferiority. Furthermore, it leaves of the movement’s leader Sangharakshita to open the risk of such arguments being reap- ordain women. plied from religious to secular life, as has hap- Research since the mid-1980s presents a pened so often historically. more positive picture of gender roles, probably The only Hindu-based NRM that directly reflecting the impact of feminism throughout challenges misogyny is the Brahma Kumaris Western society. In some NRMs, particularly of movement, which Skultans describes as the counter-cultural variety, women may be lib- ‘without doubt a movement where women erated, empowered and fulfilled. Women are control men. Women occupy positions of more numerous in this kind of NRM, and may power and status, whereas men, both in their outnumber men by as much as 2 to 1. This is secular and religious roles, are subordinate to the case in the Osho movement, the Brahma women’.4 In some respects it offers a complete Kumaris, many Wiccan, goddess-worshipping role reversal: ‘Men look after the practical and other Pagan groups, whereas in the more aspects of living thus freeing women for higher traditional, authoritarian Christian sects and spiritual duties.’ In other words, they ‘appear NRMs such as the Unification Church and to be playing the role of wives’. This leads ISKCON, men are in the majority.7 This to the interesting and rare phenomenon that finding is important in counteracting the ‘male pupil and female mentor is a typical popular perception of women as brainwashed combination’. Although Skultans does not victims of patriarchal authority, demonstrating explicitly term it a feminist movement, her that they tend to choose movements offer- study makes it clear that there is an implicit ing greater scope for their abilities, while the feminist ideology. This is admitted by some of minority who choose conservative groups may the women leaders, but they prefer to empha- derive other benefits (see below). size their role in promoting peace and envi- ronmental concerns. Buddhism presents the interesting paradox Women in Power in the that despite its original freedom from doctri- Osho Movement nal inequality, patriarchy arose and turned the religion into an overwhelmingly male- The Osho movement is the only movement, dominated institution where women were per- apart from the Brahma Kumaris, that has a ceived as profane and polluted. This reversal female majority in leadership and adminis- was exemplified by the eight extra rules for trative roles. Although the teachings of the ordained women, which are still imposed in leader, Osho, promoted an ideal of female dis- the Theravada tradition. Buddhist misogyny cipleship that emphasized traditional feminine has been vigorously challenged both in writing attributes (see below), he also advocated an 5 and practice, particularly in America. The equal opportunities vision of woman freed Friends of the Western Buddhist Order of the shackles of centuries-old conditioning, (FWBO) in Britain share in this questioning, reclaiming her power: though perhaps less radically than their American counterparts. The official line is My own vision is that the coming age will be that ‘men and women enjoy equal “status” the age of the woman. Man has tried for five and have access to the same opportunities and thousand years and has failed. Now a chance facilities for serious Dharma practice’, via a has to be given to the woman. Now she ‘middle way between the traditional subordi- should be given the reins of all the powers. nation of women within the sangha ...and a She should be given an opportunity to bring demand for equality in a purely secular sense’.6 her feminine energies to function, to work.8

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This ideology was reflected in the social or- nuns, although usually with lower status than ganization. Osho was always clearly in the monks and heavily constrained by extra rules, position of ultimate authority, but about 80 particularly in Buddhism. Religious titles per cent of the top jobs were held by women. betray this bias, either possessing no female His explanation for this positive discrimination equivalent or a debased meaning: priest, was inspirational: ‘I want [the commune] to master, guru, pope. Only priest has the coun- be run by the heart, because to me, to be fem- terpart priestess, but overlaid by pagan antin- inine is to become vulnerable, to become omian connotations. The women’s spirituality receptive ...Yes, the ashram is run by women movement has revived and created a mythol- because I want it run by the heart.’9 However, ogy of pagan priestesses, but in most religions it can also be argued that it was logical to put women’s priestly role is severely limited or women in charge of what was in effect a proscribed. feminized workplace: where decision-making One of the main paths of spiritual growth is processes were based on intuition rather than discipleship, but in most religious traditions it empiricism; caring was given a higher value has been mainly or wholly confined to men. than efficiency; devotion and meditation were Yet in many ways it is a highly feminine path, higher goals than productivity and profitabil- with its emphasis on receptivity, love and ity; competition was renounced in favour of devotion to the guru and God. This is partly co-operation. recognized in the Hindu bhakti tradition, Most of the female co-ordinators exempli- which encourages the devotee to develop a fied this management style, which was claimed feminine psychology, visualizing himself as to work well until the appointment of Sheela a woman and sometimes practising trans- as Osho’s deputy, who ran the American vestism.10 Some NRMs have developed this commune of Rajneeshpuram until its demise in potential into a path of feminine spirituality. 1985. At the time Sheela attracted great admi- ISKCON can be seen as a transitional move- ration and devotion from sannyasins for her ment in this respect, in that Prabhupada energy, drive and charisma, but her ruthlessness allowed women disciples but was ambivalent made her increasingly tyrannical and she was about their status, alternating between a mys- largely responsible for the totalitarian regime tical concept of spiritual equality with male that developed, resulting in a débâcle that disciples and a conservative Vedic-based belief brought down the whole community, includ- in female inferiority. Krishna Consciousness ing Sheela herself who served a prison sentence. itself is ‘a feminine approach to spirituality’ in It is clear that Osho bears some responsibility, that it consists of ‘surrender and service to at least for the choice of an unsuitable deputy others’, and ultimately to Krishna, who repre- if not for active collaboration, but it was an sents the masculine polarity.11 Women are per- unfortunate outcome of a grand vision of ceived as better socialized to practise this path, female potential. However, most sannyasins but the misogyny sometimes displayed by the felt that the experiment had been largely suc- movement’s leader Prabhupada and his chief cessful, particularly in the earlier and later male disciples has resulted in lower status for phases of the movement, as a successful anti- women. Women also had restricted access dote to the technological and left-brained bias to Prabhupada, chopping vegetables while of the modern Western approach to work and the male devotees accompanied him on his the bureaucratization of modern life. morning walks. Osho was clearly drawing on the bhakti tra- dition, taking the next logical step: if ‘femi- Discipleship: The Path of nine’ devotion to a male god is the primary Feminine Spirituality? characteristic of devotional religion, it is easier, more natural, for women to be devotees of a There are very few role models for women’s male god – or male master. His definitions of spirituality. They may sometimes become masculine and feminine qualities were fairly

232 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES traditional, in line with Jungian psychology: encountered in more austere traditions such as emotional and intuitive attributes were seen Buddhism. One of Boucher’s respondents as feminine, whereas strength, decisiveness, described a ‘psychic merging’ with her teacher objectivity and the intellect itself were seen as whereby she became ‘so close to this person masculine. However, the ideal that sannyasins that I was really fused with him in a way strive towards is androgyny: a balance and that my identity was submerged. That’s part integration between the qualities so mislead- of Dharma transmission, to become one with ingly termed feminine and masculine, which your teacher so that you can see through their is becoming increasingly commended in the eyes.’16 However, the emphasis on ‘falling in New Age. Feminine qualities were also seen as love’ with the master in a kind of spiritualized central in discipleship, and women were per- version of a romantic love affair carries par- ceived as superior in this respect: ‘The disciple ticular dangers for women; in the context of needs receptivity; he has to receive. Even the the intensity and intimacy of the master– male disciple has to function almost in a disciple relationship such love may easily slide feminine way ...Hence the woman proves to into sexuality, and thence into sexual abuse. be the perfect disciple.’12 The women’s movement has been highly critical of the master–disciple relationship for Sexual Abuse: The Shadow Side of its encouragement of female submissiveness the Master–Disciple Relationship to a male master. The requirement to wear a mala13 was a particularly regressive symbol to Nowadays, one of the main issues for feminists feminists, who singled out the Osho move- regarding charismatic authority is sexual ment for criticism on this score. Yet a number abuse, which is widespread in old and new reli- of women sannyasins had been in the women’s gions within the context of general patriarchal movement prior to joining. One former abuse of power. It is the shadow side of the leading feminist whom I interviewed answered master–disciple relationship, which has dark- the question of how taking on a male master ened the reputation of a number of NRMs and connected to her feminist principles: the lives of their members. In the past it has often been perceived as a problem of Asian It didn’t strike me with much difficulty, but gurus encountering more permissive Western it did to a lot of my friends – a man’s picture societies. However, within the last ten years, around my neck! But I’d been moving away Christianity’s moral hegemony has been for some time from feminism. I found that it undermined by a series of scandals regarding was restricting me and my development spir- love affairs between evangelical preachers or itually. And also when I looked at the truth priests and their parishioners, who have often of my life, I found that the people who really been abandoned when pregnant while the mattered to me were my son and my lover. priest is moved on to a new parish. One recent Feminism didn’t give me a framework to Christian scandal in Britain partook of all the explain this. features usually associated with charismatic leaders of NRMs. It featured Chris Brain, vicar Most sannyasins found discipleship a positive and former leader of the 9 O’Clock Service in and fulfilling spiritual path. The master– Sheffield. In November 1995 he admitted disciple relationship is based on deep love. having had improper sexual relations with Osho often used erotic imagery to convey the twenty of his female parishioners, as a result of ecstasy of the experience: ‘The disciple and which he resigned. His ministry had formerly teacher must become deep lovers. Only then been greatly admired by the Anglican estab- can the higher, the beyond, be expressed.’14 lishment, who had therefore speeded up his Such experiences and images are sanctified in ordination. He had also been endorsed by the devotional traditions of all religions, par- the well-known American religious teacher ticularly in ‘marriage mysticism’,15 but is also and writer Matthew Fox, whose Creation

233 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES

Spirituality rituals he had adapted in his own peting for the love of one man and are services. Women who complained to their subjected to neglect, rejection and abuse. As local bishop were dismissed as troublemakers, a result many of them leave, bitter and and ‘rubbished very effectively’ by Brain and disillusioned by the confusion between sexual his staff, although following his exposure he and spiritual fulfilment and the resulting was condemned as a ‘cult leader’. exploitation. The most wide-scale example of sexual Many gurus have been accused of sexual abuse in an NRM is another Christian move- abuse, including Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, ment, the Children of God (COG) also known Muktananda, Da Avabhasa and Swami Rama. as The Family. David Berg, the leader, had Buddhism in the West has been shaken by a multiple sexual relationships with his female number of scandals, mainly exposed through followers and encouraged the membership to the vociferous protests of Buddhist women.20 follow his example. The practice for which the In particular, Chogyam Trungpa was notori- movement is most notorious is ‘flirty fishing’, ous for his many sexual partners called ‘con- a recruitment technique devised by Berg and sorts’, as well as his alcoholism. He was his wife for female members to bring in poten- exposed after his death, having chosen as his tial converts through prostitution. At the peak dharma heir Osel Tendzin, who died of AIDS of this phase in the late 1970s, the practice after allegedly infecting his many partners spread throughout the movement’s interna- without telling them. Sogyal Rinpoche was a tional communes, and women were working protégé of Trungpa and is the best-known two to five nights a week. It died down Tibetan lama in the West apart from the Dalai because of the spread of sexually transmitted Lama. He was recently sued for $10 million diseases, combined with the strain on family by an American ex-devotee claiming sexual life and the increasing demands of childcare, and physical abuse. The case was finally settled and in 1987 the practice was stopped alto- out of court, but since then there have been gether in response to the AIDS epidemic.17 numerous other allegations of abuse by his The abuses within the COG have been female disciples. exposed, but feminist research raises further Trungpa and Sogyal, among others, have issues about the presentation and interpreta- justified sexual relationships with their stu- tion of such contentious material. One dents on the basis of Tantra or ‘crazy wisdom’, concern is the ‘sexual objectification’ that as a means of spiritual growth. Anthony and results from the imposition of so-called value- Wilber, both experienced meditators as well free, scientific methodology. Janet Jacobs as academics, censure such attempts as ‘a particularly highlights Wallis’s research on the rationalization for flamboyant acting-out and COG as typifying ‘those studies that fail to impulsivity’, leading to exploitation, deep question the norms of patriarchal control that psychological wounding and spiritual disillu- lead to the sexual exploitation of female sion.21 Traditional Tantra at least regulates devotes’.18 She accuses him of dehumanizing such relationships through strict ethical codes, them by describing them as the group’s sexual but these are absent in most NRMs. resources and not investigating or even The women involved are not always passive acknowledging their responses. Jacobs herself victims. They may fall in love with their gurus has undertaken the most extensive research and even actively attempt to seduce them. on the abuse of women by male religious However, such situations are largely the result leaders.19 She describes an ‘economy of love’, of harem-style structures where women attain a process of affiliation in which the female power and status by being the guru’s lover and devotee hopes to be emotionally ‘rescued’ and are encouraged to compete for his favours. In loved by the guru in return for her devotion. return they are often promised special trans- Unfortunately, the exchange tends to break missions and teachings, promises which may down because of the unequal power relations not always be fulfilled. In addition, the quali- whereby a large number of women are com- fications for such attentions may not be spir-

234 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES itual. As the teacher Andrew Cohen recently trend. Another option sometimes encoun- commented, ‘Isn’t it interesting how only the tered – which does not stand out historically youngest and prettiest women are chosen?’ because it reflected social norms but is con- Altogether, the evidence suggests that when tentious in the modern West – is arranged or the powerful energy of sexuality is harnessed controlled marriage. The Brahma Kumaris are to the drive for power and the search for probably the most extreme and uncompro- enlightenment, the results are pain and disil- mising example of the Eastern-based NRMs lusion for the victims, and loss of reputation advocating celibacy, at least in Britain. The for the perpetrators, which sometimes reflects Osho movement, particularly in the 1970s, on the whole tradition. Tantra may have exemplifies the ‘free love’ ethic of the counter- worked in the past as a framework for such culture. The ‘Moonie mass marriage’ pro- relationships and may have potential for the vides the most dramatic example of arranged present under very carefully regulated condi- marriage. tions, but the examples of most NRMs in this Whatever pattern is followed, the beliefs and tradition show that the dangers far outweigh behaviours of religions regarding sexuality the benefits.22 The Dalai Lama has said that correlate with their ideas about women and the true Tantric master is capable of drinking femininity. Most organized religions and many urine or alcohol with complete equanimity, NRMs are ambivalent or condemnatory about and that the path is so difficult and demand- sex, leading to a polarized model of (celibate) ing that there is probably nobody alive capable holiness as male and (sexual) sinfulness as of walking it. female. Religions that equate celibacy with For the future it is important that sexuality purity invariably promote a dualistic, body- in the religious context, particularly within rejecting and misogynistic philosophy in the master–disciple relationship, is addressed, which women are seen as Evil Temptresses preferably by NRMs themselves. If dysfunc- whose only hope for salvation (if any exists) is tional family dynamics and organizational to become a nun. politics preclude this, abuse needs to be pub- licly denounced. Chris Brain was exposed after Free love and hedonism as spiritual path a group of his women parishioners met and agreed: ‘This is not just a sex scandal, but an The predominant media image of the Osho abuse of religious power.’ Richard Baker was movement during Osho’s lifetime was of a ‘sex thrown out of San Francisco Zen Center fol- cult’ led by a ‘sex guru’. However, his aim was lowing a mass rebellion after he was discov- to create a scientific yet sacramental sexuality ered to be sleeping with a trustee’s wife. On a based on a synthesis between Tantra and wider scale, public awareness of the extent of Reichian psychotherapy. The main lines of his abuse within Buddhism emerged following teachings on sex were established in a series the first conference on Women and Buddhism of lectures in Bombay in 1968, published as in America in 1983. The Sogyal Rinpoche case From Sex to Superconsciousness: is significant partly because it established a precedent for legal action. Above all, there is All our efforts to date have borne wrong a need for teachers not to exploit their posi- results because we have not befriended sex tion, and for women to empower themselves but have declared war on it; we have used sup- and take action against sexual abuse. pression and lack of understanding as ways of dealing with sex problems ...And the results of repression are never fruitful, never pleas- Sexuality and Marriage in NRMs ing, never healthy.23

Historically, sects and ‘cults’ tend towards In contrast to most religions, including extremism – either asceticism or antinomian- NRMs, which are hostile or ambivalent ism – and contemporary NRMs continue this towards sexuality, Osho taught that it is our

235 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES most powerful natural energy with three there are no barriers to sexual activity with levels of potential. It begins as a biological other unattached adults; but we are expected method of procreation (animal), develops into to have regard to the consequences of our a source of pleasure and intimacy (human), actions and to ensure that we do not cause and ultimately a means to self-realization unwanted pregnancy, spread sexual disease, or (divine). He emphasized women’s potential, mislead others as to our level of commitment through their capacity for multiple orgasms, to to the relationship. become Tantric adepts and attain enlighten- ment, providing a range of techniques for the This means that ‘For unattached adults, purpose. there are no barriers to sexual activity with Although the ‘free love ethic’ was norma- other unattached adults’ (although attitudes tive in the Osho movement, sexual behaviour to homosexuality vary between different was as varied as elsewhere in Western society, groups), but extra-marital sex is forbidden if it and serial monogamy was the predominant causes hurt, while rape and child – adult sex 27 pattern, especially among long-term san- are ‘anathema’. nyasins. Osho’s statements on marriage are Pagans are uninterested in marriage as a mainly critical, although he would sometimes legal institution, seeing it as a device to protect commend its potential as ‘a deep spiritual property and dominate women. However, communion’. In Poona there was no en- a loving monogamous relationship is seen couragement for sexual partners to marry, as a personal contract to be honoured. As although the ‘religion’ of Rajneeshism later Starhawk puts it: ‘Marriage is a deep commit- included a marriage ceremony. Nowadays, as ment, a magical, spiritual, and psychic bond. a response to the AIDS crisis, there is a But it is only one possibility out of many for 28 growing emphasis on monogamy. loving, sexual expression.’ Various Pagan The main source of Pagan beliefs and prac- groups have created colourful wedding rituals, tices on sexuality is the mythology of the sometimes called ‘handfasting’, which are goddess: ‘Sexuality is sacred because it is a often celebrated at a seasonal festival, such as sharing of energy, in passionate surrender to the spring festival of Beltain. Alternative mar- the power of the Goddess, immanent in our riages are increasing in Britain by about 50 per desire. In orgasm, we share in the force that cent a year, including among non-Pagans, in moves the stars.’24 Much interest has focused reaction to the outdatedness and sexism of the on the Great Rite: ritual sex between the high Judaeo-Christian rituals and the unspirituality 29 priest and priestess in pagan rituals, but the of the civil ceremony. evidence suggests that it is more often sym- bolic than actual. Witches do tend to worship The path of purity and celibacy ‘sky-clad’ (naked), but ‘as a way of establish- ing closeness and dropping social masks, In contrast to sannyasin and Pagan attitudes because power is most easily raised that way, to sexuality as gift and spiritual path, the and because the human body is itself sacred’.25 Brahma Kumaris see it as an obstacle to Paganism particularly affirms the female body enlightenment. The main method for coun- and provides rituals for celebrating ‘women’s teracting this ‘greatest vice’ is to cultivate a mysteries’, such as menstruation and dualistic attitude, exemplified by their mantra: childbirth. ‘I am a soul, my body is a garment.’ The The English Wiccan high priestess Vivianne movement appears to attract people who are Crowley perceives that the ‘negative attitude uninterested in sex and for whom celibacy to women displayed in Christianity has derived therefore has a positive appeal. Unusually largely from negative attitudes to sex’,26 among non-monastic movements, they particularly following the glorification of require celibacy for their core members, even celibacy. She describes Pagan sexual morality between husbands and wives. As long as as simple: chastity is maintained, marriage and family life

236 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES are allowed, even encouraged (perhaps to taken only as an aid to practice and not to avoid the accusation of breaking up families). repress the body and one’s full humanity. However, the married women I interviewed had been married for many years, and one Spiritually arranged marriages admitted that this might have been a factor in easing the move into celibacy: Arranged marriages were sacralized by all the world’s religions during periods when they Possibly our relationship had come to brother were the cultural norm, and they still take and sister anyway. He’s a very modest person, place in some conservative sects of Western and he loved it. I never told him about religions. Some women prefer arranged mar- celibacy, I just moved out of the bedroom one riage with its accompanying clarity of family day. He must have wondered, but he never and gender role, despite the price of sexual said anything ...I think we have a much restraint. There is some evidence that the better relationship now, it’s great. women who join fundamentalist movements have suffered childhood abuse and/or broken Buddhism, like Catholicism, has a developed homes, often followed by victimaization in monastic tradition. In the West, discipline their own relationships, which predisposes tends to be looser, but Theravada and some them to sacrifice freedom for stability. Some Zen groups impose celibacy on the monks, women claim that not being treated as a sex sometimes accompanied by misogynistic atti- object is a benefit of such customs as covering tudes. It is less usual to find women advocat- hair and body, but the religion itself tradi- ing celibacy in Buddhism, although the Zen tionally interprets them in terms of purity and teacher Kennett Roshi believes it is a precon- pollution. In fundamentalist Christian NRMs dition to attain enlightenment: such as the London Church of Christ, mar- riages are not usually formally arranged but If you’re married, the singleness of mind, the often rely on the advice and consent of the devotion, the oneness with that eternal can’t pastor, and divorce is forbidden except for take place, because you’re dividing it off for adultery. The Jesus Army is more extreme, a member of the opposite sex ...If you’re perceiving marriage as the ‘lower way’, infe- going to follow the eternal, he’s the one rior to celibacy, which is promoted in Celibate you’re gonna be fond of. He-she-it. 30 Cutting Edge, their ‘inspirational bulletin of celibacy’. In this respect the movement may Witnessing sexual energy without repression be perceived as a militant version of the men’s or indulgence is a subtle and arduous process, movement in which the men give up and may work more effectively with older, being ‘feminized’ and don combat gear as serious adepts. Most women who choose to warriors for Jesus, also displaying misogynistic become celibate Buddhist nuns are older and attitudes. have fully experienced relationships previously. Eastern-based NRMs may encourage or In the FWBO celibacy is practised in the long impose arranged marriage. The ‘Moonie mass term more by older women. An 86-year-old marriage’ is the most dramatic example, in nun at the Tibetan monastery of Samye-Ling which 2,000 or more couples may be married in Scotland had been ordained in her sixties, in one ceremony or ‘Blessing’, often without and felt that this was a more sensible age having even met each other beforehand. These to begin, as did a 52-year-old woman at marriages are preceded by at least six years’ the Theravada community of Amaravrati. A celibacy, followed by three years’ celibacy in former nun in a Korean Zen monastery high- which the partners strive to become the Ideal lighted lack of affection as a much harder Man and Woman (as exemplified by Mr and problem for women than lack of sex, and Mrs Moon) before consummation is allowed. stressed the importance of clarity regarding Finally, in a three-day ceremony following a the aim of celibacy: that it should be under- seven-day fast, the marriage is consummated

237 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES in a ritual that aims to reverse the Fall precip- be in control of their own sexuality and itated by Adam and Eve’s premature sexual fertility. relationship. Women may thereby attain equal or greater spiritual status than men as ‘crea- tures of the heart’ but at the price of total sub- Motherhood and Community: mission to husband and guru. It is possible to Beyond the Nuclear Family refuse these marriages, but few do. ISKCON also favours arranged marriage, One of the main accusations against NRMs, though couples may come to a private under- especially from the ACM, is that they break up standing beforehand, and women may actively families.33 Given the small numbers of people select their husband. However, they then need involved in NRMs and the range of beliefs and permission to marry from the temple presi- practices regarding the family, this is an exag- dent. Marital sex is permitted but only for the gerated reproach. However, as on other social purpose of procreation, hedged around with issues, these experimental groups provide an restrictions. Marriage improves the social and interesting commentary and critique on the spiritual status of women but not men, who state of family and community. As with sexual are held to be superior to women on all levels, practices, the conservative NRMs attempt to particularly when celibate. A woman may be revive traditional, patriarchal family structures, perceived as ‘a temptress first and a devotee whereas the counter-cultural movements second’, and excluded from sharing power experiment with alternative forms, particularly with the men so as not to ‘sexually agitate the commune. them’.31 However, the situation is beginning It is particularly within marriage and moth- to improve now, as a result partly of the erhood that feminists see woman’s ‘self’ as high failure rate of the marriages,32 partly of most at risk of being negated. Patriarchy women’s greater power in the movement. demands that women should sacrifice their NRMs offer women a wide range of choices own needs and demands to their family, regarding sexuality as with other aspects of valuing selflessness over self-realization, caring life, but it is important to recognize the con- for others over creation of self. Most religions sequences of some of these choices. Some sanctify motherhood as a woman’s destiny and women are attracted to the certainty and true vocation, especially the more patriarchal stability of arranged marriage and are prepared traditions such as Roman Catholicism, the to sacrifice freedom and status, but may also more fundamentalist movements within all suffer abuse from their husbands. Celibacy three Western religions, and NRMs like the only works for a few exceptional women, and Unification Church where Mrs Moon as a denies the affective needs. Both these ‘devoted wife and mother’ is a role model solutions are associated with misogyny. Free for Unificationist women. Women who are love worked in the Osho movement partly themselves conservative, internalizing and because there was enough encouragement of upholding these beliefs, may be drawn to monogamy to produce stability, whereas in such religions.34 The benefits are clearly the more extreme and authoritarian Children defined gender roles and stable families, but of God it caused great suffering. The more the downside is a rigid control of sexuality, world-accepting middle way of Pagan sexual- work and worship by husband and elders, loss ity also offers a successful model, a sacralized of status and opportunities for direct spiritual form of the serial monogamy predominant in advancement, and a high incidence of wife and Western society. Most of the support for holis- child abuse. tic spirituality, in all religions, is from women, Conservative Christianity is now the main and it may be that body-positive immanence preserver and legitimator of traditional family is inherently more female, celibate transcen- values in the West, and herein lies the appeal dence more male. The main condition for for certain kinds of women, looking for disci- success and happiness is that women should pline and stability in contrast to the ‘decadent

