It Is Impossible to Know How Much of the Surge in Reported Hate Crimes

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

It Is Impossible to Know How Much of the Surge in Reported Hate Crimes It is impossible to know how much of the surge in reported hate crimes against LGBTQ people is due to escalating harassment and violence, and how much is down to the increased willingness of victims to inform the authorities. What we do know that is that recorded homophobic and transphobic hate crimes have jumped every year since 2015, and yet with an estimated four in five still going unreported, the already grisly figures only hint at a far bleaker reality. The incidents vary in nature and severity: from abuse hurled at someone identified as LGBTQ because of their appearance, or mannerisms, or a fleeting or profound show of affection towards a partner; to gay men being beaten and robbed, as happened in a suspected homophobic attack on the streets of Edinburgh last month, or a trans man savagely attacked in Bournemouth earlier this year. “According to our research, many experienced verbal harassment, physical abuse, threatening messages, and damage to property,” says Eloise Stonborough of the LGBTQ civil rights organisation Stonewall. In all cases, there is often a visceral sense of humiliation linked to a sudden invasive reminder that your innate characteristics still drive a section of society to violent disgust. After all the undoubted progress, anti-LGBTQ bigotry remains a kind of secret authoritarian regime in this country. It compels many LGBTQ people to alter their behaviour in order to quietly blend in, or to pretend they are something they are not to relatives, friends and colleagues in order to avoid experiences ranging from the uncomfortable to the outright menacing. Reported hate crimes surge. There are no openly trans national politicians and the media is almost entirely hostile These statistics should not leave a false impression. The experiences of LGBTQ people are not the same. A white, middle-class, gay, cis man – that is, someone generally at one with their gender assigned at birth – in an urban area is likely to suffer far less meaningful oppression than other groups. Beyond the fear of holding hands with their partner in public, their main grievances tend to centre on the psychological scars left by the often suffocatingly homophobic environment of their school years. This can lead to lasting trauma, which largely explains the higher rates of mental distress and abusive relationships with alcohol and drugs among LGBTQ people. The most damaged are frequently those whose fathers and mothers violated the most sacred principle of parenthood – unconditional love – in deference to their own bigotry, often implanting a ticking time bomb in their children that may detonate in later life, be it in the form of emotional breakdown or drug addiction. Poland’s LGBTQ protests are glimmers of hope in an illiberal dystopia Agnieszka Holland Read more For a young gay black man, homophobia may collide with increased risk of police harassment and racist behaviour from other LGBTQ people: victims can be perpetrators, too, sometimes believing their own mistreatment makes it impossible to oppress others. Yet as Shon Faye’s brilliant new book The Transgender Issue underlines, it is trans people – the T in the LGBTQ – now suffering the most severe onslaught. It’s said that history doesn’t repeat itself but it often rhymes. Today’s relentless campaign against trans people seems a near-carbon copy of the previously widespread monstering of gay and bisexual people, with all the same tropes repeated: that they are would-be sexual predators, that they seek to brainwash and recruit children, that biology is destiny, that this is a whimsical lifestyle choice, that they are defined by mental illness or a creepy fetish that imposes an intolerable burden on the “normal” majority. In the 1980s and 1990s, many supposed liberals participated in the anti-gay offensive, lamenting that the case for gay rights was being undermined by “militant homosexuals” making unreasonable demands on the rest of society, such as asking newspapers not to call them “poofters”. Again, history repeats itself. The panic over trans rights has airbrushed the cruel reality facing trans people: the quadrupling of reported transphobic hate crimes; the one in four that have been homeless; the 41% who suffered a hate crime in a 12-month period; the nearly half who feel uncomfortable using public toilets; the quarter discriminated against when looking to rent or buy a home. This panic has also obscured the threats facing all LGBTQ people. Only last week, police confirmed the identity of Ranjith Kankanamalage, a 50-year-old murdered in a suspected homophobic attack in east London on August 16. This horrific story has been rightly covered by all the papers, but it has been overshadowed in public discourse by the preposterous row over a man who appeared at a LGBTQ rights protest in Manchester wearing a T-shirt and hat with the logo of the LGB Alliance, an organisation whose main purpose appears to be campaigning against trans rights. This was akin to someone turning up to an anti-Trump protest in a Maga cap, with the same predictable result. After he was met by chants of “Trans lives matter”, police escorted him away from the march. Supporters of the LGB Alliance – many of whom are straight – promptly took to Twitter to denounce this incident as homophobia and even gay-bashing by the queer protesters – some of whom will inevitably have suffered actual hate crimes. The man became something of a cause célèbre, in an incident that has been marshalled to support the increasingly common claim that the trans rights movement is homophobic; a “woke homophobia” as a GB News presenter put it, rendering LGBTQ people the real homophobic bigots. Yet as reported hate crimes surge, Stonewall – by far the largest LGBTQ civil rights organisation – finds itself targeted by a McCarthyite campaign against its defence of trans rights. Organisations such as Ofcom have been successfully pressured into cutting ties with Stonewall’s diversity scheme. There are no openly trans national politicians, and the British media has been rendered an almost entirely hostile environment for trans people and their LGBTQ allies. Meanwhile, anti-trans activists claim to be “silenced” while enjoying support from the country’s newspapers. While those cruelly hounding trans people may be driven by an undoubted realisation that they will, in time, lose – the polling shows younger people, and women in particular, are most supportive of trans people – that is of little comfort to an extremely besieged minority today. But as Faye’s book eloquently puts it, the liberation of trans people – and indeed LGBTQ people as a whole – will free everyone. For example, a strengthened welfare state and solved housing crisis would provide a trans person rejected by their family with desperately needed independence; but those benefits would help anyone in need of security. The biggest killer of men under 45 is suicide: freeing them from rigid gender norms, which teach them to believe that opening up about their problems is unmanly or “gay”, will make them more likely to seek support. More than half a century since the partial decriminalisation of homosexuality, LGBTQ people still fear the repercussions of simply being themselves. Oppression rots a society from the inside out. When true liberation happens, “coming out” as LGBTQ won’t be the stressful ritual known to many with experiences ranging from the good to the tragic. It won’t actually be a thing at all – and everybody else will be much freer, too. .