238 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES experiments’ of secular life. The women may that most people were incapable of positive find it hard to give up their autonomy to a parenting, and (b) that children were a dis- husband, particularly given ‘the lack of strong traction from the spiritual growth that was sensitive men to head the godly institutions of the main purpose of being there. The main church and family in a loving and responsible problem for sannyasins who did have children manner’. Yet this requirement is enshrined in was that the commune was set up primarily as the social organization, as in all patriarchal a kind of monastery, for childless adults choos- society, here upheld by the Director of Coun- ing to pursue spiritual development as the selling at Thomas Road Baptist Ministries: main priority. Traditionally, seekers have been ‘The Bible clearly states that the wife is to required to sacrifice everything, including submit to her husband’s leadership. Two- family life, for this goal.39 Women with chil- headed households are as confusing as they are dren were committed to ‘giving birth to them- clumsy.’35 The women finally made this sacri- selves as seekers of truth’, but also, naturally, fice, deciding ‘they would rather follow than to their children. As with sexual relationships, be left behind to struggle with their own indi- family life in a monastic setting can be highly vidual identities’. Rose concludes: ‘While they problematic, setting up conflicts with the spir- may be relatively content in their relationships itual objectives. Having made the choice to be with their men, their bench mark is embedded in effect a working mother, women had less in the old system of patriarchy which con- time for their children and some later regret- tinues to perpetuate the costly contradictions ted the missed joys of motherhood. But the that trap both men and women.’36 consensus was that even if the children had The one interesting exception to this been somewhat neglected, they had still been pattern of patriarchal dominance over women better off in a commune than a single-parent and children is the women’s spirituality move- family. Some women found motherhood ment, where there has been a resacralization and personal development compatible. One of motherhood similar to the revival in secular woman had found motherhood ‘one of the society. The dangers of reverting to biological greatest gifts that’s ever happened in my life’, determinism through overemphasizing and and managed to combine it easily with medi- romanticizing female bodily existence have tation and communal living. been incisively analysed by Ursula King as Buddhist monasteries have the same ‘a form of retraditionalization’ at the expense dilemma. The FWBO has experimented with of ‘a wider human experience of self- various community structures and found that development’.37 single-sex ones work best, reducing the psy- The Osho movement was the most mili- chological dependence, conflict and entangle- tantly anti-family of all NRMs in the 1970s. ments of family life. In America, on the other Like R. D. Laing and other radical psycholo- hand, there is a growing tendency for gists of the time, Osho believed the family was Buddhist monasteries to be non-segregated, ‘outdated’, ‘the most hindering phenomenon combining single and married practitioners, for human progress’ and ‘the root cause of all sometimes including children. Mothers report our neurosis’. Nevertheless, he would some- a variety of experience – bitterness at the times describe motherhood as potentially the neglect of their needs; guilt at their own peak of female creativity and responsibility: inadequacies; and the joys of motherhood as ‘becoming the mother of a Buddha’. a path.40 However, his main emphasis was firmly on As with other social and spiritual issues, self-realization for women: ‘A woman is not NRMs offer women a range of options from only capable of giving birth to children, she is the traditional nuclear family to childless also capable of giving birth to herself as a freedom. The choices and experiences of seeker of truth. But that side of woman has women regarding religion have close parallels not been explored at all.’38 Osho discouraged with their secular equivalents. Women who women from having children on the basis (a) accept motherhood as their vocation and are

239 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES looking for a stable, secure family life therefore ISKCON conditions are improving to the tend to be drawn to conservative old and point where women may now theoretically New Religious Movements. The price of these become gurus, but none have so far, intimi- benefits, as with non-working mothers but dated by the lack of respect and role models. to a greater degree, is a loss of liberty, self- In the Osho movement women held most of determination and other possibilities for the secular power, but Osho believed that growth. Women who prefer to focus on their women’s spirituality lay in their capacity for personal development tend to choose religions discipleship rather than teaching, and that they such as Buddhism, the Osho movement and could not become masters. This was partly Paganism. The price paid by women with chil- because he believed women were emotionally dren in these movements, as with career centred, whereas men had superior minds women, is the stress of combining motherhood which made it hard for them to surrender as with an often arduous regime of work and spir- disciples but gave them an advantage as teach- itual practice. However, the commune is widely ers. Another reason why ‘only the male mind endorsed as a form of social organization offer- can be a master’ was: ‘To be a Master means ing many of the benefits of the extended family to be very aggressive. A woman cannot be such as childcare, a stimulating environment aggressive. Woman, by her very nature, is for adults and children, the opportunity for receptive. A woman is a womb, so the woman women to be mothers without sacrificing their can be the very best disciple possible.’43 own development. As such, it might well be The Brahma Kumaris present a similar acknowledged and developed as a viable model pattern of a founder who favoured and pro- for an increasingly single-parent society. moted women, and has been run mainly by women since his death. In some respects the role reversal is more complete than in the Female Spiritual Leadership Osho Movement, since women are teachers as in NRMs well as administrators, and there is a very clear doctrine on gender equality. They are con- Stark and Bainbridge postulate that ‘one of cerned with women’s issues and spiritual lead- the things that attracts particularly ambitious ership. However, as with sannyasins, Brahma women to cults is the opportunity to become Kumaris women become core members by leaders or even founders of their own religious being fully ‘surrendered’, and their promi- movements’.41 Most such women will have nence derives from their mediumistic capac- been frustrated, but a few have succeeded. The ities, channelling murlis (sermons) from their lack of opportunity within their own religion dead founder. As a result, ‘their power is veiled will sometimes drive women to convert to ...through the device of possession. Women, completely different traditions, as happened even when they possess power, cannot be seen with a well-known Zen master: to wield it. Hence, the importance of spirit possession where women are the instruments 44 The only reason she turned away from or mouthpieces of a male spirit.’ Christianity, Roshi Kennett told me, was her There are a few contemporary Indian incredibly deep calling to become a priest. women gurus teaching in their own right, And, as a woman, ‘there was no way I could such as Amritanandamayi, known as Ammachi become a priest in Christianity.’ It was the or ‘the hugging guru’, and Mother Meera sexism of the Church of England that com- who now lives in Germany. However, these pelled her to cut loose from Christianity and women have not founded large organizations finally become a monk in a foreign country, or left bodies of teaching. This is probably in a foreign religion, in a foreign language.42 largely owing to their lack of education, in contrast to the male gurus who are often The priestly role is debarred to women in highly educated – both Osho and Prabhupada many Asian religions, as in Christianity. In were professors of philosophy. The women are

240 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES bhakti gurus, but for their devotees this sim- best-known Pagan writers are women, such as plicity may be an advantage in contrast to the Margot Adler and Starhawk in America and perceived arid intellectuality of Western reli- Vivianne Crowley in Britain. gion and culture. Most women in Christian and Eastern reli- One of the very few women who adheres to gion hitherto have acquired the titles Mother, the male style of charismatic leadership is Ma or Mataji. Women who positively identify Nirmala Devi, known as Mataji, founder of with motherliness will tend towards a more Sahaj Yoga. What in interesting is that she feminine style of leadership. Receptivity is the began as a disciple of Osho and in setting up most-cited quality to epitomize both feminin- as a guru in her own right has imitated his ity and spirituality, particularly in movements style, although she is publicly critical of him as based on discipleship or mediumship, and the he sometimes was of her. Osho claims that women leaders of such NRMs tend to empha- after they had visited Muktananda together size its importance along with softness, kind- and been unimpressed, the idea entered ness and intuition. Other qualities that women Nirmala’s head: ‘If such a fool like Muk- leaders have exemplified as positively feminine tananda can become a saint, then why can’t I and beneficial for authority are practicality, become a saint?’45 Like Osho – and Gurumayi, intuition, tenderness, body-affirmation, the female successor to Muktananda – she is caring, healing, devotion, forgiveness, holism, anti-feminist, fearing that if women behave social engagement and social mysticism. like men they will lose their femininity. Her Probably the most flexible and relevant teaching on gender is as traditional as model of female leadership for the future is of ISKCON’s, endorsing the ideal of the Indian a more androgynous kind, which steers a wife, submissive to her husband, and advocat- middle path between imitating the traditional ing clearly defined, traditional gender roles. masculine models, with the danger of taking Western religion has an underground on their flaws to an even greater degree, or history of female leadership in sects, particu- adhering too closely to a feminine model, larly in America where Mother Anne Lee which lacks toughness in a confrontation or became leader of the Shakers, Mary Baker crisis. Osho offered women techniques and Eddy founded Christian Science, and Ellen opportunities to experiment with this White founded Seventh-day Adventism. approach, which some adapted more success- Among contemporary NRMs, the Church fully than others. The Brahma Kumaris also Universal and Triumphant was originally promote this kind of integration as a leader- founded by a man, but on his death in 1973 ship quality, as do many Buddhist teachers. the leadership was taken over by his wife, Particularly within the meeting between Elizabeth Clare Prophet, known to her fol- East and West taking place in America, with lowers as Guru Ma. Spiritualism has been its scope for experimentation and fruitful dominated by women in America and Britain, confrontation, many women teachers in as is channelling, its New Age derivation. The Buddhism and other religions are leading the New Age itself has been created and shaped at way towards a postmodernist, post-feminist, least as much by women as men, such as androgynous style of leadership. Helena Blavatsky, co-founder of Theosophy, and Alice Bailey who created the Arcane School. Many of the leading figures in the A New Typology of Spiritual turn-of-the-century occult revival were Needs and Values women, such as the British magician Dion Fortune. In Paganism, women are generally As has been demonstrated, the position and perceived as equal if not superior to men. status of women vary considerably between Feminist witchcraft obviously has a female different NRMs. The differences correlate leadership, while most Wiccan covens have a with my new typology of religion based on high priest and a high priestess as equals. The Abraham Maslow’s ‘hierarchy of needs’.46 The

241 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES typology classifies new religions into five Notes groups or levels according to the needs and values of their members: survival; safety; 1 Mary Harder, ‘Sex Roles in the Jesus Move- esteem; belongingness and love; self- ment’, Social Compass, 21 (3), 1974, pp. actualization. I then combine these five levels 345–53; Susan Rose, ‘Women Warriors: the into two broad groupings: traditionalism Negotiation of Gender in a Charismatic Com- (levels 1–2) and personal development (levels munity’, Sociological Analysis, 48 (3), 1987, 3–5). I would argue that the traditionalist pp. 245–58. movements share a focus on conservative or 2 Angela Aidala, 1985, ‘Social Change, Gender traditional values, whereas those in levels 3–5 Roles, and New Religious Movements’, Socio- may be understood in terms of a spectrum of logical Analysis, 46 (3), 1985, 295. Similar personal development from simple self- conclusions were reached by Janet Jacobs, improvement to spirituality. Each level also ‘The Economy of Love in Religious Commit- ment’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Reli- represents clear differences in beliefs and prac- 47 gion, 23 (2), 1984, pp. 155–71. tices regarding gender. 3 Kim Knott, ‘Men and Women, or Devotees?’, Traditionalist movements (levels 1–2) are in Arvind Sharma (ed.), Women in the World’s the most conservative, reactionary and hierar- Religions, Past and Present, New York: chical, comprising fundamentalist NRMs and Paragon House, 1987. sects within world religions. Their main appeal 4Vieda Skultans, ‘The Brahma Kumaris and the is to women who are confused and frightened Role of Women’, in Elizabeth Puttick and by the complexity of the modern world. In Peter Clarke (eds), Women as Teachers and contrast, they offer clearly defined gender Disciples in Traditional and New Religions, roles and stable family life. They thus fulfil Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1993. 5 Sandy Boucher, Turning the Wheel, Boston, security needs, though often at a price of MA: Beacon Press, 1988, and Lenore limitation and oppression. Some of these Friedman, Meetings with Remarkable Women, NRMs, such as ISKCON, are responding to Boston, MA: Shambhala, 1987, based their the advances of feminism as their women books on extensive research into the growing members find their voices and demand greater number of women teachers in America, who equality. However, it is significant that these are introducing many changes through their movements tend to have a male majority, questioning and pragmatic attitudes towards sometimes 2 to 1 or higher, whereas in more the tradition. liberal NRMs the ratio is typically reversed. 6 Cited in the official FWBO magazine The The appeal of NRMs focused on personal Golden Drum, November 1989–January development lies in their great scope for self- 1990, an issue devoted to the discussion of women’s issues. expression, exploration and empowerment, 7 For general research on women in NRMs see sometimes beyond what is available in secular Susan Palmer, Moon Sisters, Krishna Mothers, life. They attract, on the one hand, counter- Rajneesh Lovers, Syracuse, NY: Syracuse Uni- cultural seekers, on the other hand women versity Press, 1994; Elizabeth Puttick, Women who have achieved secular/professional in New Religions, London: Macmillan, 1996; success and are now looking for spiritual on the women’s spirituality movement see growth. Their beliefs and practice on gender Mary Bednarowski, ‘The New Age and Femi- are more fluid and flexible, sometimes with a nist Spirituality’, in J. R. Lewis and J. Gordon focus on androgyny, and usually including Melton (eds), Perspectives on the New Age, New women in leadership positions. NRMs such as York: SUNY, 1992; Nancy Finley, ‘Political Activism and Feminist Spirituality’, Sociologi- the Osho movement, the Brahma Kumaris, cal Analysis, 52 (4), 1991, pp. 349–62; Susan and many Buddhist and Pagan groups offer Greenwood, ‘Feminist Witchcraft’, in Nickie equal opportunities with no glass ceiling, and Charles and Felicia Hughes-Freeland (eds), possibilities for women to combine work, Practising Feminism, London: Routledge, marriage and motherhood with spiritual 1995; Mary Neitz, ‘In Goddess We Trust’, growth. in T. Robbins and D. Anthony (eds), In Gods

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We Trust, New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 26 The Phoenix from the Flame, London: 1990. Aquarian, 1994, p. 116. 8 Osho, A New Vision of Women’s Liberation, 27 Ibid., pp. 163–4. Cologne: Rebel Press, 1987. 28 Op. cit., p. 27. 9 Cited by Judith Thompson and Paul Heelas, 29 This trend has attracted media attention in The Way of the Heart, Wellingborough: national newspapers and magazines, for Aquarian, 1986, p. 93. They appear to endorse example ‘Pagans of Suburbia’ in Elle, February this statement, quoting a Medina sannyasin in 1994, and articles on alternative weddings in support. the Independent, 13 February 1995 and 24 10 Katherine Young, ‘Hinduism’, in Arvind December 1995. Even Hello! magazine has Sharma (ed.), Women in World Religions, New featured a celebrity handfasting. Graham York: SUNY, 1987; Wendy O’Flaherty, Harvey has written a chapter on Handfastings Women, Androgynes and Other Mythical Beasts, in Druidry in Phillip Carr-Gomm (ed.), The Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 1980. Druid Renaissance, London: Thorsons, 1996. 11 Kim Knott, ‘The Debate about Women in 30 Boucher, op. cit., p. 143. the Hare Krishna Movement’, Journal of 31 ISKCON’s official magazine Back to Godhead, Vaishnava Studies, 3 (4), 1995, pp. 85–109. 1991, issues 1 and 2, in which a selection of 12 Osho, Theologia Mystica, Poona: Rajneesh women devotees express their views. Foundation International, 1983, p. 266. 32 One informant estimated that 50 per cent 13 A necklace of wooden beads with a locket con- ISKCON marriages had failed. taining Osho’s photo. 33 Eileen Barker, New Religious Movements: A 14 The Book of the Secrets, vol. 1, Poona: Rajneesh Practical Introduction, London: HMSO, Foundation, 1974, p. 5. 1989; Bryan Wilson, The Social Dimensions of 15 R. W. Hood and J. R. Hall, ‘Gender Differ- Sectarianism, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990. ences in the Description of Erotic and Mysti- 34 For example, approximately 80 per cent of cal Experiences’, Review of Religious Research, white converts to Islam in Britain and America 21 (2), 1980, pp. 195–207; Kees Bolle, are women, who appear to be largely attracted ‘Hieros Gamos’, in Mircea Eliade (ed.), Ency- by the high value placed on motherhood as clopedia of Religion, New York: Macmillan, well as the moral certainties and clearly defined 1987, pp. 317–21. gender roles. 16 Boucher, op. cit., pp. 218–19. 35 Rose, op. cit., pp. 247–8. 17 See Gordon Melton, ‘Sexuality and the Matu- 36 Ibid., p. 257. ration of “the Family’’ ’, unpublished paper 37 Women and Spirituality, London: Macmillan, presented at the Federal University of 1989, p. 80. Pernambuco, Brazil, 1994, for an extended 38 Osho, 1987, op. cit. This concept is based on account of sexuality in the COG. the Hindu doctrine that the goal of the reli- 18 ‘Gender and Power in New Religious Move- gious life is to become dwija, twice-born, a ments’, Religion, 21, 1991, pp. 345–56. rebirth into the spiritual Self. 19 Jacobs, 1984, op. cit. 39 Baker makes this point, citing scriptural refer- 20 See in Boucher, op. cit.; Friedman, op. cit. ences to Jesus’s and Buddha’s exhortations to 21 Dick Anthony, Bruce Ecker and Ken Wilber their disciples (op. cit., p. 87). (eds), Spiritual Choices: The Problem of Recog- 40 Boucher, op. cit. nizing Authentic Paths to Inner Transforma- 41 Rodney Stark and William Bainbridge, The tion, New York: Paragon House, 1987, P. 67. Future of Religion, Berkeley: University of 22 John Stevens, Lust for Enlightenment, Boston, California Press, 1985, p. 414. MA: Shambhala, 1990; Miranda Shaw, Pas- 42 Friedman, op. cit., p. 173. sionate Enlightenment, Princeton, NJ: 43 Osho, The Path of Love, Poona: Rajneesh Princeton University Press, 1994, give ac- Foundation, 1978, p. 44. counts of the Tantric tradition and the high 44 Skultans, op. cit., p. 52. status of women. 45 Osho, Philosophia Perennis, Poona: Rajneesh 23 Osho, From Sex to Superconsciousness, Poona: Foundation, 1981, p. 318. Rajneesh Foundation, 1978, p. 89. 46 Elizabeth Puttick, ‘A New Typology of 24 Starhawk, The Spiral Dance, San Francisco, CA: Religion Based on Needs and Values’, Journal HarperSanFrancisco, 1989, 2nd edn, p. 208. of Beliefs and Values, 18 (2), 1997, pp. 25 Ibid., p. 97. 133–45.

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47 It should be emphasized that while levels 3–5 between levels, and NRMs correspondingly appear to represent ‘higher’ needs, no value contain elements of all levels. See my article judgement is implied. The categories are less cited in note 46 for a fuller discussion of these fixed than the typology suggests; in practice issues. most people’s needs continuously fluctuate

244 CHAPTER FIFTEEN

Women’s “Cocoon Work” in New Religious Movements: Sexual Experimentation and Feminine Rites of Passage

SUSAN J. PALMER

In contrast to the depth of interest shown by overall effect is a system in which men are historians and anthropologists in women’s dominant, women are submissive and the participation in utopias (Foster 1981; Kern exercise of male power leads to almost total 1981; Moore 1977), ecstatic cults (Cohn subordination of the female devotees.” Inter- 1970; Lewis 1971), and Christian heresies estingly, scholars of nineteenth-century (Pagels 1988; Reuther 1983), the issue of “new religions” tend to find their women women’s experiences in contemporary non- “empowered,” whereas studies of contempo- conventional religions has not been ade- rary NRMs (with the notable exception of quately addressed. Fieldwork in the area of Wicca) often stress the theme of feminine NRM sex roles is limited (Wagner 1982; Wallis degradation, a view reflected in literature of 1982; Richardson, Stewart, and Simmonds the anticult movement (Ritchie 1991) and in 1979; Wessinger 1993), and only a few the press – as summed up by the Guardian “gendered” approaches to “cult conversion” (Women and abuse in cults 1991: 33): “The processes (Grace 1985; Rochford 1985; degrading treatment of women in many reli- Barker 1984) have been written. Thus, the gious cults today reads like a chapter from the appeal for women of communities practicing dark ages. Yet 200 years ago, women were spiritually based forms of celibacy, polygamy, leaders of a number of sects, asserting femi- eugenics, or “free love” remains enigmatic. nine equality (and even superiority) within Robbins (1988) identifies a rift between them. What went wrong?” those scholars who stress the empowerment of Perhaps the most objective and compre- women in unconventional spiritual groups hensive analysis of the relationship between (Babb 1986; Bednarowski 1980; Haywood current gender ambiguities and youth’s con- 1983; Neitz 1988) and an opposing “camp” version to NRMs appears in Aidala’s (1985) (Aidala 1985; Davidman 1991; Rose 1987) seminal study. Aidala argues that communal who portray NRMs as a backlash against the NRMs are responding to the erosion of feminist movement and a retreat into conser- norms regulating gender roles occurring in vative family patterns within enclaves of the larger society. She demonstrates that patriarchy. Jacobs’s (1984) study of women’s members of religious communes (as opposed defection from NRMs, for example, presents to secular ones) exhibit a low tolerance for the NRMs as magnifying the patriarchal patterns shifting interpretations of masculinity and of authority found in mainstream religions. femininity. She proposes an “elective affinity” Since social control in charismatic communi- between the clear-cut sex roles found in charis- ties is greater, Jacobs (1984: 158) argues, “the matic groups and the need perceived in

245 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES contemporary youth to resolve gender-related The Unification Church (UC) ambiguities. She finds that, unlike the individ- The Rajneesh Movement (currently known as ualistic experimentation occurring in secular Osho Friends International) communes, where the rules governing sexual The Institute for the Harmonious Develop- behavior are ill-defined, religiously based ment of the Human Being (IHDHB) gender roles are rigid and absolute. While The Raëlian Movement International Aidala (1985: 297) notes among her groups The Northeast Kingdom Community Church “a great diversity in sexual and gender role (NEKC) ideology,” she emphasizes their universal The Ansaaru Allah Community (AAC) patriarchal character. In her view, joining reli- The Institute of Applied Metaphysics gious communes represents a flight from fem- (LAM) inism, modernity, and the moral ambiguity that characterizes our pluralistic society. The Information on their gender roles was gath- static, rigid quality of new religious sex roles, ered from a variety of sources, including NRM therefore, she interprets as a rejection of or literature, videocassettes of leaders’ discourses, reaction against the more fluid and experi- field research, and over 150 interviews with mental approaches prevailing in the secular members and ex-members. sphere. In this study I propose a “gendered” spec- ification and modification of Aidala’s central The Diversity of New Religious argument: that communal NRMs provide ide- Women’s Roles ological resolutions to moral ambiguity and gender confusion. First, evidence shows that Aidala (1985: 297) insists that “in none of the new religious sex roles are considerably more religious communes did ideological formula- diverse than Aidala acknowledges, challenging tion or practice pose a direct challenge to the previous classifications as “patriarchal” or traditional allocation of greater social and eco- “feminist.” Second, they are more fluid in nomic power to men. Many groups actively their patterns of gender and authority than promoted traditional inequalities. Those that Aidala’s more static portrait suggests – and, if did not denied the reality of inequalities which observed over a period of time, exhibit flexi- allowed traditional patterns to continue.” bility and a commitment to experimentation. Many of the groups studied here challenge Third, given the high attrition rates found in this statement. The Raëlian Movement, for NRMs, and striking affinities between the example, deliberately encourages homosexual “liminal period” (Turner 1968) and new reli- and bisexual expression (Palmer 1992). gious sexual experiments, I argue that the Rajneesh and Brahmakumari leaders are over- “cult experience,” for most female partici- whelmingly female (Babb 1986; Barker 1991; pants, can best be understood as fulfilling a Gordon 1986). Leaders’ speeches conveying similar function to the feminine rites of notions of radical or conservative romantic passage found in traditional societies. feminism (Reuther 1983), denouncing men as This study will demonstrate the wide variety world spoilers and exalting women as world of feminine roles available in NRMs, and will saviors, appear in such NRM literature as A analyze the various routes to resolving gender New Vision of Woman’s Liberation (Rajneesh ambiguity outlined in these movements. Eight 1987), Adi Dev, the First Man (Chander groups were selected for study, as examples of 1981), and Sensual Meditation (Vorilhon NRMs in which women’s roles were radically 1986). alternative, highly developed, and mutually The most striking feature of women’s roles contrasting: in new religious movements, besides their diversity, is their clarity and simplicity. This The International Society for Krishna clarity seems to be achieved by emphasizing Consciousness (ISKCON) one role and de-emphasizing or rejecting

246 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES others. Krishna-conscious women, for which time the “wives” strive to mature into example, are defined as “mothers” by title and “The Ideal Woman” (Grace 1985). by occupation, even if unmarried or childless Thus, a survey of a corner of the “spiritual (Knott 1987; Rochford 1985). The sexually supermarket” suggests that a contemporary expressive Rajneeshee is a “lover” in relation North American woman who is seeking alter- to Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh (metaphorically native spiritual, sexual, and social experiences speaking) and to the male disciples; but she is presented with a remarkable range of possi- was not permitted to give birth or raise her bilities. She can be a celibate “sister,” a existing children during the communal phase, devoted “wife,” a domineering “lover,” a and the role of “wife” is still considered veiled “Nubian Bride,” an immortal “Yin- demeaning (Belfrage 1981; Milne 1986). Yang Unit,” a “breeder” of the perfect race, Women in the Raëlian Movement are defined an ageless, celibate “daughter” with magical as sensually aware, bisexual “playmates” and powers, a “quadrasexual playmate,” or an tend to reject marriage in favor of “free love,” asexual shaman. and avoid procreating in anticipation of being New religious models of gender also vary cloned by extraterrestrials (Vorilhon 1986; widely. Aidala (1985: 294) found three basic Palmer 1992). approaches to understanding gender relations: Even many NRMs that appear to foster “biblically based understandings of patriarchy, “traditional” roles deviate widely from the bio-mystical complementarity and subjectivist mainstream (and from each other) in their denials of gender differences.” These three interpretations of woman’s domestic role. approaches apply to the eight groups explored Exemplary “wives” in the Institute of Applied here and correspond to Allen’s typology Metaphysics are postmenopausal, childless (1987: 21) of sex polarity/sex complementar- “handmaidens” and work partners to their ity/sex unity, describing three philosophical considerably younger “lords” (Morris 1986). notions of sex identity developed within “Wives” in the Ansaaru Allah Community are Christendom. Some elaboration is required in heavily veiled and come in sets of four, since order to increase the relevance of this model the Nubian household should (ideally) fea- to eclectic and “oriental import” NRMs, as ture a Domestic Wife, a Cultured Wife, an follows1: Educated Wife, and a Companion Wife Sex Complementarity groups endow each (As Sayyid 1988). In their role of “breeder,” sex with unique spiritual qualities, and empha- AAC women are exhorted to usher in the size marriage as the union of spiritual oppo- 144,000 pure Nubian children to “rapture” sites in order to from a whole androgyne. their parents when the satanic reign of the Gender and marriage continue in the afterlife, “paleman” ends in the cataclysm of 2000 (As marriage to the dead is possible, and weddings Sayyid 1987). In spite of this literary empha- and procreation assist in ushering in the sis on the ideal Muslim family, real-life Ansaars Millennium. A dual or androgynous godhead live in same-sex dormitories, separated from overshadows these communities. The Unifica- their children, and are permitted to cohabit tion Church, Northeast Kingdom, and Insti- with their spouses once every three months in tute of Applied Metaphysics conform to this the “Green Room,” in accordance with their view. founder’s racialist eugenics theory (Philips Sex Polarity groups regard the sexes as spir- 1988). Unificationist women have opted for a itually different, and as useless or obstructive wider range of roles – but only one role at a to the other’s salvation. The notion of sex time. They begin their careers in the move- pollution is importantly present and the sexes ment as celibate “sisters,” and then become are segregated so as to avoid weakening each “daughters” of Reverend Moon when he other’s spiritual resolve. Levels of salvation blesses them in marriage to one of their might be quite different for men and women “brothers.” These marriages remain uncon- since they are unequal. ISKCON and the summated for three or more years, during Ansaars espouse this view, whereas the

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Rajneeshee and the Brahmakumaris might be Knight) relates the myth of how one god, described as “reverse sex polarity” groups, Duvall-Debra, split into male and female where women are vaunted as spiritually more and how the two became enemies “through powerful than men. jealousy, possessiveness and ...superiority” Sex Unity groups view the body and its (Ramtha Intensive: Soulmates, 1987). The gender as a superficial layer of false identity notion of sex unity is dramatized in the Cre- obscuring the immortal, asexual spirit. Groups ation Story Verbatim (Gold 1973) when espousing this view might adopt “unisex” “god” recalls how he sent a spaceship to save clothing and cultivate androgynous social human specimens when Atlantis was flooded, personae, or they might “play act” traditional and how the ship’s captain “goofed” by sex roles while maintaining a psychological rescuing two males, so that one of them detachment from these roles. In shamanistic had to undergo a sex-change operation, or gnostic groups there is often the notion and then even god couldn’t tell which was that by transcending the limits of social/sexual which. identity, the adept can release the powerful New feminine archetypes hold out keys to spiritual potentialities. The IHDHB, Scientol- understanding – or at least testing – who ogy, and the Raëlians espouse this view. woman is and what her potential might be. While these models are not necessarily These narratives establish the guidelines for unique to NRMs, and feminist theorists like courtship rituals, marital relations, and sexual Mary Daly, Dana Densmore, and Valerie ethics in spiritual communities. Informants Solanas have articulated versions of androgyny described the therapeutic and empowering and sex polarity that are no less radically alter- effects of inhabiting these roles. One ex- native (Castro 1984), new religions appear to Ansaar observed, “I felt superior wearing the offer more scope for collective and individual veil, because it was not easy ...I had to put experimentation in praxis. Women in secular away western ideas of beauty and fashion and society, whether they define themselves as become a Muslim ...It made me feel godly. lesbian feminists or as Real Women, must con- It made me feel like Eve when I learned that front conflicting notions of gender in moving Eve dressed this way after the world got pop- from the private through the different sectors ulated ...Also, Sarah, Abraham’s wife – and of the public sphere. The secretary, for all the other righteous women in the Bible.” example, will expect sex unity in her paycheck, Unificationist women are encouraged to relate will “act out” sex polarity in the synagogue or their own sad experiences of the “abuse of the YMCA locker room – but might yearn for love” with Eve’s tragic seduction at the hands sex complementarity in the course of her of Satan. Participants in the 1983 “Confer- Friday night dinner date. Elaborate “face- ence on Eve,” held at Barrytown, New York work” is required in our pluralistic society as even described encountering Eve and con- women move from one arena to the next versing with her during their “travels in the (Goffman 1959; Westley 1983). Within inten- spirit world.”2 Within these carefully super- tional communities, however, one model of vised playing fields, women can explore the gender prevails. Dress codes, rituals, work potential and limitations of new religious roles, and authority patterns tend to reflect models of gender in their daily life. a single, clear-cut model of male–female relations. Creation myths educate new religious The Experimental Quality of NRM women in the mysteries of sexuality and offer Patterns of Gender theodicies to explain the ongoing war between the sexes that is waging outside their utopias. A striking feature of new religions, when These myths convey clear-cut models of observed over a period of time, is their flexi- gender – as, for example, when the 3,500- bility in trying out different patterns of year-old warrior Ramtha (channeled by J. Z. authority and gender. This experimentation

248 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES occurs on two levels: the collective and the public streets, drive cars, and preach in the individual. mosque. Exercises permitting members to “play-act” the opposite sex are found in several thera- Collective experiments peutically oriented NRMs. The Raëlians hold A close study of NRMs’ short histories reveals a transvestite banquet dance on the final night a tendency to “flip-flop” in policies for award- of the Sensual Meditation Camp, and, as one ing leadership posts determined by gender. member put it, “We show the opposite sex Two outstanding examples of this pattern are what we don’t like about the way they treat the Institute of Applied Metaphysics (IAM) us!” The Rajneesh hold a “Sexual Fantasies” and the Rajneesh movement. In the early days party at the end of their “Tantra” therapy of IAM (1963–75) women were leaders, groups in Poona, and one participant but after the “Yin-Yang units” were formed, described how one man dressed as a prosti- husband and wife were defined as equal halves tute, another dressed as Lolita, and one of a whole person, and took part in ritual woman came as a male “flasher.” The IHDHB and work life as a team. Women’s authority practice “gender-erasing” in the “Daysnap” began to plummet in 1983 after the founder exercise, which requires participants to vocally Winifred Barton was deposed by her husband assume the personalities of “Helpful Herbie,” (Morris 1986). A similar mood of experimen- “Gross-out Gertrude,” “Doubtful Danny,” or tation can be found throughout the history of “Condescending Connie” (Palmer 1976). the Rajneesh Movement. During the 1981–5 Est trainees “make asses of themselves” in a communal phase in Rajneeshpuram, women role-playing exercise described by Rhinehart were conspicuous in leadership positions. (1976: 150–1): After the “Sheela scandal” in 1985, however, the group became disillusioned with the In two of the most difficult roles, women are utopian notion that women were less aggres- asked to play the role of a loud, stupid, blus- sive than men, and the international com- tering drunk, and men are asked to play a munes began to appoint male leaders. This “cute” ten-year-old girl reciting a silly flirta- experiment was abandoned after the group tious poem about herself: the women being settled back in Poona, and women took over asked to be aggressively masculine, the men the reins again. pertly feminine. Even “patriarchal” groups fostering nostal- gic recreations of perfect families from a Individual experimentation mythic golden age are wont to improvise. The acephalous Northeast Kingdom Commun- The experimentation in gender and sexual ity will occasionally modify its conservative mores found in NRMs can also be observed gender roles, as when the women in Island taking place on the individual level. As Pond put aside their head coverings during Robbins and Bromley (1992: 3) pointed working days, in response to a collective rev- out, new members who “adopt the convert elation received by the elders in Boston in role and collaborate in the process of self- April, 1991.3 The AAC leader, As Sayyid as reconstruction often conceive of themselves Imaam Isa, after instructing women since as engaged in experimentation.” Several infor- 1969 to wear a face veil, accept polygamy, and mants for this study described conversion devote their energies to housework, suddenly careers in which they had moved through a announced in the January 1992 Nubian series of spiritual movements, assuming serial Village Bulletin his change of title to “The feminine identities and experimenting with Lamb, Liberator of Women,” and advised various forms of celibacy, polygamy, and/or women to discard the veil, wear “pantoons,’ pantagamy. and embrace monogamy. Today women are The interview data and sex ratio surveys permitted (in theory) to “peddle” crafts on challenge prevailing notions that “cult-

249 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES women” are the passive victims of the New religious sexual experiments might be ineluctable forces of charisma, “brainwash- seen as a series, dedicated to solving specific ing,” or “patriarchal authority,” who will sets of social problems confronted by con- submit to whatever sexual excesses emanate temporary women. NRM literature offers from the leader’s dark libido. Our informants theodicies that account for the failure of mar- made it clear they chose which experiment riage in the secular realm, and advertise spiri- to participate in, and for specific personal tual solutions to problems of intimacy that reasons. The interviews suggest that women resonate with different audiences. A Krishna are drawn to groups that offer them the roles devotee, for example, described her parents’ they feel comfortable inhabiting, an escape brutality throughout her childhood, and route from the too-demanding roles in the claimed that the male authority in ISKCON modern family, or an initiation into a longed- offered women a benign “protection,” for role that eluded them in secular life. A because it was based on a “spiritual line of dis- comparison of sex ratios indicates that some cipline succession.” A chela of Elizabeth Clare movements hold a stronger appeal for one sex Prophet described how she had suffered than for the other. Men outnumber women during divorce, and how “Guru Ma made me two to one in the Unificationist Church understand that my former marriage was only (Barker 1984; Grace 1985), whereas women a karmic relationship – something we had to outnumber men by a considerable margin in work out from our previous lives.” Having the Brahmakumaris (Babb 1986), and by a recently married a celibate “soulmate” in the slight margin in the Rajneesh Movement Church Universal and Triumphant, she (Braun 1984; Gordon 1986; Milne 1986). happily anticipated her eventual reunion with Groups that espouse the “reverse sex polarity” her “twin flame” into an androgynous, view and promote feminine leadership appear enlightened being. A Rajneesh “lover” to attract more women than men. recounted her pain in losing her two-year-old Contributing to the argument that women daughter to leukemia, and her relief in joining select NRMs that serve their particular needs the Rajneesh commune, where motherhood is evidence that different age sets are repre- was not an option, and where she could “sur- sented in different movements, as are specific render to Bhagwan” and assuage her grief classes of women. The great majority of through short-term, pluralistic love affairs women attending Spiritualist seances are in with the “beautiful, soft swamis.” late middle age or elderly (Haywood 1983), whereas the mean age of women in the Rajneesh Movement is between 31 and 35 The “Cult Experience” and (Braun 1984; Carter 1987). ISKCON, Contemporary Rites of Passage however, appeals to girls in their late teens and early twenties (Judah 1974). Studies of the Aidala’s study does not address the issue of Rajneesh have consistently shown that the defection. While my findings corroborate her disciples tend to be highly educated profes- observations concerning the appeal of the ide- sionals from the middle- to upper-middle ological certainty of new religious gender roles class (Wallis 1982). Women in the AAC are to youth, it appears significant that between recruited from the middle- to lower-middle 80 percent and 90 percent of members par- classes and are exclusively black (Philips ticipate in these alternative patterns of sexual- 1988). Single mothers appear to find the ity for one, two, or even three years – and then Northeast Kingdom Community attractive, leave. Sociologists consistently have main- whereas many of the Rajneesh and Raëlian tained that NRMs exhibit high rates of volun- women interviewed had postponed or rejected tary defection and that the average length of childbearing in favor of a career, and had lived membership is less than two years (Barker out of wedlock with a number of men before 1984; Judah 1974; Ofshe 1976; Skonovd joining the movement. 1983; Wright 1988). Bird and Reimer (1982)

250 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES found that in the Unification Church at These authors point to a lacuna in our least 80 percent of members defected within society, which has set individuals adrift as the two years. In ISKCON less than 600 disciples role of public ritual has declined in the wake out of the original 10,000 initiated under of secularization. “Instead of having one’s Swami Prabhupada have remained in the change in situation acknowledged clearly and movement.4 The Rajneesh Foundation publicly with social support and with knowl- International claimed 250,000 members in edgeable ritual elders to usher one through 1985, but Belfrage (1981) described a the limbo of the transition state,” Melton and common pattern of defection by Poona visi- Moore (1982: 50) noted, “in modern culture tors, following their impulsive decision to one is all too often left to one’s own devices, “take sannyas” (initiation). Of the Ansaar’s having to seek out social support and ‘ritual leader, Philips (1988: 37) noted, “every elders’ wherever they may be found.” Rites of two or three years he has a major turnover of passage are an urgent imperative in our plu- followers.” ralistic society, they insist, if only because the “The temporality of membership should coming of age in America involves confronting alter dramatically the way in which unconven- so many complex and depressingly insoluble tional religious movements are perceived,” problems. One of the major dilemmas, they noted Wright (1988: 163). The high attrition agree, is that of choosing one’s sexual orien- rate suggests that joining spiritual families tation and code of sexual ethics. Prince (1974: rarely turns out to be a satisfactory solution to 271) asked, “What is it to be a man, or a the ambiguity surrounding gender issues, but woman, a father, or a mother? Educated side rather that NRMs in general (and their sexual by side and equipped for identical roles in the innovations in particular) provide laboratories same universities, how can male and female for individual and collective social experimen- find differences and sexual identity?” He tation. This interpretation, however, cannot described the pessimism of contemporary be applied to lifelong participants who commit youth at the prospect of adopting their themselves to furthering the group’s collective parents’ way of life, which they seem to feel is goals. When Unificationist couples remain “a blueprint for disaster.” together to raise their “perfect children,” and Aidala (1985: 289) accounts for this atti- aging Brahmakumari leaders maintain their tude as follows: “As horizons expand beyond vows of celibacy as they instruct future gener- the family unit, traditional gender roles into ations in the gyan, these members have which they have been socialized ...fail to evidently rejected the experimental mode to resonate with emerging social-cultural reali- forge as new culture. ties.” It seems fair to assert that woman’s The theory that NRMs provide experiences coming of age today is even more problematic analogous to those found in traditional rites of than man’s, requiring not only the initiation passage has been convincingly argued by a into women’s mysteries, but also into the number of scholars. As Melton and Moore public realm of professional life – until recently (1982: 46) wrote, “the phenomenon of the an almost exclusively male domain. Toffler ‘cult experience’. . . must be seen within (1974) spoke of “overchoice,” and Glendon the context of states of transition – particularly (1985) deplored women’s “role overload” the transition from adolescence to young in the “New Family.” For women facing adulthood.” Turner (1968) pointed to the pluralistic and open sets of possibilities, their hippie movement, and Levine (1984) to gender identities must be “accomplished” “radical groups” as fulfilling a function similar (McGuire 1992) and sexual relationships to traditional rites of passage. Prince (1974) “negotiated” (Rose 1987). pursued a similar line of argument, but It might be argued that new religious adopted the metaphor of “cocoon work,” sug- founders play a role comparable to traditional gesting a process of psychological healing and societies’ “ritual elders” in youth’s search for maturation. authority – for some authentic voice to outline

251 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES the true shape of their sexuality which reflects a symbol of the commune, the maternal womb the divine cosmos. The certainty of charis- from whence the “New Man” will emerge. The matic gurus on matters of sexual morality Lamb eloquently expresses this notion: contrasts sharply with the rather “wishy- washy” stances of mere priestly authorities We are the caterpillar that crawled around on (Bibby 1987: 164), rendering them attractive the ground alongside the snake in America to disoriented youth. While Turner (1968) ...We metamorphosed step by step into a and Foster (1981) insisted that the distinctive perfect being. We wore all kinds of African features of the liminal period of individual attire ...like bones in our ears ...The desti- rites of passage can also be seen in larger, more nation of the caterpillar was he would be complex social transitions, it is, however, painted by the hand of the Artist of the important to distinguish between the two Universe ...So we walked around cloaked in contexts. In contrast to the approved shamans our cocoon (the veil, Jallaabiyah) awaiting the great day when we would unfold the cocoon or priestly authorities, the well-established and come forth in our beauty as a nation. social statuses, and the predictable ceremonies (Nubian Village Bulletin, 1992, Ed. 1: 15) of long traditions, Foster (1981: 9) observed, On the individual level, women experience the the prophet-founders of millennial move- “enclosure” of a stiff, cocoon-like group iden- ments face a more difficult task. They must tity, and give birth to a new feminine identity begin to create a new way of life and status – which is frequently better suited to living in relationships at the very same time that they the larger society. Studying the progress of are trying to initiate individuals into those not yet established roles. In short, the desired end Ansaar apostates, one might argue that they point is often unclear. retreat behind the veil so as to undergo a period of racial deconditioning and psycho- logical metamorphosis, until they are ready to None of these theorists has addressed the expand beyond the boundaries of the sect; and issue of whether these ritual processes are dif- they emerge perhaps better equipped to cope ferent for men than they are for women – with the problems of being an African- an oversight that apparently also exists in American woman in a white society. anthropological literature, where “discussions of female initiation ceremonies are fewer by far Sexual innovations and liminality [than of male] and often their function is clear: a severe suppression of female sexuality and Some of the more singular features of NRM symbolic expression of female inferiority” sex roles – their ideological rigidity, their (Myerkoff 1982: 123). An exception is found surrealism or postmodernist qualities – can be in Lincoln (1991: 101), who argued that Van better understood within the framework of Gennep’s rite de passage model is based on a Turner’s thoughts on liminality. Turner study of male initiations, and proposes a trope (1968) outlined Van Gennep’s three stages, of insect metamorphosis as more descriptive and expands upon the second. The initial of women’s initiations. Lincoln (1991) “separation” stage involves a symbolic death suggested that female rites of passage follow a of the novice to his or her former sociocultural tripartite structure of enclosure, magnification, state, and the third stage of “reaggregation” and emergence, and that these dramas cele- involves rejoining the community. The second brate woman’s new reproductive function and “liminal” period is found to be the most invest sacred power in her body, thus ensuring central to the ritual process. Described as a the future of her society. Women’s roles in “social limbo” of ritual time and space, the NRMs, which are usually far more stylized and liminal period has three major components: confining than the roles of men (Aidala 1985: the communication of sacra, the encourage- 311), might be analyzed within this frame- ment of ludic recombination, and the fostering work. For the collective, woman’s body is often of communitas.

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The communication of sacra can be The swamis here are more available than most observed in the instruction female novices men. You can confront them, pour your guts receive in new religious narratives, creation out and they don’t just walk away. That’s myths, and iconography of female saints or because they’re coming from the heart space, deities. Besides these exhibitions, there are they have a commitment to the spiritual ritual actions, stylized postures and greetings, search, so they are more vulnerable ...and and community dances that reflect sacred not afraid to show their emotional side. models of sex identity. Some of the more outrageous sexual inno- What these women appear to be describing vations found in these groups begin to “make is the experience of communitas, a generic sense” if considered as ludic recombination. bond outside the limits of social structure; a NRM courting rituals – the Rajneesh transient condition that liberates them from “Tantric” exercises, the Raëlian transvestite conformity to general norms, and opens a balls, the IDHHB “Objective Sex” work- space for experimentation. shops, the “Moonie” matchings and mass I would argue that the deceptively con- marriages – might strike the outsider as servative roles of “wife” or “mother” present extreme versions – even parodies – of “main- opportunities for a process of self- stream” American courting rituals, and many reconstruction that is no less radical than that of them imply harsh critiques of the poorly observed in “feminist” groups; that some of organized and minimally supervised “dating these “traditional” roles, on closer examina- game” practiced in secular society. These tion, appear no less deviant than those found playful recombinations of American cultural in “free love” NRMs; and that their stiff, traits resemble the “unusual, even bizarre and stylized quality suggests that the women who monstrous configurations ...masks, images, inhabit them are not embracing a permanent contraptions, costumes” found in traditional lifestyle, but rather trying on a modern version rites of passage. of the ritual mask. “Wives” in the Ansaars, The clear-cut, spiritually based gender roles ISKCON, Unification Church, and CUT outlined in new religious literature invite might dress up and play the role with gusto, participation in communitas, the “direct, but in most cases are not actually permitted to spontaneous and egalitarian mode of social live with, sleep with, clean up after, or cook for relationship, as against hierarchical relation- their “husbands.” ships among occupants of structural status- Whether the group espouses sex unity, roles” (Turner and Turner 1982: 202). A complementarity, or polarity, a common thread recurring theme in interviews was woman’s running through their rhetoric is the notion of hope of rebuilding better relationships with the androgyne. Women and men, whether they men, based on the mutual recognition of each practice monogamy, celibacy, or “free love,” set other’s essential spiritual status – which aside their individuality and strive to build a outweighed the sexual element. One collective identity, to experience “commu- Krishna-conscious “widow” noted, “When I nion” (Kanter 1972) with the opposite sex, and talk to my godbrothers and godsisters, there’s to merge into an undifferentiated whole. a special understanding. We all know we are Rejecting hierarchical relationships and social spirit-souls and have lived on this earth in status, initiates embrace the symbolism of total- many different bodies for hundreds of thou- ity, the presexuality of childhood innocence or sands of years. We know our godbrothers the perfection of androgyny. New religions respect us and would never treat us as instru- function as protective microsocieties where ments of sense gratification.” A Rajneesh women can recapture a sense of innocence, and “supermom” explained the “heart connec- slowly recapitulate the stages of their tion” she felt with the male sannyasins in a sexual/social development in a new cultural commune, which enabled her to navigate the setting. These “traditional” women, therefore, emotional pitfalls of a “free love” lifestyle: also seek “empowerment,” albeit of another

253 SEX AND GENDER ISSUES kind. As Gross (1987) observed, societies that characterized as offering even more extreme, segregate the sexes through gender-based work intensified, and diverse versions of the ongo- roles and dress codes seem to be particularly ing experimentation already occurring outside successful in conjuring up an aura of mystery, these utopias. The highly organized and charm, and taboo around the opposite sex. For strictly supervised group experiments occur- this reason, the phenomenon of modern ring in NRMs appeal to prospective members women choosing to inhabit the stylized roles as safe havens in which they might engage in in NRMs might be better understood not as a more radical forms of experimentation than rejection of pluralism and contemporary exper- are possible in the secular sphere. Our infor- imentation (Aidala 1985), nor as a lifelong mants appeared to be reacting not so much to choice to opt for traditional family values in the gender ambiguity per se (Aidala 1985: 287), face of gender uncertainty in the larger society but rather to the disorganized and haphazard (Davidman 1991), but rather as the ancient ways in which “sexual experiments” were and familiar search for the powerful religious being conducted in the larger society. and social epiphanies available within the ritual While inhabiting these new, postmodernist passage. Eves, Sitas, and Fatimahs, if only for a few months or years, these women apostates had found an arena for the symbolic and ritual Conclusion expression of their own half-formulated and conflicting notions of sexuality, and its place in This study has endeavored to prove that one of the divine cosmos. For the researcher, investi- the significant cultural contributions of NRMs gating these alternative and sacred patterns of is their provision of a modern equivalent to the sexuality tends to confirm Durkheim’s theory feminine rites of passage found in traditional on religion’s representational and interpretive societies, which allow women to engage in an function (Durkheim 1964). By replicating, intensive process of self-reconstruction. While resolving, and even parodying the pluralistic utopian sexual innovations have usually been approaches towards sexuality prevailing in our interpreted as collective rites of passage (Foster transitional age, new religious Eves and Adams 1981), or as “commitment mechanisms” hold up fragments of a mirror, inviting society (Kanter 1972) designed to bind members to to see itself and to become self-conscious. the whole community to become the hierophants or parents of the next generation, Notes there is evidence to show that the majority of members eventually reject the authority of their 1 These categories also overlap with Rosemary ad hoc “ritual elders” and instead use these rites Reuther’s (1983: 199) typology of eschatologi- of passage for individual ends. The significance cal, liberal, and romantic feminism. of our apostates’ erotic/ascetic ordeals, 2 “Conference on Eve” materials from whether in retrospect they found them to be Unificationist women’s conference at repressive or empowering, resides in their Barrytown seminary, April 3, 1983. ritual aspects. Thus, while NRMs are obviously 3 This innovation was explained during a visit to not indistinguishable from traditional rites of the Island Pond Community in April 1991. passage, but rather might be seen as near 4 This estimate was communicated by a former substitutes, the experiences of their women – temple president in Canada, who had been while perhaps not authentically “liminal” – at initiated by Prabhupada in 1968. least are “liminoid.” The data suggest that the innovations in sex References roles and sexual mores presently developing in NRMs, far from representing a conservative Aidala, Angela 1985: Social change, gender roles, reaction against “mainstream” experimenta- and new religious movements. Sociological tion and feminism, might more accurately be Analysis 46: 287–314.