Recommended publications
  • Call for Evidence the Role of the GEO: Embedding Equalities Across Government
    Written evidence submitted by LGB Alliance [GEO0036] Call for evidence The role of the GEO: embedding equalities across Government Executive summary 1. Introduction Who we are, why we exist and what are our key concerns 1.1 This submission is made by LGB Alliance. LGB Alliance is a group representing thousands of lesbians, gay men and bisexuals who share grave concerns about the loss of our rights. If you have any questions regarding our response, we can be reached at [email protected] 1.2 We are particularly troubled by the drive to replace, in law and in wider public usage, the word “sex” (meaning biological sex) with “gender identity” or “gender expression”. Eliminating the word “sex” has the effect of erasing homosexuality. We are long-time gay and lesbian activists who fought for the rights of people with a same-sex sexual orientation. We are alarmed to see these rights being eroded. The structure and function of the GEO and its location in the Cabinet Office: how effectively does this enable it to support cross-departmental work on equalities, including the collection and analysis of equalities data? 2. GEO as the “unwanted orphan” 2.1 Aside from a brief period from 2007-2010 when it was an independent department, the GEO has been moved around between several Government Departments in Whitehall. It has been moved from the Home Office to DCMS to DfE to DfID and most recently to the Cabinet Office. 2.2 These frequent moves have undermined the effectiveness of GEO. The damaging effects of constant moves are highlighted in the inquiry into “The role of Minister for Women and Equalities and the place of GEO in government” https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/cmselect/cmwomeq/356/3560 4.htm 2.3 One serious concern is that civil servants who do not have dedicated GEO roles within Cabinet Office may lack the opportunity to become subject-matter experts.
    [Show full text]
  • Motherhood and Family Life in Same Sex Relationships. Phd Thesis
    Women Parenting Together: Motherhood and Family Life in Same Sex Relationships by Kathryn Almack, BA (Hons), MA Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, September 2002 - 1 - Acknowledgements First, I want to thank all the women who took part in this research. I owe them a great deal and remain inspired by them. Thank you to my supervisors, Elizabeth Murphy and Becky Morley. I have benefited much from their intellectual rigour and our discussions of my work, as well as from their unstinting encouragement and support through some hard times. Thanks are also due to Alison Haigh, for her patience and efficiency in dealing with any administrative queries, to Clare Stewart and Alison Taylor, who transcribed my interviews, and to Becky Calcraft, who proof-read my work. I would like to thank the School of Sociology and Social Policy (University of Nottingham), who funded my studies and allowed me to retain the studentship funding when the direction of my research changed. Thanks also to Becky Morley and Gillian Pascall for their help through that early stage, and to other colleagues who have provided ongoing support. In particular, Liz Fox, Ezra Hasson and Sue Parker have made it feel a less isolated endeavour. Personal thanks in hard copy . - 2 - Table of Contents Abstract………………………………………………………………………….i Chapter 1: Introduction………………………………………………………1 1. Aims of the research project…………………………………………….…6 2. ..Structure of thesis…………………………………………………………..7 2.1 Chapter 2: Literature review……………………………………………..7 2.2 Chapter 3: Methodology…………………………………………………8 2.3 Chapter 4: Everyday experiments? Issues in working out routes to conception and donor involvement…………………………….9 2.4 Chapter 5: Making new sense of motherhood.