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Crows: Spiritualism, Parapsychology and Ameri- Robbins, Tom 1988: Cults, Converts and can Culture. New York: Oxford University Press. Charisma. London: Sage. Morris, Madeline 1986: IAM: A group portrait. Robbins, Tom and David Bromley 1992: Social Unpublished senior essay, Yale University. experimentation and the significance of American Myerkoff, Barbara 1982: Rites of passage: Process new religions: A focused review essay. In Research and paradox. In Celebration: Studies in Festivity in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, vol. 4, and Ritual, edited by Victor Turner, 109–35. edited by Monty Lynn and David Moberg. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institute Press. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. Neitz, Mary Jo 1988: Sacremental sex in modern Rochford, Burke, Jr. 1985: The Hare Krishna in witchcraft. Paper presented at the Midwest America. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Sociological Society, Minneapolis. Press. Nubian Village Bulletin 1992: Shahru Yahshua 21, Rose, Susan 1987: Women warriors: The negotia- A. T. Brooklyn: The Tents of Kedar. tion of gender in a charismatic community. Ofshe, Richard 1976: Synanon: The people’s busi- Sociological Analysis 48: 245–58. ness. In The New Religious Consciousness, edited Skonovd, L. Norman 1983: Leaving the cultic by Charles Glock and Robert Bellah, 116–37. milieu. In The Brainwashing Deprogramming Berkeley: University of California Press. Controversy: Sociological, Psychological, Legal and Pagels, Elaine 1988: Adam, Eve and the Serpent. Historical Perspectives, edited by David Bromley New York: Random House. and James Richardson, 91–106. Lewiston, NY: Palmer, Susan J. 1976: Shakti! The spiritual science Edwin Mellen Press. of DNA. Unpublished Masters thesis. Concordia Toffler, Alvin 1974: Future Shock. New York: University, Montreal. Bantam Books. —— 1992: Playmates in the Raëlian movement: Turner, Victor 1968: The Ritual Process. Chicago, Power and pantagamy in a UFO cult. SYZYGY: IL: Aldine. Journal of Alternative Religion and Culture (1): Turner, Victor and Edith Turner 1982: Religious 227–45. celebrations. In Celebrations: Studies in Festivity Philips, Abu Ameenah Bilal 1988: The Ansar Cult and Ritual, edited by Victor Turner, 201–19. in America. Riyadh, Saudi Arabia: Tawheed. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institute Press. Prince, Raymond 1974: Cocoon work: Contempo- Vorilhon, Claude (Raël) 1986: Sensual Meditation. rary youth’s concern with the mystical. In Tokyo: AOM Corporation. Religious Movements in Contemporary America, Wagner, Jon (ed.) 1982: Sex Roles in Contemporary edited by Irving Zaretsky and Mark P. Leone, Communes. Bloomington: Indiana University 255–74. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Press. Wallis, Roy 1982: Millennialism and Charisma. Rajneesh, Bhagwan Shree 1987: A New Vision of Belfast: Queen’s University Press. Women’s Liberation. Poona, India; Rebel Press. Wessinger, Catherine 1993: Women’s Leadership Ramtha Intensive: Soulmates 1987: Eastsound, WA: in Marginal Religions: Explorations Outside the Sovereignty Inc. Mainstream. Urbana: University of Illinois Reuther, Rosemary Radford 1983: Sexism and God Press. Talk. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Westley, Frances 1983: The Complex Forms of Rhinehart, Luke 1976: The Book of Est. New York: Religious Life: A Durkheimian View of New Reli- Holt, Rinehart and Winston. gious Movements. Chico, CA: Scholars Press. Richardson, James T., Mary W. Stewart, and Robert Women and abuse in cults 1991: Guardian, 9 May: Simmonds 1979: Organized Miracles: A Study of 33. a Contemporary Youth Communal, Fundamen- Wright, Stuart 1988: Leaving new religions: Issues, talist Organization. New Brunswick, NJ: Trans- theories and research. In Falling from the Faith: action Books. Causes and Consequences of Religious Apostasy, Ritchie, Jean 1991: The Secret World of Cults. edited by David G. Bromley, 143–65. Sage, CA: London: Angus and Robertson. Newbury Park.

256 VIII

New Religious Movements and the Future

In recent years the public controversy over propositions about what contemporary “cults” has waned in North America, though groups must do, as well as what they must be bitter struggles continue in Europe, China, lucky enough to experience, to repeat the and elsewhere. But we have little reason to success of older NRMs like the Mormons believe that the number and variety of NRMs and the Jehovah’s Witnesses. His analysis is coming into being in modern Western soci- unique, concise, and thought provoking. eties will wane. As the influence of the domi- In formulating his theory Stark demon- nant religious traditions of the past dissipates strates the cumulative character of research on in these societies, under the pressures of sec- NRMs – a key indicator of “scientific” credi- ularization and globalization, the environment bility and success. His analysis integrates a rich for religious innovation improves. It is clear body of data derived from numerous studies, that NRMs will be a permanent feature of our by the author and others, into sets of general societies for the foreseeable future. It is far less and clear theoretical propositions. The propo- clear, however, just what form these new sitions demonstrate the ways in which careful religions will take. The NRMs that emerged study of the NRMs of the recent past have in North America and Europe since the 1960s yielded valuable and systematic insights into have been highly resourceful in adapting to the future prospects of these and other NRMs. changes in the social and technological condi- In other words, they add a predictive compo- tions of their host societies. Still, they may all nent to the sociology of NRMs – yet another fade in the presence of other NRMs yet to be traditional hallmark of successful “scientific” born or studied. research. His propositions offer interrelated Having observed the changes many NRMs and testable hypotheses that can be used to go through, and the tendency for most groups ground reliable comparative analyses of multi- to stagnate or fail, in the first essay in this ple aspects of NRMs and their interactions section, the American sociologist Rodney with the rest of society. In the process he Stark tries to explain why a handful of groups introduces some substantive concerns not have managed to succeed (in terms of their previously addressed in this reader. growth, geographic distribution, increased In the second reading in this section our material assets, social influence, and legiti- attention is turned even more emphatically to macy). Is there a recipe for success? In “Why the future, exploring the impact of the com- Religious Movements Succeed or Fail: A munications revolution launched by the Inter- Revised General Model” Stark comes close to net on the nature and spread of new religious providing one. He delineates ten theoretical groups. In one of the first papers published on

257 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE the topic, the Canadian sociologists Lorne style of religiosity into being. Dawson and Dawson and Jenna Hennebry examine the Hennebry, for example, examine the possibil- promises and the perils of the new medium. ity of strictly online religions. The systematic NRMs were quick to seize the advantages investigation, however, of the ramifications of offered by the Internet. Small or large, they computer mediated communications for the have made their presence known on the world experience of religion has just begun (see, wide web, but so have a large number of anti- for example, O’Leary 1996; Dawson 2000, cult organizations. Today the Internet pro- 2001a, 2001b, 2002; Brasher 2001). vides one of the quickest and most worthwhile ways of acquiring information about an ever widening array of “cults.” Great care must be References exercised, however, in dealing with this un- regulated environment, since prejudicial state- Brasher, Brenda 2001: Give Me That Online Reli- ments are readily presented as the unalloyed gion. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. truth and ignorance masquerades as wisdom. Dawson, Lorne L. 2000: Researching Religion “New Religions and the Internet: Recruiting in Cyberspace: Issues and Strategies. In J. K. in a New Public Space” give us a taste of the Hadden and D. Cowan (eds.), Religion on the new religious life online. Its primary purpose, Internet (Religion and the Social Order, vol. 8). however, is to refute the common fear and New York: JAI Press, 25–54. misconception that the Internet will provide —— 2001a: Doing Religion in Cyberspace: The Promise and the Perils. The Council of Societies for NRMs with an unprecedented opportunity the Study of Religion Bulletin 30 (1): 3–9. to recruit new and unsuspecting members. —— 2001b: Invited Keynote Address, “The Medi- Employing the lessons learned from previous ation of Religious Experience in Cyberspace: A research about who joins NRMs, how, and Preliminary Analysis.” Religious Encounters in why (see chapters 7 and 8), Dawson and Digital Networks, University of Copenhagen, Hennebry argue that the Internet is unlikely Nov. 1 (forthcoming in M. Hojsgaard and to swell the ranks of the new religions that go M. Warburg, eds., Religion in Cyberspace, a online. Ready access to so much religious book being developed from the conference information, however, is likely to have a favor- papers). able impact on their public relations, as mil- —— 2003: Religion and the Internet: Presence, Problems, and Prospects. In P. Antes, A. Geertz, lions of surfers may learn about their beliefs and R. Warne (eds.), New Approaches to the Study and practices. Moreover, the Internet, as a of Religion. Berlin: Verlag de Gruyter. distinct kind of medium of mass communica- O’Leary, Stephen D. 1996: Cyberspace as Sacred tion, may well introduce other unanticipated Space: Communicating Religion on Computer changes in the very conception and expression Networks. Journal of the American Academy of of religious aspirations, bringing a whole new Religion 64 (4): 781–808.

258 CHAPTER SIXTEEN

Why Religious Movements Succeed or Fail: A Revised General Model

RODNEY STARK

Introduction lar, it has failed to cause field researchers to address issues concerning the success or failure This year, hundreds of new religious move- of the groups they study. Yet, if this literature ments will appear on earth. Some will be is to become of real comparative value, it will formed by disgruntled members who with- need to address sets of common issues in the drew from older religious bodies. Others will same way that a common research agenda has be born because someone created or dis- facilitated the construction of massive cross- covered a new religious culture and convinced cultural data sets from anthropological field others of its authenticity. However, whatever work. For lack of such an agenda, social their origins, virtually every new group will scientific studies of new religious movements have one thing in common: eventual failure. support little comparison, being quite Although it is impossible to calculate the idiosyncratic as to content and often being actual rate of success, probably no more than focused on the odd and exotic. Thus, studies one religious movement out of 1,000 will of the Children of God (now known as The attract more than 100,000 followers and last Family) are almost certain to discuss ‘flirty- for as long as a century. Even most movements fishing’, but are unlikely to try to explain why that achieve these modest results will become the movement grew rapidly to about 10,000 no more than a footnote in the history of members and then stagnated. religions. By identifying a set of propositions to Given such harsh realities, one would explain why religious movements succeed or suppose that efforts to distinguish between fail, I had hoped to encourage those involved the occasional success and the mass of failures in case studies to investigate these issues and would have very high intellectual priority. Not consequently to begin an accumulation of so. When I published an initial version of comparable data. Looking back, it probably a theoretical model of how new religions was a mistake to publish such an essay in an succeed (Stark 1987), I could find virtually edited volume that soon became difficult to nothing to cite. And, aside from an essay from find, rather than in an easily available journal. Bryan Wilson (1987) – published in the same Now, having extensively revised and broad- volume as was my model – that remains true. ened the scope of the theory, it seems appro- Although the model was very well-received priate to try again. and widely cited (cf. Johnson 1987; Robbins My original version of the theory excluded 1988), it has not yet influenced the case study sect movements, being limited to new reli- literature as I had hoped it would. In particu- gions (cult movements) and was especially

259 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE concerned with the rise of Christianity, Islam have been foolish. However, predictions to be and the contemporary success of Mormonism. realized in another world are beyond empiri- I wanted to identify the factors that separated cal inspection and, therefore, religious move- these rare winners from the thousands of ments may rely on non-empirical claims, or at losers among movements based on new reli- least claims without empirical implications in gions, as opposed to new religious movements this world. The promise of eternal life in (most of which are sects). I subsequently heaven, for example, cannot be observed to recognized that with slight modification the fail, whereas the promise of eternal life here on theory could be applied to all religious move- earth can be. That is a key difference between ments, thus greatly increasing its scope and religion and magic. utility. It is this revised and expanded version As Durkheim (1915: 44) noted, magic does that follows. not address ultimate questions (has no theol- The theory itself consists of ten propositions ogy), but attempts to provide desired rewards which attempt to specify the necessary and suf- within an empirical context. What distin- ficient conditions for the success of religious guishes it from science or technology is that movements. Before turning to these it will be magic is utilized without regard for evidence useful to define religion and religious move- concerning the effectiveness of the means ments and to distinguish these from magic and employed. Thus, magic can be (and often magical movements. is) observed to fail. In our deductive theory of religion Bainbridge and I (Stark and Bain- bridge 1996a [originally published in 1987]) Religion and Magic traced several major implications of the con- trast between magic and religion. First, being ‘Religion’ refers to any system of beliefs and vulnerable to disproof, magic is risky goods practices concerned with ultimate meaning and therefore the roles of priest and magician and which assumes the existence of the will tend to be differentiated, and successful supernatural. ‘Religious movements’ are social religious movements will, over time, reduce enterprises whose primary purpose is to create, the amount of magic they provide. Secondly, maintain and supply religion to some set of to obtain the rewards promised by religion it individuals. This definition excludes both usually will be necessary to maintain a long- secular social movements and movements term exchange relationship with the divine based primarily upon magic. and this enables religious movements to Social movements concerned with such require long-term, stable patterns of partici- things as achieving political utopia or with pation. In contrast, as Durkheim (1915: 44) averting environmental disaster are not reli- noted when he asserted ‘There is no church of gious movements regardless of their capacity magic’, magicians offer specific, short-term to inspire intense commitment. Lack of a results and, thus, are unable to require long- supernatural assumption makes all non- term commitments – magicians will have religious movements vulnerable to empirical clients, not followers. disconfirmations. Attempts to create a classless These differences between religion and society can fail and be seen to fail, for such a magic are important because, especially in goal must be achieved in this world – which is Western societies, religion and magic are precisely why the dozens of attempts to sustain not always clearly differentiated. Thus, to the secular utopian communities during the nine- extent that a religious movement also offers teenth century were so short-lived (Stark and magic, it will risk losses of credibility when its Bainbridge 1996a). In similar fashion, widely magic is seen to fail. Moreover, to the extent publicized predictions made during the early that a movement relies primarily on magic 1970s (Meadows and Meadows 1972) that rather than religion, it will fail to gather a the world would run out of most primary committed membership, as demonstrated by mineral resources by 1990 are now known to various New Age ‘audiences’.

260 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE

rather than the Hare Krishna option, with the Conservation of Cultural Capital reverse being the case in a Hindu context. In the form stated above, the principle of It is axiomatic in the social sciences that, the conservation of cultural capital explains within the limits of their information and individual behavior vis-à-vis conversion. Since available choices, guided by their preferences my concern here is with the fate of religious and tastes, humans will tend to maximize – to movements, a macro-level form of the propo- attempt to acquire the most while expending sition is needed and becomes the first of the the least. Put another way, humans will seek ten propositions comprising the theory: (1) to conserve their capital. When economists New religious movements are likely to succeed to apply this principle, they concentrate on the extent that they retain cultural continuity efforts to acquire and retain capital of the with the conventional faith(s) of the societies in monetary variety, but the same principles hold which they seek converts. when applied to cultural capital. I now must distinguish two basic forms of Cultural capital is the result of socialization religious movements, each rather differently and education. When we are socialized into a positioned in terms of cultural continuity. particular culture, we also are investing in it – The sect is a religious movement in a state expending time and effort in learning, under- of relatively high tension with its socio- standing and remembering cultural material. cultural environment (Johnson 1963). The For example, persons raised to be Christians life history of a sect typically begins when a have accumulated a substantial store of Chris- religious movement (usually a quite successful tian culture – a store that can be conceived of one) starts to reduce its degree of tension with as cultural capital. When faced with the option the world. As this occurs, not everyone of shifting religions, the maximization of cul- approves and eventually, as the group con- tural capital leads people to prefer to save as tinues to reduce its tension, the dissenters much of their cultural capital as they can and organize and eventually withdraw to form to expend as little investment in new capital as their own group: a sect. Because sects split off possible (Stark and Bainbridge 1996a: 220; from a conventional religious body, they are Iannaccone 1990; Sherkat and Wilson 1995). born with a very substantial level of cultural Stated as a proposition: People will be more continuity. Thus, when the Methodists broke willing to join a religious group to the degree away from the Anglicans they took their entire that doing so minimizes their expenditure of Christian culture with them – indeed, they cultural capital. An example may be helpful. claimed greater continuity with historic Chris- A young person from a Christian background tian teachings than, in their view, could their and living in a Christian society is deciding parent body. Thus, sects reaffirm the conven- whether to join the Mormons or the Hare tional religious culture(s) of the society in Krishnas. By becoming a Mormon, this person which they appear. retains his or her entire Christian culture and While sects are new religious organizations simply adds to it. The Mormon missionaries, rooted in the traditional faith, some religious noting that the person has copies of the Old movements are based on new religions which, Testament and the New Testament, suggest with no invidious judgements implied, some- that an additional scripture, The Book of times are referred to as cult movements. These Mormon, is needed to complete the set. In groups often add a substantial amount of new contrast, the Hare Krishna missionaries note culture to the conventional religious culture(s) that the person has the wrong scriptures and of the society in which they appear – Chris- must discard the Bible in exchange for the tians, Muslims, Mormons and Christian Sci- Bhagavad Gita. The principle of the conserva- entists being examples – and in that way retain tion of cultural capital predicts (and explains) a substantial amount of cultural continuity. why the overwhelming majority of converts Others involve religious culture entirely dif- within a Christian context select the Mormon ferent from the conventional culture. This can

261 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE occur because someone creates or discovers Other things being equal, failed prophesies new religious ideas, or because alien religious are harmful for religious movements. Al- culture is imported from another society. though prophesies may arouse a great deal of While new religions may differ greatly in their excitement and attract many new followers degree of cultural continuity, they are beforehand, the subsequent disappointment always lacking somewhat in this regard usually more than offsets these benefits. compared with sects. Thus, within a Christian Indeed, the Jehovah’s Witnesses suffered a society, other things being equal, conservation very marked decline in missionary activity, as of cultural capital favours the Jehovah’s well as in conversion rates for several years Witnesses over the Mormons. This explains after their 1975 expectation of the end went why the current rates of Witness growth in unfulfilled (Singelenberg 1989; Stark and European nations far exceed that of the Iannaccone 1997). Mormons – in 1994 there were 1,200,000 This discussion leads to the second propo- Witnesses in Europe compared with 350,000 sition in the theory: (2) New religious move- Mormons. ments are likely to succeed to the extent that However, when faiths travel abroad, sects their doctrines are non-empirical. can become cults – indeed, even the most con- ventional religious bodies of one society will be defined as cults if they attempt to operate Medium Tension (Strictness) in a society having a different religious culture. Thus, for example, Catholic missionaries in In order to grow, a religious movement India represent a cult, as do Episcopalians in must offer a religious culture that sets it apart Japan and Hindus in the United States. from the general, secular culture. That is, Hence, in Asia the Jehovah’s Witnesses have movements must be distinctive and impose no advantage over the Mormons in terms of relatively strict moral standards. Stated as a cultural capital – both are cults in that context proposition: (3) New religious movements are – and the two movements are doing about likely to succeed to the extent that they maintain equally well in this region (each with about a medium level of tension with their surround- 250,000 members). ing environment – are strict, but not too strict. In its initial form, the proposition made no mention of strictness, although that was part If Prophecy Fails of what I intended. However, the implications of the proposition are more fully revealed if As noted earlier, the immense advantage the theoretical work on ‘strictness’ is made an religious movements have vis-à-vis secular explicit part (Kelley 1972; Iannaccone 1992, movements is their capacity to avoid empirical 1994, 1995a, 1995b; Stark and Iannaccone disconfirmations. Religious movements need 1993). Strictness refers to the degree that a not deliver on their promises in this world – religious group maintains ‘a separate and dis- their most valuable rewards are to be obtained tinctive lifestyle or morality in personal and in a reality beyond inspection. Although, in family life, in such areas as dress, diet, drink- principle, all religious movements have this ing, entertainment, uses of time, sex, child option, not all of them take it. Some make rearing and the like’, or a group is not important empirical assertions – for example, strict to the degree that it affirms ‘the current that the world will soon end. Others offer an ...mainline lifestyle in these respects’ extensive array of magic and must deal with (Iannaccone 1994: 1190). frequent disconfirmations. Elsewhere, I have To anticipate the argument, strictness makes discussed at some length the problems faced religious groups strong by screening out free by the medieval Catholic Church because of riders and thereby increasing the average level its extensive reliance on magic (Stark and of commitment in the group. This, in turn, Bainbridge 1985). greatly increases the credibility of the religious

262 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE culture (especially promises concerning future refundable registration fees which, as in benefits, since credibility is the result of high secular markets, measure seriousness of inter- levels of consensus), as well as generating a high est in the product. Only those willing to pay degree of resource mobilization (see below). the price qualify. Free-rider problems are the Achilles’ heel Secondly, high costs tend to increase partic- of collective activities. Other things being ipation among those who do join by increas- equal, people will not contribute to a collec- ing the rewards derived from participation. It tive enterprise, when they can fully share in the may seem paradoxical that when the cost of benefits without contributing. This is called membership increases, the net gains of free riding and the collective consequence of membership increase too. However, this is free riding is that insufficient collective goods necessarily the case with collectively produced are created because too few contribute. Every- goods. For example, an individual’s positive one suffers, but those who give most gener- experience of a worship service increases to the ously suffer the most. Because religion must degree that the church is full, the members involve collective action and all collective participate enthusiastically (everyone joins in action is potentially subject to exploitation by the songs and prayers) and others express very free riders, religious groups must confront free positive evaluations of what is taking place. riding. Thus, as each member pays the costs of One need not look far to find examples of membership, each gains from higher levels of anemic congregations plagued by free-rider production of collective goods. problems – a visit to the nearest liberal Pro- Furthermore, for a religious group, as with testant church will usually suffice to discover any organization, commitment is energy. That ‘members’ who draw upon the group for wed- is, when commitment levels are high, groups dings, funerals, holiday celebrations, daycare can undertake all manner of collective ac- and even counselling, but who provide tions and these are in no way limited to the little or nothing in return. Even if they do psychic realm. This is well illustrated by early make substantial financial contributions, they Christianity. Because of their capacity to weaken the group’s ability to create collective generate very high levels of commitment, the religious goods because their inactivity de- early Christian communities were bastions of values the religious capital and reduces the mutual aid. As Paul Johnson (1976: 75) ‘average’ level of commitment. However, pointed out, the early church ‘ran a miniature strictness in the form of costly demands offers welfare state in an empire which for the most a solution to this problem. part lacked social services’. Thus, the fruits of At first glance it would seem that costly this faith were not limited to the realm of the demands must always make a religion less spirit, but offered much to the flesh as well – attractive. Indeed, the economists’ law of members were greatly rewarded here and now demand predicts just that, other things remain- for belonging. Thus, while membership in the ing equal. However, it turns out that other early church was expensive, it was, in fact, a things do not remain equal when religions bargain (Stark 1996). impose these kinds of costs on their members. This line of analysis leads to a critical insight, To the contrary, costly demands strengthen a perhaps the critical insight: membership in a religious group in two ways. First, they create strict (costly) religion is, for many people, a barrier to group entry. No longer is it pos- a ‘good bargain’. Conventional cost-benefit sible merely to drop in and reap the benefits analysis alone suffices to explain the continued of membership. To take part at all you must attraction of strict religions. qualify by accepting the sacrifices demanded Obviously, there are limits to how much from everyone. Thus, high costs tend to screen tension or strictness is beneficial. One easily out free riders – those potential members notices groups too strict to expect growth – whose commitment and participation would indeed, most sects never grow at all and their otherwise be low. The costs act as non- initial level of strictness seems to be the

263 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE primary reason (Stark and Bainbridge 1985). insights are equally valid, then no one can say Strictness must be sufficient to exclude poten- what must be done or who is to do what, when. tial free riders and doubters, but it must also The result is the existence of virtual non- be sufficiently low not to drive away everyone organizations – mere affinity or discussion except a few misfits and fanatics. groups incapable of action (Wagner 1983). In similar fashion, the early Christian gnostics could not sustain effective organizations Legitimate Authority because their fundamental doctrines prevented them from ever being anything more than a While it is convenient to speak of organiza- loose network of individual adepts, each pur- tions doing this or that, we must always keep suing secret knowledge through private, per- in mind that, in fact, organizations never do sonal means (Pagels 1979). In contrast, from anything. Only people ever act and individual the start Christianity had doctrines appropriate actions can be interpreted as on behalf of an for an effective structure of authority, since organization only to the extent that they are Christ himself was believed to have selected his co-ordinated and directed. That is, all suc- successors as head of the church. cessful social movements require effective Control of access to divine inspiration can leadership and this, in turn, requires that the also be a major factor in determining the authority of the leaders is seen as legitimate. authority of leaders. If the religious culture Put as a complex proposition: (4) Religious legitimates revelations or if its religious movements will succeed to the extent that they practices include trance states or speaking in have legitimate leaders with adequate author- tongues, these always pose a potential chal- ity to be effective. This, in turn, will depend lenge to authority. As James S. Coleman upon two factors. The first is: (4a) Adequate noted: authority requires clear doctrinal justifications for an effective and legitimate leadership. The ...one consequence of the ‘communication second is: (4b) Authority is regarded as more with God’ is that every[one] who so indulges legitimate and gains in effectiveness to the ...can create a new creed. This possibility degree that members perceive themselves as par- poses a constant threat of cleavage within a ticipants in the system of authority. religious group. (Coleman 1986: 49–50) There are many bases for legitimate author- ity within organizations, depending on factors Therefore, even religious movements such as whether members are paid to partici- founded on revelations will soon attempt to pate and/or whether special skills and experi- curtail revelations or at least prevent novel ence are recognized as vital qualifications to (heretical) revelations. Max Weber’s (1947, lead. However, when organizations stress 1963) work on the routinization of charisma doctrine, as all religious movements do, these obviously applies here. Weber regarded charis- doctrines must define the basis of leadership. matic authority as suited only for ‘the process Who may lead and how is leadership obtained? of originating’ religious movements and as too What powers are granted to leaders? What unstable to sustain an organized social enter- sanctions may leaders impose? These are vital prise. Moreover, upon the death or disappear- matters, brought into clear relief by the many ance of the prophet, a new basis for authority examples of groups that failed (or are failing) is required in any event. Several options exist. for lack of doctrines defining a legitimate basis The movement can take the position that the for effective leadership. age of revelations is ended, for all necessary That doctrines can directly cause ineffective truths have been told. This has been the usual leadership is widely evident in contemporary Protestant stance. Or the capacity to reveal New Age and ‘metaphysical’ groups. If every- new truths may be associated with the leader- one is a ‘student’ and everyone’s ideas and ship role – the charisma of the prophet is

264 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE replaced by charisma of office, in Weber’s Rapidly growing religious movements rely terms. This has been the Roman Catholic and on their rank-and-file members to gather in the Mormon choice. In either case, however, the converts. If, during the next few years, you doctrine is stabilized sufficiently to sustain a were to keep track of which religious groups changeover from prophetic to administrative have showed up at your door and how often, leadership. you would have a very accurate picture of who Whatever the justifications for authority, an is growing and who is not. additional source of legitimacy is the extent to which the rank-and-file feel enfranchised – believe that they have some impact on the Adequate Fertility decisions. As the examples of the Mormons, Jehovah’s Witnesses and Soka Gakkai demon- In order to succeed, (6) Religious movements strate, religious movements based on a lay must maintain a level of fertility sufficient to clergy have particularly high levels of rank- at least offset member mortality. If a religious and-file enfranchisement, even when they have movement’s appeal is too narrow, this may also very strongly centralized authority. In result in a demographic composition incapable contrast, sect movements often erupt precisely of sustaining its ranks. If a group is unable to because members felt they lacked impact on replace itself through fertility, then when the decisions made by the parent body. Of course, initial generation of converts begins to die, people are far more likely to feel enfranchised their rising rate of mortality may cancel a when, in fact, they are. substantial rate of conversion. In contrast, a religious movement can sustain substantial growth through fertility alone. For example, A Religious Labour Force the Amish have not attracted converts for several centuries and in each generation there In order to grow, religious movements need is substantial defection. Yet, at the end of each missionaries. Other things being equal, the year the number of Amish is greater than more missionaries there are seeking converts, before due to their normal demographic com- and the harder these missionaries work, the position and a high fertility rate. faster a religious movement will grow. Religious movements typically over-recruit In addition to missionizing, a large, volun- women (Stark and Bainbridge 1985; Cornwall teer religious labour force contributes to the 1988; Thompson 1991; Miller and Hoffman strength of religious movements in other im- 1995; Stark 1996). However, this does not portant ways (Iannaccone et al. 1995). For seem to matter unless it reduces fertility. Thus, example, labour often can be substituted for the early Christian communities had a sub- capital. Thus, while many of the so-called stantial excess of females, but Christian ‘mainline’ churches must not only pay their women probably had higher rates of fertility clergy, they must also pay for all their clerical, than did pagan women (Stark 1996). cleaning and maintenance services, and hire However, when movements greatly over- contractors to build new churches. In con- recruit women who are beyond their child- trast, some movements (the Jehovah’s bearing years, that is quite another matter. For Witnesses and the Mormons, for example) can example, by greatly over-recruiting older rely entirely on volunteer labour to provide women, Christian Science soon faced the need most or all these things. for very high rates of conversion merely to To sum up this discussion: (5) Religious offset high rates of mortality (Stark and movements will grow to the extent that they Bainbridge 1985). Thus, what had been a can generate a highly motivated, volunteer, re- very rapidly growing movement suddenly ligious labour force, including many willing to ceased to grow and soon entered a period of proselytize. accelerating decline.

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A Favourable Ecology Table 16.1 The ecology of success: 25 Canadian metropolitan areas (1991) To the extent that a community is crowded Correlations ( r) with with effective and successful religious organi- % giving their religious zations, it will be hard for new movements to Membership rates affiliation as none make headway (Stark 1985, 1993; Stark and Jehovah’s Witnesses 0.61** Bainbridge 1980b, 1985, 1996a; Stark and Mormons 0.60** Iannaccone 1993, 1994). Stated as a proposi- Para-religions1 0.82** tion: (7) Other things being equal, new religious movements will prosper to the extent that they ** P < 0.01. compete against weak, local conventional reli- 1 Statistics Canada created this category by com- gious organizations within a relatively unregu- bining all persons who gave their religious affiliation lated religious economy. Put another way, new as Scientology, New Age, New Thought, Meta- religious organizations will do best where con- physical, Kalabarian, Pagan, Rastafarian, Theoso- phical, Satanic or one of several other smaller ventional religious mobilization is low – at groups of a similar nature. least to the degree that the state gives new groups a chance to exist. Thus, we ought to find that where conventional church member- ship and church attendance rates are low, the tional test, based on the 1991 Census of incidence of new religious movements will be Canada (Statistics Canada 1993). Using the high. Initially, I argued that only cult move- 25 Canadian Metropolitan Areas as the units ments would thrive where the conventional of analysis, the data show strong, very signifi- religious bodies were weak and that sects cant correlations between the percentage of would cluster where conventional religious the population reporting their religious bodies were strong (Stark and Bainbridge preference as ‘none’ and membership rates 1980b, 1985). Subsequently, I realized that for the Jehovah’s Witnesses, Mormons and a this conclusion was based on faulty theoretical cluster of ‘para-religions’ – so defined by Sta- reasoning and that all new religious move- tistics Canada. That is, these groups are ments must contest for a market share. More- meeting with greater success where conven- over, subsequent research finds that cult and tional religious bodies are weaker. sect movements are equally responsive to the strength of established competitors (as shown below and also in Nock 1987). Network Ties The individual-level form of this proposi- tion is that converts to religious groups will come Religious commitment is sustained by inter- primarily from the ranks of the religiously inac- personal attachments. People value their reli- tive, in that people involved in a religious body gion more highly to the extent that a high will be relatively unlikely to switch. Moreover, value is communicated to them by those this tendency will be maximized for groups around them. Moreover, social relationships lacking cultural continuity since the irreligious are part of the tangible rewards of participat- will possess little religious cultural capital and, ing in a religious movement – affection, consequently, it will not be costly for them to respect, sociability and companionship being accept a faith outside the conventional reli- vital exchange commodities. Therefore, gious culture. religious movements lacking strong internal There has been a considerable amount of networks of social relationships – being research sustaining both the macro- and the made up of casual acquaintances – will be micro-level versions of the proposition (Stark notably lacking in commitment as they will and Bainbridge 1980b, 1985, 1996a; Stark also be lacking in the capacity to reward 1996; Nock 1987). Table 16.1 offers an addi- members.

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Weak internal networks have doomed many movement to spread through new networks of religious movements. I have already noted pre-existing attachments. Intermarriage, espe- how doctrines and practices leading to sin- cially between Christian women and pagan gularity have impeded authority; they also men, was a frequent mode of forming attach- undercut network ties within groups such as ments to new pagan networks (Stark 1995, the gnostics or various New Age movements. 1996). In similar fashion, the ability of the Moreover, I suspect that all movements Mormons to maintain open networks has lacking in strictness will also be lacking in been remarked (Stark and Bainbridge 1980a, network ties, for there is nothing about their 1985). In contrast, many religious movements religion that sets them apart from the general fail from the inability of members to form and public. Liberal Protestant denominations illus- maintain outside social ties. trate this principle. Their congregations are more like theatre audiences than groups, for only small minorities of liberal Protestants Staying Strict report having close personal friends among members of their local congregation. In con- If strictness is the key to high morale and rapid trast, large majorities of members of Protes- growth, then (9) Religious movements will tant sects report that most or all of their best continue to grow only to the extent that they friends are members of their congregation maintain sufficient tension with their environ- (Stark and Glock 1968). ment – remain sufficiently strict. On the other hand, many religious move- Speaking precisely to this proposition, the ments also are doomed because of internal leader of a rapidly growing evangelical Protes- networks that are too all-embracing, thus tant group noted that it was not only neces- making it difficult and often impossible for sary to keep the front door of the church members to maintain or form attachments open, but that it was necessary to keep the with outsiders. When that is the case, conver- back door open, too. That is, growth not only sion is impossible. People do not join religious depends upon bringing people in, but in groups because they suddenly found the letting go of those who don’t fit in. The alter- doctrines appealing. They convert when their native is to modify the movement in an effort ties to members outweigh their ties to non- to satisfy those who are discontented, which members – for most people, conversion con- invariably means to reduce strictness. People sists of aligning their religious behaviour with whose retention depends on reduced costs are that of their friends (Lofland and Stark 1965; ‘latent free riders’, and to see the full implica- Stark and Bainbridge 1980a, 1985, 1996a; tions of accommodating them, simply reverse Kox et al. 1991). When members do not have the discussion of strictness developed earlier in outside friends, such realignments do not this essay. occur. Hence, this proposition: (8) New reli- This is not to say that successful religious gious movements will succeed to the extent that movements never compromise with the world. they sustain strong internal attachments, while However, these compromises must not cause remaining an open social network, able to too great a reduction in the degree of tension maintain and form ties to outsiders. between the movement and the surrounding Early Christians sustained very strong ne- society. One factor that helps successful move- twork ties within the group, but never did they ments is a rather high rate of defection, not allow these to result in a ‘social implosion’ only by subsequent generations, but by new (Bainbridge 1978), wherein members converts as well. A second factor is simply restricted their social relationships to one rapid growth, because even were there no another. Had they done so, they would have defectors, the majority of members of a rela- remained obscure. Instead, Christians con- tively rapidly growing religious group will, at tinued to grow because they managed to form any given moment, be recent converts. For bonds to pagans and these often allowed the example, in an ordinary year the Mormons

267 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE baptize four times as many converts as they do ways in which youth can exhibit and build infants born to members and, consequently, commitment. Hence, movements get more the average Mormon is a first generation from their young people to the extent that convert. The same is true for the Jehovah’s they ask more of them. Here, too, higher costs Witnesses and Soka Gakkai. pay off. Studies of the transformation of sects from higher to lower tension have long recognized the central role played by second and third Conclusion generation members in this process. As Bryan Wilson put it, ‘There is certainly a difference This essay has necessarily been somewhat ab- between those who are converted to a sect, stract. In it I have tried to sketch a theoretical and those who accept adventist teachings at model of the success or failure of religious their mother’s knee’ (Wilson 1966: 207). movements – a set of ten propositions or rules When groups do not grow or grow very governing their fate. I think a strong case can slowly, they will soon be made up primarily be made for each proposition. However, I also of those who did not choose to belong, but think it likely that while these may be neces- simply grew up belonging. Conversion selects sary conditions for success, they may not be people who find the current level of a move- the sufficient conditions. That is, more propo- ment’s ‘strictness’ to be satisfactory. However, sitions may need to be added. The only way socialization will not ‘select’ nearly so nar- to discover such omissions is to apply the rowly. Therefore, unless most who desire theory to a number of groups to see if it accu- reduced costs defect (which tends to be the rately separates the successes from the failures. case for encapsulated groups such as the This is a task to which I plan to devote sub- Amish), the larger the proportion of socialized stantial future effort, but my effort will count members, the larger the proportion who wish for little unless I can tempt others to take part. to reduce strictness. For ease of reference, the ten propositions are listed below. Other things being equal, religious move- Effective Socialization ments will succeed to the degree that:

To succeed, (10) Religious movements must 1 They retain cultural continuity with the socialize the young sufficiently well as to mini- conventional faiths of the societies within mize both defection and the appeal of reduced which they seek converts. strictness. As mentioned, many groups have 2 Their doctrines are non-empirical. perished for lack of fertility. A sufficiently high 3 They maintain a medium level of tension rate of defection by those born into the faith with their surrounding environment – are amounts to the same thing as low fertility. strict, but not too strict. That is, much conversion is needed simply to 4 They have legitimate leaders with ade- offset mortality since so much fertility quate authority to be effective. is cancelled by defection. However, the (4a) Adequate authority requires clear retention of offspring is not favourable to doctrinal justifications for an effective and continued growth, if it causes the group to legitimate leadership. reduce its strictness, as noted above. (4b) Authority is regarded as more In subsequent work I will examine specific legitimate and gains in effectiveness to mechanisms by which successful movements the degree that members perceive them- effectively socialize their children. To antici- selves as participants in the system of pate these discussions it may be useful to authority. note that each successful movement for 5They can generate a highly motivated, which data exist finds important things for volunteer, religious labour force, includ- young people to do on behalf of their faith – ing many willing to proselytize.

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6 They maintain a level of fertility sufficient Johnson, P. 1976: A History of Christianity. New to at least offset member mortality. York: Atheneum. 7 They compete against weak, local con- Kelley, D. M. 1972: Why Conservative Churches are ventional religious organizations within a Growing. New York: Harper and Row. relatively unregulated religious economy. Kox, W., Wim, M. and ’t Hart, H. 1991: Religious Conversion of Adolescents: Testing the Lofland 8 They sustain strong internal attachments, and Stark Model of Religious Conversion. Socio- while remaining an open social network, logical Analysis 52, 227–40. able to maintain and form ties to Lofland, J. and Stark, R. 1965: Becoming a World- outsiders. Saver: A Theory of Conversion to a Deviant Per- 9 They continue to maintain sufficient ten- spective. American Sociological Review 30, sion with their environment – remain suf- 862–75. ficiently strict. Meadows, D. and Meadows, D. 1972: The Limits 10 They socialize the young sufficiently well to Growth: A Report for the Club of Rome’s Pro- as to minimize both defection and the jection on the Predicament of Mankind. New York: appeal of reduced strictness. Universe Books. Miller, A. S. and Hoffman, J. P. 1995: Risk and Religion: An Explanation of Gender Differences in Religosity. Journal for the Scientific Study of References Religion 34, 63–75. Nock, D. A. 1987: Cult, Sect, and Church in Bainbridge, W. S. 1978: Satan’s Power. Berkeley: Canada: A Reexamination of Stark and Bain- University of California Press. bridge. Canadian Review of Sociology and Coleman, J. S. 1986: Social Cleavage and Religious Anthropology 24, 514–25. Conflict. Journal of Social Issues 12, 5: 44–56. Pagels, E. 1979: The Gnostic Gospels. New York: Cornwall, M. 1988: The Influence of Three Agents Random House. on Religious Socialization: Family, Church, and Robbins, T. 1988: Cults, Converts and Charisma. Peers, in Darwin, T. ed. The Religion and Family Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. Connection. Provo, UT: Religious Studies Cen- Sherkat, D. E. and Wilson, J. 1995: Preferences, ter, Brigham Young University, 207–31. Constraints, and Choices in Religious Markets: Durkheim, E. 1915: The Elementary Forms of the An Examination of Religious Switching and Religious Life. London: George Allen and Unwin. Apostasy. Social Forces 73, 993–1026. Iannaccone, L. R. 1990: Religious Practice: A Singelenberg, R. 1989: ‘It Separated the Wheat Human Capital Approach. Journal for the Scien- from the Chaff’: The ‘1975’ Prophesy and its tific Study of Religion 29, 287–314. Impact on Dutch Jehovah’s Witnesses. Sociologi- —— 1992: Sacrifice and Stigma: Reducing Free cal Analysis 50, 23–40. Riding in Cults, Communes, and Other Collec- Stark, R. 1985: Europe’s Receptivity to Religious tives. Journal of Political Economy 100, 271–91. Movements, in Stark R. ed. New Religious Move- —— 1994: Why Strict Churches Are Strong. ments: Genesis, Exodus, and Numbers. New York: American Journal of Sociology 99, 1180–1211. Paragon, 301–43. —— 1995a: Risk, Rationality, and Religious Port- —— 1987: How New Religions Succeed: A folios. Economic Inquiry 33, 285–96. Theoretical Model, in Bromley, D. and —— 1995b: Voodoo Economics? Reviewing the Hammond, P. E. eds. The Future of New Reli- Rational Choice Approach to Religion. Journal gious Movements. Macon, GA: Mercer University for the Scientific Study of Religion 34, 76–88. Press, 11–29. —— Olson D. and Stark, R. 1995: Religious —— 1993: Europe’s Receptivity to New Religious Resources and Church Growth. Social Forces 74, Movements: Round Two. Journal for the Scien- 709–31. tific Study of Religion 32, 397–8. Johnson, B. 1963: On Church and Sect. American —— 1995: Reconstructing the Rise of Christianity: Sociological Review 28, 539–49. The Role of Women. Sociology of Religion (for- —— 1987: A Sociologist of Religion Looks at the merly Sociological Analysis) 56, 229–44. Future of New Religious Movements, in Bromley, —— 1996: The Rise of Christianity: A Sociologist D. and Hammond, P. E. eds. The Future of New Reconsiders History. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Religious Movements. Macon, GA: Mercer Uni- University Press. versity Press, 251–60. —— and Bainbridge, W. S. 1980a: Networks of

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Faith: Interpersonal Bonds and Recruitment to —— 1997: Why the Jehovah’s Witnesses are Cults and Sects. American Journal of Sociology 85, Growing so Rapidly: A Theoretical Application. 1376–95. Journal of Contemporary Religion 12 (2): —— 1980b: Secularization, Revival, and Cult For- 133–57. mation. Annual Review of the Social Sciences of Statistics Canada 1993: Religions in Canada: The Religion, 4, 85–119. Nation. Ottawa: Statistics Canada. —— 1985: The Future of Religion: Secularization, Thomspon, E. H. 1991: Beneath the Status Char- Revival, and Cult Formation. Berkeley: Univer- acteristic: Gender Variations in Religiousness. sity of California Press. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 30, —— 1996a: A Theory of Religion. New Brunswick, 381–94. NJ: Rutgers University Press. Weber, M. 1947: The Theory of Social and Economic —— 1996b: Religion, Deviance, and Social Control. Organization. Glencoe, IL: Free Press. New York: Routledge. —— 1963: The Sociology of Religion. Boston, MA: Stark, R. and Glock, C. Y. 1968: American Piety. Beacon Press. Berkeley: University of California Press. Wagner, M. B. 1983: Spiritual Frontiers Fellowship, Stark, R. and Iannaccone, L. R. 1993: Rational in Fichter, J. H. ed. Alternatives to American Choice Propositions and Religious Movements, Mainline Churches. New York: Rose of Sharon in Bromley, D. G. and Hadden, J. K. eds. Reli- Press. gion and the Social Order: Handbook on Cults and Wilson, B. 1966: Religion in Secular Society. Sects in America. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, London: C. A. Watts. 109–25. —— 1987: Factors in the Failure of New Religious —— 1994: A Supply-Side Reinterpretation of the Movements, in Bromley, D. and Hammond, P. E. ‘Secularization’ of Europe. Journal for the Scien- eds. The Future of New Religious Movements. tific Study of Religion 33, 230–52. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 30–45.

270 CHAPTER SEVENTEEN

New Religions and the Internet: Recruiting in a New Public Space

LORNE L. DAWSON AND JENNA HENNEBRY

Concerns After Heaven’s Gate experience, the web is popularly thought to be the creature of those believed to be its primary Twice in the last year (1998) the first author users: large corporations on the one hand of this paper1 has been asked to speak to (from Microsoft to Nike), and isolated groups in our community about the presence “computer nerds” on the other. Most cer- of “cults”2 on the world wide web, and the tainly, religious organizations are not com- threat they might pose. These talks were monly associated in the public perception with prompted, undoubtedly, by the tragic death of such leading-edge technologies (despite the the 39 members of Heaven’s Gate at Rancho omni-presence of televangelists on the Amer- Sante Fe, California, on March 26, 1997. To ican airwaves). For most North Americans in the surprise of many it seems, the media fact, the topic of religion calls to mind reports of this strange and ceremonious mass churches, and the churches are associated with suicide revealed a group with its own elabo- traditionalism, if not with an element of hos- rate web page (see figure 17.1). What is more, tility to the cultural influence of developments this new religion designed sophisticated web in science and technology. New religious pages for other organizations. In fact, it movements, in addition, are still rather crudely received much of its income from a company seen as havens for the socially marginal, and called Higher Source, operated by its perhaps even personally deficient individuals – members. Heaven’s Gate had been using the those least likely or capable of mastering the Internet to communicate with some of its fol- social and technical demands of a new world lowers and to spread its message for several order. The image, then, of cultists exploiting years. This news generated a special measure the web seemed incongruous to many. Com- of curiosity and fear from some elements bined with the established suspicion of “cults” of the public.3 This reaction stemmed, we (e.g., Pfeifer 1992; Bromley and Breschel suspect, from the coincidental confluence of 1992) and the almost mystical power often the misunderstanding and consequent mis- attributed to the Internet itself, the example trust of both the new technology and of cults. set by Heaven’s Gate seemed ominous. Despite the ballyhoo recently accorded the When compared with the familiar media launch of the “information superhighway” (by used to distribute religious views, like books, the government, the computer industry, and videos, tapes, radio and television programs, the media), the Internet is still only used, with Internet sites are easily accessible and in many any regularity, by a relatively small percentage respects more economical to produce and of the population.4 In the absence of personal operate. With the appropriate knowledge and

271 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE

Figure 17.1 Front page, Heaven’s Gate website minimal computer hardware and software, In the public mind – moulded by news anyone can sample a wide array of alternative reports on the old media, which are still more religious views, and, if they so choose, just as powerful and pervasive than anything on-line easily hide their exposure or consumption of – the Internet is starting to seem like a scary such views from the prying eyes of others place, a labyrinth of electronic tunnels as (e.g., parents, partners, friends, or employers). disturbing and seedy as anything Thomas In fact, the net opens surprising new oppor- Pynchon has dreamed up for the bizarre tunities to even start one’s own religion (as worlds in such works as Gravity’s Rainbow, V will be discussed below). and Vineland. The Heaven’s Gate suicides Have cults found in the Internet, then, a can only amplify fears that, in some quarters, may be already bordering on hysteria. The new and more effective means to recruit Internet, it seems, might be used to lure members? If so, has the world wide web children not only to shopping malls, where changed the playing field, so to speak, allow- some “sicko” waits, but into joining UFO ing quite small and unusual groups unprece- cults. (See the version reprinted in Canada’s dented access to a new and impressionable national newspaper, The Globe and Mail, April audience of potential converts and supporters? 5, 1997: C27) Most scholars of new religious movements would be skeptical, we think, that the advent CNN’s online news magazine carried these of the world wide web offered any reason for suspicions further (http://cnn.com/TECH/ renewed concern about the presumed threat 9703/27/techno.pagans/index.html), citing posed by “cults” to mainstream society. comments from presumed experts on the Within days of the Heaven’s Gate deaths, web, like Erik Davis of Wired magazine, and however, several media stories appeared in “experts” on cults, like Margaret T. Singer. A prominent sources (e.g., The New York Times, story, posted under the heading “The Inter- Time magazine, Newsweek, and CNN), each net as a God and Propaganda Tool for Cults,” raising the prospect of “spiritual predators” on sought to create the impression that “com- the net. In the words of George Johnson in puter nerds” and other compulsive denizens The New York Times: of the net, might be particularly susceptible to

272 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE cult recruitment (and hence eventually to 1979; Snow, Zurcher, and Ekland-Olson abuse). In Davis’s view, “identifying more and 1980; Rochford 1982; Hoover 1988). But more of your life with what’s happening on these are broadcast media, and largely under the other side of the [computer] screen . . .” the control of a relatively small elite. Might can have a “very dissociative effect,” increas- things be different within the interactive and ing the risk of cult conversion. What is more, more democratic, even anarchic, conditions of Singer assures us, the cults are targeting these cyberspace? At present we cannot say, because very people: there is little reliable information and because it is too soon. Discussions of the nature What the cults want to recruit are average, and impact of the new public space opened up normal, bright people and especially, in recent by the Internet, however, suggest that the years, people with technical skills, like com- emergence of the world wide web may be puter skills. And often, they haven’t become changing the conditions of new religious life street smart. And they’re too gullible. in our societies in significant ways. There are both promise and peril in the new technolo- Wisely, the stories in The New York Times and gies of cyberspace for the future of religion. Time magazine (April 7, 1997) both seek to cast doubt on such scare mongering. They each seek to do so, however, by defending the Internet Surveys integrity of the world wide web and not the cults. Their pointed concern is to disassociate Our analysis of these matters is augmented the net as a neutral means of communication with insights drawn from two surveys: our from its use by religions (i.e., don’t confuse own survey of the “web meisters” of several the medium with the message). No effort is new religious movements, and an online made to even begin to address the realities of profile of Internet users. Some interesting cult recruitment in general, let alone their problems with the first survey will be discussed actual use of the net. before proceeding with the analysis. So what do we know about cult recruitment In the late spring of 1998, we surveyed the and the world wide web? Do we have reason web page creators of thirty groups by e-mail to believe that the Internet either has or (see table 17.1). The brief survey asked 23 someday could become a significant source of questions delving into such matters as the new converts? Is there something to worry origins of their web pages, whether profes- about? A recent survey of adult Canadians sional help was used in their design or up- reported that 12 percent claim they use the dating, whether the pages were official or Internet for “religious purposes.”5 unofficial in status, the primary purposes of This essay examines and compares what we the web pages, their level of satisfaction with know about the presence of new religious the web pages and what measures of success movements on the Internet and how people they used, the mechanisms used for inviting come to join these groups. The most reliable feedback (if at all), the nature of the feedback results of decades of research into religious received and the responses given, any knowl- conversions cast doubt on the special utility of edge of whether people had become affiliated the world wide web as a mechanism of recruit- with their groups as a result of contact with ment. Face-to-face social interactions and net- the web page, and their views on whether and works of personal relationships play too large how the world wide web should be regulated. a role in the data about conversions collected The groups and individuals approached by scholars. Further, previous studies suggest were selected according to three criteria: (1) that such “disembodied appeals” as religious they represented relatively well-known new advertisements, radio shows, and televange- religious movements; (2) they represented a lism, have little significant effect on rates of fairly reasonable cross-section of the kinds of religious recruitment (Lofland 1966; Shupe groups active in North America; (3) they were

273 Table 17.1 Survey sample – new religious movements on the Internet Group Site name URL site location ARE ARE Inc. http://www.are-cayce.com/ Aumism Aumism – Universal Religion http://www.aumisme.org/gb/ BOTA BOTA Home page (Builders Of The Atydum) http://www.atanda.com/bota/default.html Brahma Kumaris Brahma Kumaris WSO http://www.rajayoga.com/ Brahma Kumaris WSO http://www.bkwsu.com Church Universal Our Church (Church Universal and Triumphant) http://www.tsl.org/intro/church.html and Triumphant Churches of Christ Boston Church of Christ http://www.bostoncoc.org/ International Churches of Christ http://www.intlcc.com/ Covenant of the Goddess Covenant of the Goddess http://www.canjure.com Eckankar Eckankar http://www.eckankar.org Foundation for Inner A Course in Miracles – ACIM http://www.acim.org/ Peace (ACIM) Miracles web site http://www.miraclesmedia.org/ International Society for ISKCON.NET A Hare Krishna Network http://iskcon.net Krishna Consciousness Meher Baba Group Meher Baba Group http://davey;sunyerie.edu/mb/html MSIA MSIA – Movement of Spiritual Inner Awareness http://www.msia.com/ Ordo Templi Orientis Hodos Chamelionis Camp of the Ordo Templi http://pw2.netcom.com/~bry-guy/hcc-oto.html Orientis Thelema http://www.crl.com?~thelema.home.html Osho Meditation: The Science of the Inner http://www.osho.org/homepage.html Raëlians International Rëalian Movement http://www.rael.org/ Rosicrucian Order Rosicrucian Order (English) AMORC Home Page http://www.rosicrucian.org/ AMORC International http://www.amorc.org School of Wisdom School of Wisdom Home Page http://ddi.digital.net/~wisdom/school/welcome.html Scientology Scientology: SCIENTOLOGY HOME PAGE http://www.scientology.org/ Shambhala Welcome to Shambhala http://www.shambhala.org/ Shirdi Sai Baba Shirdi Sai Baba http://www.saiml.com . Sikh Dharma (3H)International Directory of Kundalini Yoga Centers http://www.sikhnet.com (3HO) Soka Gakkai Soka Gakkai International Public Info Site http://www.sgi.org Soka Gakkal International-USA (SGI-USA) http://www.sgi-usa.org/ Subud SUBUD: The World Subud Association Website http://www.subud.org/english.menu.html Quest For Utopia Quest for Utopia http://www.quest-utopia.com (Koufuku no kagaku) Institute Research Human Happiness (Koufuku http://www.quest-utopia.com/info/irh.html no Kagaku) Temple of Set Temple of Set http://www.xeper.org/pub/tos/noframe.htm Balanone: Temple of Set Information http://www.geocities.com The Family The Family – An International Christian http://www.thefamiiy.org/ Fellowship TM Complete Guide to the Transcendental Meditation http://www.TM.org/ Unification Church Unification Church Home Page http://www.unification.org/ Urantia Urantia Foundation http://www.urantia.org Wicca Wiccan Church of Canada Home Page http://www.wcc.on.ca/ Welcome to Daughters of the Moon (Dianic http://www.wco.com/~moonwmyn/index.html Wicca) NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE already known to be operating fairly sophisti- 149–55), we know of no specific studies, cated web pages. In administering the survey popular or academic, of this subject. The jour- by e-mail we had hoped to garner a higher nalist Jeff Zaleski has written an interesting rate of return from these “computer savvy” book about religion and the Internet called individuals and groups, thinking many might The Soul of Cyberspace (Zaleski 1997). It be able to respond almost immediately by contains some fascinating interviews with reli- return e-mail (as requested). To our surprise, gious figures from many of the world’s reli- however, the rate of return was very low: seven gions that have already heavily invested in surveys or 23.3 percent.6 Why the low rate of the Internet as a tool of religious discourse return? We are not sure, although we have (from the Chabad-Lubavitch Jews of New some ideas. Using the Internet to do surveys York, at http://www.chabad.org, to Zen would seem to be a subject in need of sys- Buddhists, at http://wwwl.mhv.net/~dhar- tematic investigation itself.7 macom/1htmlmro.htm). It also contains All the same, some information from our some equally intriguing conversations with a seven respondents will be introduced here, for few of the founding or influential figures of strictly illustrative purposes, since this is the cyberspace and virtual reality about the only empirical data currently available. More- possible interface of religion and cyberspace. over, the seven respondents happen to repre- Zaleski’s attention, however, is directed to dis- sent several of the more prominent new cerning if anyone thinks that religious services religions and an interesting, if highly limited, can be performed authentically over the web cross-section of the kinds of new religions and how. Can the spiritual essence of religion, available (neo-pagan, Christian, Hindu, Bud- the subtle energies of prana, as he calls it, be dhist, and psychotherapeutic).8 adequately conveyed by the media of cyber- The information derived from the other space? Or will such hyper-real simulations survey of Internet users, on which we are always be inadequate to the task? The ques- calling, is more straightforward and based on tion of recruitment arises in his discussions, a large, if perhaps not completely reliable, but it is never explored in any detail. On the sample (N = 9,529) collected by the Inter contrary, in his comments on Heaven’s Gate Commerce Corporation and made available to and the threat posed by “cults” on the Inter- all on the net at http://www.survey.net (see net, Zaleski displays a level of prejudice and table 17.2).9 misunderstanding that is out of keeping with Better data on both counts would assist the rest of his book: future investigations of the issues raised by this essay. But a timely, appropriate, and significant Those most vulnerable to a cult’s message – response can be made with the data and the- the lonely, the shy, misfits, outcasts – are often oretical insights at hand. Research into the attracted to the Net, relishing its power to nature, social and religious functions, and con- allow communion with others while main- sequences of the Internet is only beginning taining anonymity. While the Net offers an unprecedented menu of choice, it also allows and the issues raised in this discussion help to budding fanatics to focus on just one choice explain why we need to do more. – to tune into the same Web site, the same newsgroup, again and again, for hours on end, shut off from all other stimuli – to isolate New Religions on the Net themselves from conflicting beliefs. Above all, the headiness of cyberspace, its divorce from To date we do not know much about how the body and the body’s incarnate wisdom, surfing the web may have contributed to gives easy rise to fantasy, paranoia, delusions anyone joining a new religious movement. of grandeur. (Zaleski 1997: 249) With the exception of the brief forays under- taken by Cottee, Yateman, and Dawson In echoing the comments of Davis and Singer, (1996: 459–68) and Bainbridge (1997: Zaleski is rather unreflexive about his own

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Table 17.2 Internet user statistics (1997–8) [http://www.wisdom.con/sv/sv-inetl.htm] Age Sex 26–30 yrs. old 25.40% Female 28.40% 22–25 16.50% Male 71.50% 31–35 13.00% 41–50 12.90% 19–20 9.10% Education 36–40 9.00% College 34.00% 51–60 4.60% College Graduate 30.10% 13–16 4.00% Masters Degree 18.20% 17–18 4.00% Some High School 6.70% 61–70 0.90% High School Graduate 6.60% under 12 0.30% Ph.D. + 4.10% over 71 0.20% Ph.D. Student 0.30%

Occupation Industry Professional 59.20% Education/Student 37.10% Student 34.30% Service 23.60% Blue Collar 4.50% Publishing 12.20% Retired 1.90% Other/Unemployed 7.10% Sales 6.30% Occupation associated Government 5.10% w/computers 39.40% Manufacturing 5.10% Arts/Creative 3.40%

Primary Use of the Internet Research 44.50% Entertainment 24.50% Communication 15.90% Sales/Marketing 9.70% Education 5.30%

Source: Inter Commerce Corporation, “SURVEY.NET.” and other’ fascination with religion on the the Internet.10 But we lack details of how and Internet. of what happened. Did these people know of Reports on the web say that Heaven’s Gate the group before or not? Had they been did contact people by e-mail and through involved in similar groups before? Did the conversations tried to involve them in their Internet contact play a significant or a merely activities, even encouraged them to leave peripheral role in the decisions they made home and join the main group in California. about joining Heaven’s Gate? There are a lot One particular conversation between a of important questions that have yet to be member of the group and an adolescent in answered. Minnesota has been recorded (we are told), Was the recruiting done over the Internet and it does not seem unreasonable to presume part of a fully sanctioned and prepared strat- that there were more. How many? How suc- egy of Heaven’s Gate or something simply cessful were these contacts? Who knows? done by enthusiastic members – like an evan- Reports in the news of the past lives of some of gelist in any tradition, taking advantage of the 39 people who died indicated that a few of opportunities as they arise? At present we do the members first contacted the group through not know. We briefly describe the presence of

277 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE new religions on the Internet. Then we place its infancy. In addition, there are literally hun- our discussion in context by looking at the dreds of other sites for more obscure religious scholarly record about who joins new religious or quasi-religious groups. Most of these sites movements and how, to see how this data fits are official, in some sense, although some are with the results of our survey of the creators privately run by devotees and others. Most of of web pages for the new religious movements these sites simply replicate, in appearance and and the survey of the users of the net. content, the kind of material available in other Heaven’s Gate did have a relatively flashy publications by these groups, and the web website (for its time), making a lot of infor- materials are often meant to be down-loaded mation available, although it was of variable as a ready substitute for more conventional quality. The site employed many colorful publications. Most of these sites offer ways of graphics, but in the main it consisted of pro- establishing further contact to obtain more grammatic statements of the group’s beliefs, materials (e.g., pamphlets, books, tapes, and focused on the role played by aliens from space videos) and to access courses, lectures, and in the past, present, and future life of other programs, either by e-mail, telephone humankind. Undergirding all was the warning numbers, or mailing addresses. All of our that a great change was at hand: “The earth’s respondents indicated that this was an impor- present ‘civilization’ is about to be recycled – tant feature of their sites, most claiming that spaded under. Its inhabitants are refusing to they respond to several messages every day, evolve. The ‘weeds’ have taken over the and one award-winning site claiming to garden and disturbed its usefulness beyond receive “about 100 messages per day.” Similar repair.” In the days immediately preceding the comments can be found in the conversations mass suicide of the group, their web page Zaleski had with other religious web masters. declared: “Red Alert. HALE-BOPP Brings A few of the more elaborate sites (e.g., Scien- Closure.” It was time for the loyal followers of tology, Eckankar) offer virtual tours of the their leader Do to abandon their earthy “con- interiors of some of their central facilities and tainers” in preparation for being carried off by temples. Many offer music and sound bites in a UFO, thought to be accompanying the real audio (e.g., messages from their founders comet Hale-Bopp, to a new home at “The and other inspirational leaders). None of our Evolutionary Level Beyond Human” some- respondents claimed that their websites had where else in the galaxy. Few if any people, it been professionally designed or altered. The now seems clear, were listening or chose to individuals or groups had done the work take their warnings seriously – an interesting themselves. Three of the respondents indi- indicator of the real limits on the vaunted cated, however, that they have since become power of the web as a means of religious engaged, to some extent, in the professional “broadcasting.” creation of web pages for other groups within Apart from the imminent character of its their own organization or tradition, as well as apocalyptic vision, the Heaven’s Gate website other clients altogether. is fairly representative of the presence of new The primary use of the web is clearly a way religious movements on the Internet. Most to advertise the groups and to deliver infor- of the better known new religions (e.g., mation about them cheaply. Most respondents Scientology, Krishna Consciousness, the stressed how ideal the medium was for the Unification Church, Soka Gakkai, the Church dissemination of their views (see also Zaleski Universal and Triumphant, Eckankar, Osho, 1997: 73, 75, 125). To this end, many of the Sri Sai Baba) have had websites of some new religions operate multiple pages with sophistication (in graphics, text, and options) slightly different foci, all “hot-linked” to one for several years (see table 17.1). The respon- another, to maximize the chances of a browser dents to our survey said their sites were stumbling across one of the pages. Similarly, launched in 1995 or very early in 1996, when these pages are often launched with unusually the world wide web was still more or less in long and diverse lists of “key word” search

278 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE terms, assuring that their address will appear 1996: 149; 1998: 70–1). If heavy users of the when requests are made through search net are indeed social isolates, then in at least engines for all kinds of information that may one respect they may appear to be at greater be only tangentially related to the religious risk of being persuaded to join an NRM. beliefs or mission of the group in question (see But there are three other propositions about also Zaleski 1997: 105; see table 17.3).11 In who joins NRMs and how, with significantly these ways, the websites act as a new and greater empirical substantiation, that off-set relatively effective means of outreach to the this impression: larger community. They undoubtedly enhance the public profile of each of these religions and 1 “Studies of conversion and case studies of add to the revenues obtained by the sale of specific groups have found that recruit- books, tapes, and other paraphernalia. In fair- ment to NRMs happens primarily through ness most of the literature available through preexisting social networks and interper- the web is offered free of charge – to spread sonal bonds. Friends recruit friends, family the word.12 members each other, and neighbours recruit neighbours.” (Dawson 1996: 147; 1998: 68) The Internet and Recruitment 2 “In general, case studies of individuals who joined NRMs or of the groups themselves The popular stereotypes of recruits to NRMs commonly reveal the crucial role of affec- are that they are young, naive, and duped, or tive bonds with specific members in that they are social losers and marginal types leading recruits into deeper involve- seeking a safe haven from the real world. In ments.” (Dawson 1996: 148; 1998: an inconsistent and opportunistic manner, 69–70) some members of the anti-cult movement 3 “Equally strongly, from the same studies it (e.g., Singer 1995) have recently claimed that is clear that the intensive interaction of everyone is susceptible to being recruited. The recruits with the rest of the existing mem- comments of Erik Davis and Margaret Singer bership of the group is pivotal to the suc- in the CNN story on cults and the Internet, cessful conversion and maintenance of new and those of Zaleski in The Soul of Cyberspace, members.” (Dawson 1996: 149; 1998: manage to combine all three points of view. 70) Heavy users of computers and hence often the world wide web are presumed to be “social First and foremost, the process of converting nerds” and thus more vulnerable to the to an NRM is a social process. If the denizens “loving” outreach of online cult recruiters. Is of cyberspace tend in fact to be socially iso- this the case? The evidence at hand shows that lated, then it is unlikely that they will be the situation is probably much more complex. recruited through the web or otherwise. What In the first place, the data acquired by soci- is more, there is little reason to think that the ologists over the last twenty or more years Internet, in itself, ever will be a very effective, about who joins NRMs and how they join means of recruitment. As the televangelists tends not to support the popular supposition learned some time ago (Hoover 1988), the (see the summaries and references provided in initial provision of information is unlikely to Dawson 1996, 1998). It is true, as studies produce any specific commitments, unless it is reveal, that “cult involvement seems to be followed up by much more personal and com- strongly correlated with having fewer and plete forms of interaction, by phone and in weaker extra-cult social ties ...[as well as] person. Therefore, most of the successful tel- fewer and weaker ideological alignments.” evangelists run quite extensive “para-church” In the terms of reference of Rodney Stark organizations to which they try to direct all and William Sims Bainbridge (1985), the their potential recruits. The religious web “unchurched” are more likely to join (Dawson masters, as Zaleski’s interviews reveal (Zaleski

279 Table 17.3 Inventory of new religious movements on the Internet, detailed Site characteristics Communications Group Keywords Design Interactiveness Special features e-mail Phone Mail ARE 13 advanced high audio, links, books ¥¥¥ Aumism *93 average med-high petition ¥¥¥ BOTA *34 advanced high (Java) multi-language, regional, free ¥¥¥ brochure Brahma Kumaris 7 advanced med books, regional links ¥¥¥ Church Universal and *49 average low regional links, multi-language ¥¥¥ Triumphant Churches of Christ — advanced med regional links, directory ¥¥ (Boston) Covenant of the Goddess 5 average med-low webring, regional links ¥ Eckankar *20 advanced med free books ¥¥ Foundation for Inner — basic low catalog, mailing list ¥¥¥ Peace (ACIM) International Society for 49 advanced high (Java) audio, site host, search engine, ¥¥ Krishna Consciousness international Meher Baba Group — average low products, organization links ¥ Movement of Spiritual *19 advanced med multi-language ¥ Inner Awareness Ordo Templi Orientis — basic low links to other Thelemic sites ¥ Osho *14 advanced high audio talks, online shopping ¥¥¥ Quest for Utopia — average high (Java) audio, languages (Japanese) ¥ (Koufuku no Kagaku) Raëlians — advanced low multi-language, multi- ¥ geographical, counter Rosicrucian Order — basic med-low free booklet, counter ¥¥¥ School of Wisdom 11 average high (Java) guestbook ¥ Scientology *31 advanced high (Java) free info, film, search engine, ¥ multi-language Shambhala *32 advanced med international server ¥ Sikh Dharma (3HO) *39 advanced high chat room, search engine, ¥¥ international Shirdi Sai Baba — advanced high (Java) multi-links ¥¥¥ Soka Gakkai — advanced med international ¥ Subud 15 basic med international ¥¥¥ Temple of Set — advanced med mailing list, language ¥ The Family *26 advanced med-high audio, free info, music ¥¥ TM *78 advanced med-high video, links, online books ¥¥ Unification Church advanced med-high online bookstore, online ¥¥¥ newsletter, reading list Urantia 4 advanced med-high international, online catalog ¥¥¥ Wiccan Church of Canada — average low regional links ¥¥¥ * Keywords were not specific to organization. Summary statistics: 47% used detailed keyword searches, with 10 keywords or more; 30% high interactivity; 40% medium interactivity; 63% advanced web- sites; 97% provided e-mail addresses; 40% provided e-mail, telephone, and mailing addresses. NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE

1997: 63, 73, 75, 125), do the same, pressing their professions, it is more plausible to spec- interested individuals to visit the nearest ulate that they will be more skeptical, ques- center or temple. As the creator of one site, tioning, and worldly-wise (in at least a Christian Web, states: cognitive sense) than other segments of the population. Internet ministries are never meant to be a But even if we were to somehow learn that replacement for the real church. It is impos- this is not the case, there are other issues to sible for anyone to develop a personal rela- be explored that raise doubts about the sound- tionship with God without being around His ness of the popular fear of cult recruitment people, His church. These Internet works are through the net. The common complaint of nothing more than something to draw in educators, parents, and spouses is that those people who may otherwise not want to know drawn to the web for hours on end are simply anything about Jesus or not want to visit a riding on the surface of things (surfing). They church for fear of the unknown. For some have substituted the vicarious life of the web reason, people find it less intimidating if they can sit at home in the privacy of their own for real life commitments. In this they call to room asking questions about the church and mind certain individuals whom Eileen Barker the Bible and God that they have always (1984: 194–8, 203; see also Dawson 1998: wanted to ask but never quite feel comfort- 108) noted in her comprehensive study of the able enough in the real church to do so. Moonies. These are people who seem to fit (Zaleski 1997: 125) the profile of potential recruits delineated by the anti-cult movement, yet in fact attend a Approaching the same question from another few lectures with some enthusiasm, only to angle, can we learn anything from a compari- drop-out in pursuit of some other novel inter- son of the social profiles that we have of Inter- est on the horizon. net users and the members of NRMs (see table On the other hand, following the logic 17.1 and Dawson 1996: 152–7; 1998: 74–9)? of the argument advanced by Stark and Both groups tend to be drawn disproportion- Bainbridge (1996: 235–7) for the involve- ately from the young adult population, to be ment of social elites in cults, we can speculate educated better than the general public, and that there are special reasons why a certain they seem to be disproportionately from the percentage of heavy Internet users may be middle to upper classes. In the case of the interested in cult activities and why NRMs Internet users, the latter conclusion can only may have a vested interest in recruiting these be inferred from their levels of education and people. “In a cosmopolitan society which in- occupations. But it is fair to say that the fit flicts few if any punishments for experimenta- between this profile and the stereotypes of cult tion with novel religious alternatives,” Stark converts is ambiguous at best. By conventional and Bainbridge propose, “cults may recruit social inferences, it would seem to be in- with special success among the relatively appropriate to view these people as social advantaged members of society” (Stark and losers or marginal. Nor clearly do they consti- Bainbridge 1996: 235). Even within elites, tute “everybody.” Are they more naive and they point out, there is an inequality in the prone to being duped or manipulated? That division of rewards and room for individuals would be difficult to determine. But we do not to be preoccupied with certain relative depri- have any reliable evidence to believe such is vations (Glock 1964) not adequately com- the case, certainly not for Internet users. On pensated for by the power of the elite (e.g., average, they are not as young as most con- concerns about beauty, health, love, and verts to NRMs, even better educated, and coping with mortality). In fact, the very mate- overwhelmingly from professional occupa- rial security of this group may well encourage tions (or so they report). Given the extent of their preoccupation with these other less their probable involvement in computer tech- fundamental concerns. People moved by these nology, surfing the web, and the real world of relative deprivations are unlikely to be drawn

282 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE to religious sects to alleviate their needs, The survey of Internet users does suggest, because the sects are much more likely to be however, that the web provides a convenient opposed in principle to “the exact rewards point of access to a seemingly elite segment of the elite possesses as a class” (Stark and Bain- our society. Access to computing technology bridge 1996: 236). Alternatively, Stark and and to the Internet, as well as sufficient time Bainbridge stipulate: and knowledge to use these resources prop- erly, is still largely a luxury afforded the better- ...an innovative cult ...can offer a set of off segments of our society. compensators outside the political antago- The conclusions we can draw about the nisms which divide the elite from other threat posed by “cults” on the Internet are citizens, and focus instead on providing com- limited, yet important. First, while the Inter- pensators for particular sets of citizens with a net does make it cheaper for NRMs to dis- shared set of desires that wish to add some- seminate their beliefs over a larger area and thing to the power of the elite while preserv- to a potentially much larger audience, it is ing it. (Stark and Bainbridge 1996: 236) unlikely that it has intrinsically changed the capacity of NRMs to recruit new members. In In addition, “in a cosmopolitan society ...in the first place, Web pages, at present at least, which the elite accepts and supports cultural differ little in content or function from more pluralism and thus encourages cultural traditional forms of religious publication and novelty,” certain religious innovations may broadcasting. Secondly, we have no real evi- hold a special appeal because they are emble- dence that Internet users are any more prone matic of “progress.” Cults are often associated to convert to a new religion than other young with the transmission of “new culture” and as and well-educated people in our society. All such may have a certain appeal in terms of the the same, there are other reasons for wonder- cultural capital of the elite. More mundanely, ing if the world wide web is changing the of course, there is also the fact that the elite environment in which NRMs operate in are the ones “with both the surplus resources fundamental and perhaps even dangerous to experiment with new explanations and, ways. through such institutions as higher education, the power to obtain potentially valuable new explanations before others do” (Stark and The Perils and Promise of the Bainbridge 1996: 236–7). New Public Space From the perspective of the NRMs, members of an elite are particularly attractive We are starting to be inundated with discus- candidates for recruitment, not just because of sions of the wonders and significance of cyber- the resources they can donate to the cause, but space. Much of the dialogue is marked by because they are more likely to be involved in hyperbole and utopian rhetoric that leaves the kind of wide-ranging social networks scholars cold. A few key insights, however, essential for the dissemination of a new cul- warrant further investigation. Most funda- tural phenomenon. “Since networks are com- mentally, it is important to realize that it may posed of interlocking exchange relationships,” be best to think of the Internet as a new envi- Stark and Bainbridge reason, “a network will ronment or context in which things happen be more extensive, including more kinds of rather than just another new tool or service. exchanges for more valued rewards, if its As David Holmes (1997) observes (citing members possess the power to obtain the Mark Poster 1997): rewards” (Stark and Bainbridge 1996: 236). Recruitment from the elites of society can be The virtual technologies and agencies . . . instrumental in the success of a new religion. cannot be viewed as instruments in the service Whether any of this is relevant in this of pre-given bodies and communities, rather context is a matter for empirical investigation. they are themselves contexts which bring

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about new corporealities and new politics these and other undesirable social trends? corresponding to space-worlds and time- Some keen observers of the sociological impli- worlds that have never before existed in cations of the Internet, like Holmes (1997), human history. (Holmes 1997: 3) seem to think it does. If so, what unanticipated consequences might stem from the attempt of When religion, like anything else, enters these religions to take advantage of the disembed- new worlds, there are both anticipated and ded freedom of cyberspace? A clue is provided unanticipated consequences. The new reli- by an observation by Beckford. gious “web meisters” we questioned seemed Beckford has intriguingly proposed that it to approach the Internet simply as a tool and might be better to conceptualize religion in showed little or no appreciation of the poten- the contemporary Western world as “a cultural tial downside of their efforts. But in thinking resource ...than as a social institution” about these matters, two disparate sociologi- (Beckford 1992: 23; see also Beckford 1989: cal observations by Anthony Giddens and 171). The social structural transformations James Beckford came to mind and we began wrought by the emergence of advanced indus- to wonder about a connection. trial societies have undermined the communal, With the advent of the technologies of familial, and organizational bases of religion. modernity, Giddens (1990) argues, time has As a consequence, while “religious and spiri- become separated from space and space from tual forms of sentiment, belief and action have place, giving rise to ever more “disembedded survived as relatively autonomous resources social systems.” Social relations have been ...retain[ing] the capacity to symbolize . . . lifted out of local contexts of interaction and ultimate meaning, infinite power, supreme restructured across “indefinite spans of time- indignation and sublime compassion,” they space” (Giddens 1990: 21). Writing, money, have “come adrift from [their] former points time-clocks, cars, freeways, television, com- of social anchorage.” Now “they can be puters, ATMs, walkmans, electronic treadmills deployed in the service of virtually any inter- for running, shopping malls, theme parks and est-group or ideal: not just organizations with so on, have all contributed to the transforma- specifically religious objectives” (Beckford tion of the human habitat, incrementally 1992: 22–3). Is this an apt description for creating “successive levels of ‘new nature’ ” for what the Internet may be doing to religion? humanity (Holmes 1997: 6). As sociologists Like any “environment,” the web acts back since Marx (1846) have realized, new tech- upon its content, modifying the form of its nologies bring about new forms of social users or inhabitants. Is the “disembedded” interaction and integration that can change social reality of life in cyberspace contributing the taken-for-granted conditions of social life. to the transformation of religion into a “cul- This is especially true of communications tech- tural resource” in a postmodern society? If it nologies. Relative to our ancestors, we have is, what would be the consequences for the become like gods in our powers of production, future form and function of religion? Perhaps reconstruction, and expression. Yet the price developments in religion on the web will may have been high. Even these pre-virtual provide some initial indications. After examin- technologies have changed our environments ing the pitfalls of life on the web, we will in ways that detrimentally standardize, briefly comment on one such development: routinize, and instrumentalize our relations the creation of truly “churchless religions.” with our own bodies and with other people. With these conjectures in mind, we briefly As we have refashioned our world, we have in itemize and counterpoise some of the noted turn been remade in the image of techno- benefits and liabilities of life on the Internet.13 science (see, for example, McLuhan 1964; On the positive side, much has been made of Ellul 1964; Marcuse 1966; Baudrillard 1970; the net as an electronic meeting place, a new Foucault 1979; Postman 1985). Does the public space for fashioning new kinds of com- advent of the Internet typify, or even magnify, munities (Shields 1996; Holmes 1997; Zaleski

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1997). The defining features of these new talism – a product which is marketed in ways communities are the various freedoms allowed that induce the felt need for a convenient sub- by the technology. The Internet allows stitute for an increasingly problematic reality. freedom from “the constraints of the flesh” But do “communities” shaped by the Inter- (Holmes 1997: 7), from the limitations of net represent real communities any more interaction within Cartesian space and the than shopping malls? Are the possibilities of natural cycles of time. It allows a greater interaction and exchange sufficient in kind, measure of freedom from traditional forms of number, and quality to replicate and possibly social control, both formal and informal. It even to replace the social relationships born of allows for the “breakdown of hierarchies of more immediate and spatially and temporally race, class, and gender.” It allows for “the con- uniform kinds of communal involvement? struction of oppositional subjectivities hith- There is good reason to be skeptical, for as erto excluded from the public sphere” (ibid: Holmes notes: 13). It allows people, seemingly, to “bypass or displace institutional politics” (ibid: 19). The ...technologies of extension [like the Inter- bottom line, we are told by the hardcore net or freeways] ...characteristically attenu- denizens and promoters of the net, is that the ate presence by enabling only disembodied Internet constitutes a new and freer commu- and abstract connections between persons, nity of speech, transcending conventional where the number of means of recognizing institutional life. another person declines. In the “use” of these All of these presumed freedoms, each as yet technologies ...the autonomy of the indi- a worthy subject of empirical investigation vidual is enhanced at the point of use, but the (see, for example, Shields 1996; Holmes socially “programmed” nature of the tech- nology actually prohibits forming mutual 1997), rest upon the anonymity and fluidity relations of reciprocity outside the operating of identity permitted and sometimes even design of the technological environment. mandated by life on the Internet. The tech- (Holmes 1997: 6–7) nology of the net allows, and the emergent culture of the net fosters, the creative enact- Sharpening the critique, Holmes further ment of pluralism, at the individual or psy- cites the views of Michele Willson (1997: chological level as well as the social, cultural, 146): and collective level. This unique foundation of freedom, however, comes at a price that may ...the presence of the Other in simulated vitiate the creation of any real communities, of worlds is more and more being emptied out faith or otherwise. to produce a purely intellectual engagement, As noted, there is a marked tendency for life and possibilities of commitment to co- on the net to be fashioned in the image of the operative or collective projects become one- current techno-science, with its new possibili- dimensional, or, at best, self-referential. ties and clear limitations. This environmental “Community is then produced as an ideal, influence on social relations is likely to spill out rather than as a reality, or else it is abandoned of the confines of the computer into the altogether.” (Holmes 1997: 16) stream of everyday life – much like the virtual realities of television that influence the social In like manner, Willson (1997) points out, the ontologies of North America, Britain, Japan, Internet seemingly allows us to celebrate and and much of Europe. Part of this new stan- extend social pluralism. But appearances can dardization, routinization, and instrumental- be deceiving. In the first place, the largely ization of life is the further commodification ungrounded and potentially infinite multi- of human needs and relations. The pitch for plicity of the net is often little more than “a the creation of new virtual communities bears play of masks,” which serves more to desensi- the hallmarks of the emergence of “commu- tize us to the real and consequential differ- nity” as a new commodity of advanced capi- ences between us. Secondly, the medium

285 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE simultaneously and paradoxically tends to However, this state of affairs can have a “compartmentalize populations” and physi- number of other unanticipated consequences cally isolate individuals, while also “homoge- for religions venturing onto the Internet that nizing” them (Holmes 1997: 16–17). As in our web masters did not seem to realize: the rest of our consumer culture, the market of the Internet tends to favor standardization Because the medium influences the message, with marginal differentiation. Consequently, it’s possible that in the long run the Internet with Holmes we find that dialogues on the net will favour those religions and spiritual teach- tend to be “quite transient and directionless, ings that tend toward anarchy and that lack a seldom acquiring a substantive enough history complex hierarchy. Even now, those who log to constitute a political [or religious] move- on to cyberspace may tend to gravitate to reli- ment” (ibid: 18). gious denominations that emphasize centrifu- To the extent that any of this is true, and gal rather than centripetal force, just as the medium that is carrying them does. Author- speculation far out-strips sound empirical ity loses its trappings and force on the Net. research at this point, it is clear that the side- (Zaleski 1997: 111–12) effects of involvement in the net could be quite deleterious for religions, new and old. This reality of the world of the Internet might The lauded freedom of the net merely com- well pose serious problems for religions that pounds the difficulties, since the producers of have historically stressed the role of a strong content have little control over the dissemina- central authority, like the Roman Catholic tion and use of their material once launched. Church or Scientology. Things may be repeated out of context and applied to all manner of ends at odds with the As public information sources multiply intentions of the original producers. The through the Internet, it’s likely that the Internet, as Zaleski says, number of sites claiming to belong to any particular religion but in fact disseminating is organized laterally rather than vertically or information that the central authority of that radially, with no central authority and no religion deems heretical also will multiply. chain of command. (Individual webmasters (ibid: 108) have power over Web sites, as do ...system operators ...over bulletin board systems, and When everyone can potentially circumvent the moderators over Usenet groups, but their influence is local and usually extremely filters of an ecclesial bureaucracy and commu- responsive to the populations they serve.) nicate directly and en masse with the leader- (Zaleski 1997: 111) ship in Rome, Los Angeles, or wherever, there will be a shift in power towards the grass- There is little real regulation of the Internet roots (ibid: 112). The internet could have a and to date, only a few organizations have democratizing effect on all religions and work been able to enforce some of their intellectual against those religions that resist this property rights (most notably, some software consequence. producers and the Church of Scientology – see The elaborate theorizing of Stark and Frankel 1996; Grossman 1998). The sheer Bainbridge (1996) and their colleagues (e.g., speed and scope of the Internet and the com- Innaccone 1995) suggests, however, another plexity of possible connections can frustrate somewhat contrary unanticipated conse- any attempts to control the flow of informa- quence of the emergence of the world wide tion. As several of the web masters we sur- web for new religions. As Stark points out in veyed stated, any attempt to regulate the net his discussion of the rise of Christianity, the would likely violate the freedom of speech and way had been cleared for the phenomenal religion guaranteed by the United States con- triumph of Christianity in the Greco-Roman stitution and in the process render the net world by the “excessive pluralism” (Stark 1996: itself ineffective. 197) of paganism. The massive influx of new

286 NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND THE FUTURE cults into the Roman empire in the first First Presbyterian Church of Elvis the Divine century created “what E. R. Dodds called ‘a (http://chelsea.ios.com/~hkarlinl/welcome. bewildering mass of alternatives. There were html). But there are other more problematic too many cults, too many mysteries, too many instances as well, one of which we have begun philosophies of life to choose from’” (ibid: to study: Thee Church ov MOO (http:// 197). This abundance of choice had at least members.xoom.com/gecko23/moo). This two consequences with parallel implications new religion was invented, almost by accident, for the fate of new religions on the Internet. by a group of gifted students interacting on an In the first place, it assured that only a truly Internet bulletin board in Ottawa, Canada, different religion, one that was favored by sometime in the early 1990s. Today many of other circumstances largely beyond its control, these same people operate a sophisticated was likely to emerge from the crowd. For website with over eight hundred pages of excessive pluralism, as Stark argues, “inhibits fabricated religious documents covering a the ability of new religious firms to gain a sweeping range of religious and pseudo- market share” (ibid: 195), since the pool of religious subjects. A visit to the website potential converts is simply spread too thin. reveals an elaborate development of alternative The competition for this pool, moreover, is sets of scriptures, commandments, chronicles, likely to drive the competing new religions mythologies, rituals, and ceremonies. Much into ever new radical innovations to secure a of this material reads like a bizarre religious market edge. extension of The Hitch Hiker’s Guide to the Secondly, as Stark and Bainbridge argue Galaxy. It is irreverent and playful, alternately elsewhere (Stark and Bainbridge 1985, 1996; verging on the sophomoric and the sophisti- see also Stark 1996: ch. 8), if many of the reli- cated. Many of the texts of the Church ov gious choices people have are “nonexclusive,” MOO seem to have been devised with a keen as was the case in the Roman Empire and awareness of religious history, comparative seems to be the case on the Internet – there beliefs and practices, and some real knowledge is no way of demanding or assuring that of the philosophy, anthropology, and sociol- people hold to only one religion at a time – ogy of religion. The site records a great then, given the inherent risks of religious many hits every day, we are told, and commitment (i.e., choosing the wrong salvific about ten thousand people have applied for investment), people “will seek to diversify” membership. (Stark 1996: 204). The most rational strategy Several of the key figures are currently pur- in the face of such structurally induced suing training or careers in physics, mathe- uncertainty will be to maintain a limited matics, computer science, and the other involvement in many competitive religions so-called hard sciences. With MOOism they simultaneously – quite possibly to the long- are attempting to devise a self-consciously term detriment of all. Stark, Bainbridge, and postmodern, socially constructed, relativist, Innaccone suggest that true religious “move- and self-referenial system of religious ideas, ments” are much more likely to emerge from purposefully and paradoxically infused with new religions that demand an exclusive com- humor, irony, and farce, as well as a serious mitment. As a medium, however, the Internet appreciation of the essentially religious or carries a reverse bias.14 spiritual condition of humanity. In a typically This bias is reflected most clearly in postmodernist manner, the conventions we some new religions to which the Internet normally draw between academic reflection itself has given birth – communities of and religious thought are flaunted. An unso- belief that exist only, or at least primarily, on licited essay we received from one of the the net. The ones people are most likely to church leaders on “MOOism, Social Con- know are intentional jokes, blatant parodies structionism, and thee Origins ov Religious like the Church of the Mighty Gerbil Movements” characteristically begins with the (http://www.gerbilism.snpedro.com) or the following note:

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Thee language ov this essay conforms to disclaimer: “This page is in the progress of TOPY standards ov language discipline. Thee being altered to mislead Lorne Dawson. It may purpose ov this is twofold: first, to prevent therefore seem disjointed and confused.” If it thee reader from forgetting that E am not is all a joke, then one must marvel at the time attempting to separate this sociological and energy invested in its creation and per- comment from religious text; second, to petuation. In conversations, however, we have prevent thee writer from forgetting thee same been led to believe that the originators of thing. These ideas should be taken neither MOOism are beginning to have an ambigu- too lightly nor too seriously. ous understanding of their creation and are seeking some assistance in thinking through Similarly, the MOO homepage declares: the significance of MOOism as a social phe- nomenon. One thing is clear, without the Among other things, MOOism has been Internet, this phenomenon is unlikely to called the Negativland of religion. Not only have developed or exercised the influence it does it irreverently (and sometimes irrele- vantly) sample innumerable other religious undoubtedly has on some people. But is it traditions, it uses recontextualization and reflective of the future of religion in some paradoxical framing techniques to prevent regard? Joke or not, it may be similar to other minds from settling into orthodoxy. Paradox current or future religious phenomena on the and radical self-contradiction are, in the post- net that are of a more serious intent. modern context, the most reasonable way to The Church ov MOO does appear to embody approach the Absolute. elements of both Beckford’s conception of religion as a “cultural resource” and Stark and MOOIsm is certainly about having “fun” with Bainbridge’s speculations about the special religion. But the objective does seem to be to appeal of cult innovations to elites.15 encourage and facilitate the rise of a new con- At present, most of the virtual communities ceptual framework and language for religious of the net are much less intriguing and prob- experience suited to the changed environ- lematic. Most new religions seem content to mental conditions of postmodern society. The use the net in quite limited and conventional “religion” seems to be influenced significantly ways. But the web masters we surveyed are by neo-paganism and is representative of what uniformly intent on constantly improving is coming to be called Technopaganism. (But their web pages in visual, auditory, and inter- it is also influenced by such earlier and quite active technology. So we must be careful not sophisticated joke religions as Discordianism to underestimate what the future may hold. and the Church of the SubGenius.) In line There is merit, we think, in the metaphorical with many aspects of that movement it is conclusion of Zaleski: seeking to provide an intellectual and social forum for fostering the king of human imagi- Virtual and physical reality exert a gravita- nation and creativity that empowers people to tional pull on one another. At present, virtu- override the public demise of spiritual life or ality is the moon to the real world, bound by “realities” in our time (see Luhrmann 1989). its greater mass, but just as the moon influ- But unlike many other forms of neo-paganism, ences tides, spiritual work in the virtual this “religion” is well suited, in form and func- communities is influencing and will continue tion, to life on the net, perhaps because it is to influence that work in real-world com- in many respects the witting and unwitting munities. (Zaleski 1997: 254) mirror reflection of the sensibilities of the Internet culture in which it developed. But, in The new religious uses of the Internet are truth, we do not know as yet whether likely to exercise an increasingly determinant, MOOism is a “religious” movement or just a if subtle, effect on the development of all most elaborate hoax. The Church solicited our religious life in the future (Lövheim and attention and its web page currently carries the Linderman 1998).

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other experienced survey researchers, as well as Notes by the ethics review board for research with human subjects of our university. Nonetheless, 1 This paper was first presented to a special some mistakes may have been made with seminar on “New and Marginal Religions in regard to the sensitivity of these groups to the Public Space” held in Montreal on July 25, outside investigations of any sort. Undoubt- 1998, organized by Pauline Coté. edly many new religions are wary about co- 2 The term “cults” is so strongly associated with operating with any requests for information negative images in the popular mind that aca- about their operations. Others are simply igno- demics have long preferred to use such terms rant of the real nature of sociological research as “new religions” or “new religious move- and mistrustful of the unknown in their own ments” (see, for example, Richardson 1993). right. Further, it has been our experience that The word will be used, nonetheless, at various some of these groups are by no means as points in this essay to call to mind the fears organized and professional in their activities as giving rise to this discussion in the first place. many exponents of the anti-cult movement 3”Web of Death” was the double entendre used would have us believe. It is likely that some of as the headline of a Newsweek cover story on our surveys have simply been overlooked or the Heaven’s Gate suicide. “trashed.” Contrary to our expectations, in 4 In 1997, Statistics Canada reported that of all each regard, the immediacy and the anonymity the homes in Canada with some type of facil- of the Internet may actually have worked ity to access the Internet, only 13 percent have against us. Our colleague Dr. John Goyder of made use of the opportunity. Reginald Bibby the University of Waterloo Survey Research (1995) reported that 31 percent of Canadians Institute told us of two other e-mail surveys in had some contact with the Internet, ranging which he participated that resulted in similarly from daily to hardly ever. The rate of growth disappointing rates of return (about 33 of the net, however, is exponential and quite percent). These were, however, surveys of phenomenal. It is estimated that the world university faculty, which were dealing with wide web is growing at a rate of close to 10 relatively noncontroversial subjects. In one percent per month. Zaleski (1997: 136) notes, instance, when the first survey was followed by for example: “In 1993, the year the Web a mailed questionnaire to all non-respondents, browser Mosaic was released, the Web prolif- the overall rate of return was doubled. It is erated a 341,634 percent annual growth rate possible that the Internet is already a saturated of service traffic.” medium and not well suited for survey 5 This finding, from a more general survey by research. However, research into these matters the Barna Research Group in February, 1997, has just begun (see, for example, Bedell 1998). is reported in Maclean’s magazine (May 25, 8 Respondents to the survey were offered 1998: 12). anonymity and most of the seven groups and 6 Five groups (potentially another 16.6 percent) individuals who did respond requested that informed us that our request had been passed they not be identified or quoted directly along to higher authorities, but at the time this without permission. The groups will therefore paper was submitted, a later reminder notice not be named in this essay. had merely earned us a reiteration of this reply. 9We wish to thank Jeff Miller for calling our Another five groups or individuals declined attention to this data in his Senior Honours to participate in our survey, for a variety of Essay (Sociology, University of Waterloo reasons: several complained that they are 1998) on “Internet Subcultures.” simply not religions; one pointed out that they 10 As Zaleski reports (1997: 249) and we recall do not wish to be associated with the subject from the news: “At least one of the suicides, of cults in any way; and two said that they 39-year-old Yvonne McCurdy-Hill of Cincin- receive too many surveys and now refuse to nati, a post-office employee and mother of five, respond to them. Thirteen groups or 43.3 initially encountered the cult in cyberspace and percent of the sample simply did not respond. decided to join in response to its online (None of the messages were returned as message.” undeliverable.) 11 For example, the web page for Osho actually 7 The questionnaire and accompanying informa- employs a set of “key words” for each page of tion letter of our survey were reviewed by two its very large site and many of these search

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terms are very general: meditation, Christian- modernity.” In Wilson, B. ed. Religion: Contem- ity, brainwashing, deprogramming, relaxation, porary Issues, London: Bellew, 11–23. self-esteem, sadness, depression, tensions, and Bedell, K. 1998: “Religion and the Internet: Reflec- so on. tions on Research Strategies.” Paper presented to 12 Of course, the web has offered new opportu- the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion, nities to the opponents of new religions as Montreal. well. Entering the term “cults” in any search Bibby, R. W. 1995: The Bibby Report: Social Trends engine will produce a surfeit of sites dedicated Canadian Style. Toronto: Stoddart. to so-called watch dog organizations or the Bromley, D. G. and Breschel, E. 1992: “General home pages of disgruntled ex-members (e.g., Population and Institutional Elite Support for American Religion Information Center, Social Control of New Religious Movements: http://www.fopc.org/ARIC_home. Evidence From National Survey Data Behav- html; Watcher, http://www.marsweb.com/ ioural Sciences and the Law 10, 39–52. ~watcher/cult.html; Operation Clambake – Cottee, T., Yateman, N., and Dawson, L. 1996: The Fight Against Scientology on the Net, “NRMs, the ACM, and the WWW: A Guide for http://www.xenu.net). Beginners.” In Dawson, L. ed. Cults in Context: 13 These reflections are strongly influenced by the Readings in the Study of New Religious Move- ideas discussed by David Holmes in the intro- ments. Toronto: Canadian Scholars Press (pub- duction to his book on identity and commu- lished in the United States by Transaction Pub.), nity in cyberspace, Virtual Politics (1997). 453–68. 14 Zaleski points out that the websites of the Dawson, L. L. 1996: “Who Joins New Religious Holy See (http://www.vatican.va) and the Movements and Why: Twenty Years of Research Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints and What Have We Learned?” Studies in Religion (http://www.lds.org) both characteristically 25 (2), 193–213. [chapter 7, this volume] commit what in cyberspace are two “cardinal —— 1998: Comprehending Cults: The Sociology of sins.” The sites offer no links to other sites, New Religious Movements. Toronto and New giving lie to the notion of Internet and York: Oxford University Press. world wide web, and they seek to misuse Ellul, J. 1964: The Technological Society. New York: the net as a broadcast medium since no e- Alfred A. Knopf. mail or other facility is provided for Foucault, M. 1979: Discipline and Punish. New interactivity. York: Vintage Books. 15 This is not the only net-created religion of Frankel, A. 1996: “Making Law, Making Enemies.” which we are aware. A student is currently American Lawyer 3, March; downloaded from: doing research on the Otherkin – a “religious http://www2.thecia.net/users/rnewman/ movement” which, at least in some of its scientology/media/amlawyer-3.36.html. forms, largely exists only on the net. The Giddens, A. 1990: The Consequences of Modernity. Otherkin believe they are reincarnated Cambridge: Polity Press. elves, dwarfs, and other mythical and mystical Glock, C. Y. 1964: “The Role of Deprivation in the creatures. Origin and Evolution of Religious Groups.” In Lee, R. and Marty, M., eds. Religion and Social Conflict. New York: Oxford University Press, 24–36. References Grossman, W. M., 1998: “alt.scientology.war” from Wired Magazine, downloaded from: Barker, E. 1984: The Making of a Moonie: Choice or http://www.wired.com/wired/3.12/features/ Brainwashing. Oxford: Blackwell. alt.scientology.war.html. Bainbridge, W. 1997: The Sociology of Religious Holmes, D. 1997: Virtual Politics: Identity and Movements. New York: Routledge. Community in Cyberspace. London: Sage. Baudrillard, J. 1970: La société de consommation. Hoover, S. 1988: Mass Media Religion. Thousand Paris: Editions Denoel. Translated and repub- Oaks, CA: Sage. lished as The Consumer Society. London: Sage, Innaccone, L. R. 1995: “Risk, Rationality, and Reli- 1998. gious Portfolios.” Economic Inquiry 33, 285–95. Beckford, J. 1989: Religion in Advanced Industrial Lofland J. 1966: Doomsday Cult. Englewood Cliffs, Society. London: Unwin Hyman. NJ: Prentice-Hall. Beckford, J. 1992: “Religion, Modernity and Post- Lövheim M. and Linderman, A. 1998: “Internet –

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A Site for Religious Identity Formation and Shields, R. (ed.) 1996: Cultures of the Internet: Religious Communities?” Paper presented to Virtual Spaces, Real Histories, Living Bodies. the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion, London: Sage. Montreal. Shupe, A. D. 1979: ‘ “Disembodied Access’ and Luhrmann, T. M. 1989: Persuasions of the Witch’s Technological Constraints on Organizational Craft: Ritual Magic in Contemporary England. Development: A Study of Mail-Order Religions.” Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religions 15, Marcuse, H. 1966: One Dimensional Man. Boston, 177–85. MA: Beacon Press. Singer, M. T. 1995: Cults in our Midst: The Hidden Marx, K. and Engels, F. 1970 [1846]: The German Menace in our Everyday Lives. San Francisco, CA: Ideology. New York: International Publishers. Jossey–Bass. McLuhan, M. 1964: Understanding Media. New Snow, D. A., Zurcher, L. A., Jr., and Ekland-Olson, York: McGraw-Hill. S. 1980: “Social Networks and Social Move- Miller, J. 1998: “Internet Subcultures.” Senior ments: A Microstructural Approach to Differen- Honours Essay, Department of Sociology, Uni- tial Recruitment.”American Sociological Review versity of Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. 45 (5), 787–801. Pfeifer, J. E. 1992: “The Psychological Framing Stark, R. 1996: The Rise of Christianity: A Sociolo- of Cults: Schematic Representations and Cult gist Reconsiders History. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Evaluations.” Journal of Applied Social Psychology University Press. 22 (7), 513–44. Stark, R. and Bainbridge, W. S. 1985: The Future Postman, N. 1985: Amusing Ourselves to Death. of Religion: Secularization, Revival and Cult For- New York: Penguin Books. mation. Berkeley: University of California Press. Poster, M. 1997: “Cyberdemocracy: The Internet —— 1997: A Theory of Religion. New Brunswick, and the Pubic Sphere.” In Holmes, D., ed. NJ: Rutgers University Press. (Originally pub- Virtual Politics. London: Sage, 212–28. lished by Peter Lang, 1987.) Richardson, J. 1993: “Definitions of Cult: From Willson, M. 1997: “Community in the Abstract: A Sociological–Technical to Popular–Negative.” Political and Ethical Dilemma?” In Holmes, D., Review of Religious Research 34 (4), 348–56. ed. Virtual Politics. London: Sage, 145–62. Rochford, E. B., Jr. 1982: “Recruitment Strategies, Zaleski, J. 1997: The Soul of Cyberspace: How New Ideology and Organization in the Hare Krishna Technology is Changing Our Spiritual Lives. New Movement.” Social Problems 29, 399–410. York: HarperCollins.

291 Index

Adler, Margot, 241 Bainbridge, William Sims, 27, 34, 114, 120–4, Aetherius Society, 56 240, 276, 279, 282–3, 286–8 affective ties, and joining cults, 119, 279 and his theory of religion, 59–60, 260 Aidala, Angela, 230, 245–7, 250–1 Baker, Richard, 235 Alcoholics Anonymous, 89 Barker, Eileen, 7–24, 119, 121–6, 163, 282 Allen, Prudence, 247 Barthes, Roland, 187 American Protective Association, 76 Beckford, James, 26–34, 167, 284, 288 Amish, 265, 268 Bellah, Robert, 102 Amritanandamayi, 240 Berg, David (Moses David, Mo), 36–7, 41, 43, Anabaptists 234 the group, 74 Bhaktivedenta, Swami Prabuphada, 36–7, 240 and Munster, 74, 77 and women, 232 androgyny, 233, 241–2, 247, 250, 253 Bird, Frederick, 250 Angelou, Maya, 102 Blavatsky, Helena P., 79, 83, 241 Ansaaru Allah Community (AAC), 246–53 Bonhoffer, Dietrich, 102 Anthony, Dick, 167, 184, 234 Brahma Kumaris, 231, 235–6, 240–2, 246, 248, anti-cult movement (ACM), 2, 6, 10, 15–16, 250–1 44, 114, 238 brainwashing, 2, 16, 18, 27–8, 105, 113–14, 117, and the Internet, 258, 290n. 119, 143–5, 160–5, 167–77, 193, 206, 250 in the nineteenth century, 75–85 critique of, 160–78 and Peoples Temple, 196–7 description and application to cults, 147–59 and Solar Temple, 213 ethical concerns, 161–5 apocalyptic and the law, 143, 161 and Jonestown, 188, 192 and Peoples Temple, 196–7, 203, 206 and Solar Temple, 213–16 and physical coercion, 149, 160 thought, 77, 184, 192 and popular acceptance, 161 Arica, 51 rhetoric of, 171–2 audience cults, 64 themes of, 154–7 auditing, 49–50 three stages of, 157–8 Aum Shinrikyo, 26, 181, 182 Branch Davidians, 26–7, 116, 126, 181–2, 186 authoritarianism, 44 Breyer, Jacques, 210–11 Bromley, David G., 125, 164, 167, 175, 184, 249 baby boomers, 90, 114 Brown, Norman O., 102 and social and religious change, 103–4 Bry, Adelaide, 52 Back, Kurt, 49, 52 Buddha, 1, 83, 103

292 INDEX

Buddhism, 53, 71, 123, 231–5, 237, 239, 241–2 consumerism and Theosophy, 83 expansion after 1960, 98 Zen Buddhism, 104–5, 237, 240 and the Internet, 285–6 and religious change, 98 Canada conversion, 114, 118–21, 131–42, 144, 154, and Solar Temple, 211 160–5, 173–5, 249, 261, 266–8 statistics on new religions, 266 medicalization of, 168, 176 Carter, Lewis, 122 problems with accounts, 170–1 Catholic Church, 71, 73, 262, 265, 286 Cox, Harvey, 102, 104 abuses in, 26 Crowley, Vivianne, 236, 241 anti-Catholic propaganda, 75–6 cult movements, 64, 261 and patriarchy, 238 cult scare, 78–9 celibacy, 235–8, 245, 247, 249, 253 cult typologies, 33–4 charisma cultural capital, and success of new religions, 261 and authority, 233, 250, 264 cultural diversity, 102, 105 and leadership, 73, 75, 184, 193, 210 routinization of, 264–5 Dalai Lama, 235 charismatic movement, 55–6, 120, 164 Daly, Mary, 248 see also Pentecostalism Danites (Destroying Angels), 79–80 Children of God (The Family), 114, 134, 142 Davis, Erik, 272–3, 279 abnegation of self, 43–4 Dawson, Lorne, 114, 116–30, 183, 258, 271–90, and the anti-cult movement, 71 276 patterns of growth, 259 deception recruitment, 119, 164 heavenly deception, 154 and sexual deviance, 234, 238 and new religions, 169, 173–6, 177n., 178n. world-rejecting cult, 36–42 defection from new religions, 164, 250–1, 267–8 Chogyam Trungpa, 234 Delgado, Richard, 163, 174, 175, 178n. Christian Science, 61, 84, 123, 241, 261, 265 demonization, 27–8, 161, 206 Christianity deprogramming, 161, 164, 168–9, 174 early Christian community, 263–5, 267, 286 deviance amplification, 15, 181 and sexual abuse, 233 Di Mambro, Joseph, 208–15, 217–20, 222 and women, 230–1, 239, 247, 260, 261 Dianectics, 49, 51, 61 Church Fathers, 74 discipleship, 233, 241 Church of Bible Understanding, 174 discipline, 41, 45 Church Universal and Triumphant (CUT), Discordianism, 288 120–3, 241, 250, 253, 278 dissatisfaction CIA, and Jonestown, Peoples Temple, 205 with conventional religion, 103–4 civil rights movement, 94–6 with “living for today,” 106–7 client cults, 64 Divine Light Mission, 136, 142, 164, 173 coercive persuasion, 143, 147, 167, 170–2 Dobbelaere, Karel, 118–20, 122–3 see also brainwashing doubling of identity, 158–9 Cohen, Albert K., 67 Dowie, John Alexander, 84 Cohen, Andrew, 235 Durkheim, Emile, 254, 260 Coleman, James S., 264 Dyer, Mary, 78 Committee for the Future, 68 communists Eckancar, 122, 125, 278 and China, 148, 154, 160 Eddy, Mary Baker, 61, 69, 241 and North Korea, 148, 154, 160 education, 30 and the Soviet Union, 148, 160 changing patterns, 99 communitas, 252 of converts, 122 Concerned Relatives, 186–7, 199–201, 203–5 Edwards, Thomas, and Gangraena, 74 con-game, and new religions, 147, 149–50, 157 elites and new religions, 282–3 Constitution of the United States, and religious Ellwood, Robert, 48 freedom, 143, 145, 168 entrepreneurship and new religions, 63–6

293 INDEX est (Erhard Seminars Training), 45, 47–53, 66, Hearst, Patricia, 148, 150 90, 249 Heaven’s Gate, 26, 182, 271–2, 276–8 evil Heirich, Max, 164 social confrontation with, 100–1 Hinduism, 53–4, 123, 232 and spirituality, 101, 107 and Theosophy, 83 exit counseling, 159 Holmes, David, 283–6, 290n. hostility towards new religions, 161, 168, 176–7 failed prophecies, 262 House of David, 85 family life Hubbard, L. Ron, 16, 49, 61, 64–5, 135 changes, 98 Human Potential Movement, 47–8, 51, 53, 104 and religious changes, 98–9 Hunter, Edward, and Brainwashing in Red China, Father Divine, 190 148 femininity, 241 feminism and religious change, 97 individualism, religious emphasis on, 48–9 fertility and success of new religions, 265, 268 identity Fichter, Joseph, 55–6 crises, 131–42 flirty fishing, 40, 234, 259 new identities, 158 Foster, Lawrence, 252 pseudo identities, 158 Fox, Margaret, 82–3 INFORM (Information Network Focus on fraud Religious Movements), 10–11, 18 and new religions, 64–5, 74, 82–3 Inner Peace Movement, 50, 53 and Solar Temple, 212–13 Insight, 52 free love, 245, 247, 253 Institute of Applied Metaphysics (IAM), 246–7, and Osho, 235–6 249 free rider problem, 262–3, 267 Institute for the Harmonious Development of freedom Human Being (IHDHB), 246, 248–9, 253 American conceptions, 92–3 Internet, 257 changing conceptions, 93–5, 107 Internet surveys, 273–6 and spirituality, 102 and new religions, 271–90 Freemasons (Masons), 71, 73, 75–6 social dangers of, 284–6 Friends of the Western Buddhist Order (FWBO), Islam, 71, 260 231, 237, 239 fundraising (funding) Jackins, Harvey, and The Human Side of Human and new religions, 39–40, 53 Beings, 51–2 and Peoples Temple, 191–2 Jacobs, Janet, 119, 234, 245 and Solar Temple, 211–12 Jefferson, Thomas, 92–3 Jehovah’s Witnesses, 26, 113, 257, 262, 265, 268 Galanter, Marc, 163 and Watch Tower Society, 84 Gardner, Martin, 61 Jenkins, Philip, 71 gender issues and new religions, 227–8, 238, 241, Jesus, 1, 37, 83 245–6, 248, 251, 253–4 Jesus Army, 237 Giddens, Anthony, 284 Jews, 132 God, conceptions of, 36, 48 and recruitment to new religions, 123 Golden Way Foundation, 209–10 John-Rogers, 116 Great Awakenings, 75 joining Greil, Arthur, 118, 164 new religions, 118–21, 131–42, 144, 160–5, Gross, Rita, 254 173–5 Gunther, Bernard, 51 theories of, 124–5 Jones, Jim, 38, 69, 74, 105, 182–3, 186–206 Hall, John R., 182–3, 184–206 see also Peoples Temple; Jonestown Harris, Thomas Lake, and Brotherhood of the Jonestown, 27, 37, 39–41, 43, 105, 117, 126, New Life, 81–2 182–3, 186–206 Hawthorne, Geoffrey, 204 inception of, 196–8 Healthy Happy Holy Organization (3HO), 131–2 see also Peoples Temple

294 INDEX

Jouret, Luc, 208, 210–11, 213, 215, marketing and religion, 52–3 217 marriage arranged, 235, 237–8 Kennett, Roshi, 237 and Brahma Kumaris, 236–7 Kerouac, Jack, 95, 99 and Krishna Consciousness, 238 Kilbourne, Brock, 163 and Osho, 236 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 94–5 and paganism, 236 assassination, 100 and Unification Church, 237–8, 247 King, Ursula, 239 Marx, Karl, 92, 194, 284 Knights Templar, 183, 209–11, 216 Maslow, Abraham, 241 Kontt, Kim, 230 Matthews, Robert, 77 Koresh, David, 74, 116 Mayer, Jean-François, 183, 208–22 Kox, Willem, 118 media Krishna Consciousness (International Society for and Heaven’s Gate, 271 Krishna Consciousness, ISKCON), 9, 44, 90, and new religions, 1, 6, 16–17, 28, 83–5, 181, 114, 119–23, 136, 142, 196, 203, 261 187 anti-cult movement, 71, 73 and Peoples Temple, 197, 205 deception, 174 and Solar Temple, 208 gender issues, 227–8, 230–2, 238, 240–2, Melton, J. Gordon, 251 246–7, 253 mental illness and the Internet, 278 and conversion, 176 reasons for persecuting, 168 and religious innovation, 60–3 recruitment, 173, 177n., 250–1 Mesmer, Franz Anton, 65 relative size, 164 Mesmerist movement, 77–8 world-rejecting cult, 36–41 methodology (social scientific) and study of new Ku Klux Klan, 76 religions, 11–15, 18–19 Millar, Robert G., 186 La Barre, Weston, 62–3 mind-control, 143, 160, 167, 169, 170–1, 173–4, Latkin, Carl, 122–3, 161 176 law see also brainwashing and brainwashing, 143–4, 161, 167, 169–70, misogyny, 237–8 178n. modernity and Branch Davidians, 181 anonymity of, 92 and new religions, 17–18, 143–5 and new religions, 27–9 Lemert, Edwin, 62 religious clash with, 6 Levine, Saul, 114, 124–6, 131–42, 251 Mohammed, 1, 76 Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 63 MOO, Church of, 287–8 Lewis, James R., 164 Moon, Sun Myung, 16, 21, 36, 38, 161, 175, Lifton, Robert J., 151, 154–7, 162, 172 196, 237 liminality, 246, 252, 254 Moore, Robert L., 251 Lincoln, Bruce, 252 Mormons (Church of Latter Day Saints), 26, 71, Lofland, John, 118–20, 125, 171–2 73–6, 205, 257, 260–2, 265, 267–8 love-bombing, 170–1 anti-Mormonism, 76–7, 78–81, 205 Love Family, 62, 155, 203 and the Internet, 290n. Mother Meera, 240 McCutchan, Robert, 54 motherhood McGuire, Meredith, 55, 163 and new religions, 227, 238–40 Machalek, Richard, 122 and Osho, 239 McVeigh, Timothy, 186 Movement of Spiritual Inner Awareness, 48 magic, as differentiated from religion, 260 Muktananda, 241 Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, 45, 48, 234 Maharji Ji, 136, 173 Native American religion, 78 Malcomson, Scott, 186 Nichiren Shoshu (Soka Gakkai), 177n., 265, 268 Manson, Charles, 38, 41–3, 148 adaptation to West, 56

295 INDEX

Nichiren Shoshu (Soka Gakkai) (cont’d) Re-evaluation Counseling, 50, 52 and the Internet, 278 Reich, Charles, 104 joining, recruitment, 118–19, 122–5 Reimer, William, 250 world-affirming cult, 46, 48–9, 54 religion, Stark’s definition of, 260 Nirmala Devi, 241 religious background and joining new religions, Norris, Kathleen, 101 123–4 Northeast Kingdom Community Church renunciation, 42–4 (NEKC), 246–7, 249–50 revolutionary suicide, 195, 199, 202 Novak, Michael, 97 Reynolds v. US, 80 Noyes, John Humphrey, 61, 77, 81 Richardson, James T., 117, 120, 144, 160–5 Riesman, David, and Lonely Crowd, 92 Oneida Community, 61, 77, 81 rites of passage, 246, 250–4 Osho see Rajneesh, Bhagwan Shree Robbins, Thomas, 125, 144, 164, 167–78, 184, 249 paganism, 236, 238, 240–2 Rochford, E. Burke, 120, 122–3 Palmer Susan, 122–3, 125, 128, 228, Rosicrucianism (AMORC), 66, 123, 209, 245–54 211–12, 216 Parsons, Arthur, 125 Rosy Cross, 208, 210, 214, 216, 219–20 patriarchy and new religions, 230–5, 238–9, 240, see also Rosicrucianism; Solar Temple 245–6, 250 Roszak, Theodore, 104 Pentecostalism, 55, 188–9 Rudy, David, 118, 164 Peoples Temple, 27, 37, 39–41, 43, 69, 182, Ryan, Leo (Congressman), 186, 200–2, 205 186–206 see also Jonestown; Jones, Jim Sargent, William, 172 Phillips, Cynthia, 118, 120 Satanism, and ritual abuse, 18 Pilarzyk, Thomas, 164 Schein, Edgar, 151, 157–8, 162, 172 politics Scientology, 90, 125, 135, 155, 248 and new religions, 38, 145, 167 fit with models of cult creation, 61, 64–6 and Peoples Temple, 194 and the Internet, 278, 286 polygamy reasons for persecuting, 168 campaign against, 78–81 social attributes of members, 121–3 and new religions, 249 world-affirming cult, 48–54 Popper, Karl, 7–8, 11 Scott, Gina Graham, 50, 53 Power, The, 68–9 Second Coming (of Jesus), 37–8, 39 Prince, Raymond, 251 Second Vatican Council, 90, 108 Prophet, Elizabeth Clare, 241, 250 sects, 265, 267, 268 prosperity, American changes in, 99 Stark’s definition of, 261 Puttick, Elizabeth, 228, 230–43 seekership, 120, 123, 163 theory of types of religion, 241–2 Seth, 91 Seventh Day Adventist Church, 113, 241 Quakers (Friends), 71, 74 sexual abuse, 27, 193, 227–8, 233–5 sexual deviance, accusations of, 73, 75–6, 81, 84, Raëlian Movement International, 14, 246–50, 228–9 253 sexual ethics, 41–2, 229, 236, 248, 251 Rajneesh, Bhagwan Shree (Osho), 16, 235 sexuality, changes in, 99, 245–6 and the Internet, 278 Shakers, 73–4, 203, 241 sex and gender issues, 228, 231–3, 235–6, anti-Shaker views, 77–8 238–42, 246–51, 253 Shapiro, Robert, 169 social attributes of members, 122–3 Shupe, Anson, Jr., 167, 175 Rajneeshpuram, 232, 249 Silva Mind Control, 44, 48 Ramtha, 248 Silverman, Julian, 62 recruitment Singer, Margaret T., 119, 143–4, 147–59, 162, and the Internet, 271–3, 279–83 172, 272–3, 279 see also conversion Singer’s six conditions of brainwashing, 151–4

296 INDEX sixties (1960s), 89–94 Theosophy, 79, 83, 85, 113, 123, 212, 241 and changes in spirituality, 102, 105, 107 thought reform, 143, 147, 150–9, 172 Skonovd, Norman, 171–2 see also brainwashing Snow, David, 46, 56, 118, 120, 122 Tipton, Steven, 120, 123, 125 social attributes of converts to new religions, Toennies, Ferdinand, 92 121–4 Transcendental Meditation (TM), 44–5, 47–9, social change and new religions, 72 53–4, 104 social control and Peoples Temple, 193 transit, the, and Solar Temple, 214–16, 219–22 social implosion, 267 Turner, Victor, 251–3 and cult formation, 68–9 social mobility, changes in, 99 Unification Church (Moonies), 9–10, 133, 196, social networks and joining new religions, 119, 282 266–7, 279 and the anti-cult movement, 71, 73–4, 116 socialization and the success of new religions, and Booneville Farm, 175–6 268 and the brainwashing debate, 163–4, 171–5 Society for Psychical Research, 79, 82 and the Internet, 278 Sogyal Rinpoche, 234–5 joining and recruitment, 118–21, 125 Soka Gakkai see Nichiren Shoshu Molko and Leal v. Holy Spirit Association for the Solar Temple, 116, 126, 144, 182–3, 208–22 Unification of World Christianity, 178n. Solomon, Trudy, 164 reasons for persecuting, 168 Somit, Albert, 172 sex and gender issues, 227, 231, 235, 237–8, Spiritualism, 77, 79, 81, 241, 250 246–8, 250–1 anti-spiritualism, 82–3 social attributes of members, 123–5 spirituality world-rejecting cult, 36–7, 39–41, 44 changing American kinds, 89–108 contrast with religion, 102–3 Van Driel, Barend, 117 feminine, 232–3 Van Gennep, Arnold, 252 Starhawk, 236, 241 violence (religious), 26–7 Stark, Rodney, 34, 114, 120, 122–5, 240, 257, causes of, 181–4, 202–6, 215–20 259–69, 279, 282–3, 286–8 and Garfield assassination, 81 theory of conversion, 118–20 and Jonestown, 184–207 theory of religion, 59–60, 260 and Solar Temple deaths, 208–22 theory of success of new religions, 259–69 and Solar Temple murders, 218, 220–1 stereotypes of conversion, 114 Wallace, Anthony F. C., 62 of deceptive cults, 175 Wallis, Roy, 33–4, 36–69, 120–3 of joiners, 113, 117 Washington, Joseph, Jr., 95 Stone, Donald, 48, 54 Weber, Max, 264 Strauss, Roger, 164 White, Ellen, 241 strictness and the success of new religions, 262–3, Whyte, William, and Organization Man, 92 267–8 Wicca, 228, 231, 236, 241, 245 Subud, 56 see also paganism success of new religions, 257, 259–69 Wilber, Ken, 234 suicide Wilson, Bryan, 118–23, 268 and Peoples Temple, 199–200, 202–5 Willson, Michele, 285 religious, 26, 214–15 Winter, Gibson, 104 and Solar Temple, 208–22 women and new religions, 227–56 Symbionese Liberation Army, 148 world rejection and new religions, 36–44 Synanaon, 41–2, 54, 68 Wright, Stuart, 164, 251 Szasz, Thomas, 167 Wuthnow, Robert, 8, 72, 89–111

Tantra, 234–6, 249 Yogi Bhajan, 132 taxes and new religions, 29 Technopaganism, 288 Zaleski, Jeff, 276, 278–9, 286, 288, 290n. Teed, Cyrus R., 84 Zinzendorf, Count, 75

297