    [Show full text]
  • Trades Union Congress (TUC) Is the Voice of Britain at Work
    Written evidence submitted by the Trade Unions Congress [GRA0715] Introduction The Trades Union Congress (TUC) is the voice of Britain at work. We represent more than 5.6 million working people in 48 unions across the economy. We campaign for more and better jobs and a better working life for everyone, and we support trade unions to grow and thrive. We have a long and proud history of promoting equality for all our members. We strive to end all forms of discrimination, bigotry and stereotyping. We oppose any violence or intimidation, bullying or disrespect, towards any group that faces discrimination, and from whatever quarter. The TUC’s commitment to equality is written into our constitution and into that of our member unions. We welcome the Women and Equalities Committee’s inquiry into Gender Recognition Act (GRA) reform and see it as an opportunity to highlight the importance of reforming the Gender Recognition Act. Key to our response is the belief that one group’s gain need not, and should not, be another’s loss. The TUC is a democratic organisation. Policy is set at our annual Congress which considers, debates and votes on motions submitted by our member unions. At our 2018 Congress a motion calling for the Gender Recognition Act 2004 to be amended was approved with a statement of explanation, both of which are set out in Appendix A, this policy position was reaffirmed at our 2020 Congress in a motion which is set out in Appendix B. Background The government first announced its intention to reform the Gender Recognition Act 2004 (GRA) in 2017, opening its consultation on the issue in July 2018.
    [Show full text]
  • Gender Critical at Work – Media Compilation
    GENDER CRITICAL AT WORK Search MENU tuesday march 30 2021 Linda Bellos had said she would be ‘publicly questioning’ some transgender politics ROGER ASKEW Linda Bellos barred in Cambridge University row James Gillespie and Sian Griffiths Sunday October 01 2017, 12.01am, The Sunday Times Share Save A leading feminist has had an invitation to speak at Cambridge University withdrawn amid concerns that transgender activists could oppose her. Linda Bellos had been invited by the Beard Society at Peterhouse College and sent a list of dates — which were withdrawn after she said she would be “publicly questioning some of the trans politics . which seems to assert the power of those who were previously designated male to tell lesbians, and especially lesbian feminists, what to say and think”. Ailish Maroof, the co-president of the society, which describes itself as a “gender and feminism” group, replied: “I’m sorry but we’ve decided not to host you. I too believe in freedom of expression, however Peterhouse is as much a home as it is a college. The welfare of our students in this instance has to come first.” The prospect of laws to let men redefine their gender without a physical transition and then gain access to changing rooms and women’s refuges has angered many. “I’m not being told by someone who a few months ago was a man what I as a woman can or cannot do,” Bellos said. Maroof declined to comment. Search MENU tuesday march 30 2021 Heather Brunskell-Evans had been asked to give a talk this week on the subject of pornography and the sexualisation of young women Barred academic Heather Brunskell- Evans warns of cowardice over trans issues Lucy Bannerman Thursday November 23 2017, 12.01am, The Times Share Save An academic who was no-platformed by university students after she discussed transgender issues on a radio show has attacked the “reprehensible cowardliness” of public institutions.
    [Show full text]
  • Ref No. J/S5/20/Hc/406
    REF NO. J/S5/20/HC/406 JUSTICE COMMITTEE HATE CRIME AND PUBLIC ORDER (SCOTLAND) BILL SUBMISSION FROM FOR WOMEN SCOTLAND For Women Scotland welcomes this opportunity to respond to the Call for Views on the Hate Crime and Public Order (Scotland) Bill. FWS is a grassroots women’s rights organisation composed of ordinary women from across Scotland: the primary motivation for forming was concern about the Scottish Government’s proposal to reform the Gender Recognition Act 2004 and the potential impact on the hard won rights and protections for women and girls. The following response concentrates on where the Bill impacts on women’s rights and was formed after seeking input from the 1,500 subscribers to our newsletter. PART 1 - AGGRAVATION OF OFFENCES BY PREJUDICE Sex While much of the documentation surrounding the Bill refers to gender (presumably synonymous with sex) we are pleased to see the provisional inclusion of “sex” in the Bill. Not only does this align with the protected characteristic in the Equality Act 2010 but it adheres to the Scottish Government’s recent commitment to keep sex and gender (identity) separate and distinct, thus preventing any conflation of terms. This is important for many reasons, not least of all, the need to be careful of any implication that women can identify out of the harms inflicted upon them. However, it is disappointing to see that the Bill, as proposed, does not yet include sex, choosing instead to leave it as an optional add-in for some undetermined date in the future. Aggravation related to gender was considered some seventeen years ago in the Draft Criminal Code for Scotland1 and it is quite shameful that its long overdue inclusion in the hate crime framework has, once again, been overlooked.
    [Show full text]
  • The End of Gender: Debunking the Myths About Sex And
    Thank you for downloading this Simon & Schuster ebook. Get a FREE ebook when you join our mailing list. Plus, get updates on new releases, deals, recommended reads, and more from Simon & Schuster. Click below to sign up and see terms and conditions. CLICK HERE TO SIGN UP Already a subscriber? Provide your email again so we can register this ebook and send you more of what you like to read. You will continue to receive exclusive offers in your inbox. For everyone who blocked me on Twitter INTRODUCTION THE BATTLE AGAINST BIOLOGY Hello! Are you afraid someone saw you pick up this book? You shouldn’t be. Everything in here is backed by science and facts. None of this should be controversial. And yet it is. On some level, you already know this. There is a price for telling the truth about gender, especially in today’s day and age. I’ve paid it; maybe you have, too. Or maybe you are in the early stages of contemplating doing the same. Once you’ve opened your mouth and the words have come out, you can never go back. But you won’t want to. At first, I didn’t think it was going to be this bad. I was so sure the current political climate, including the accompanying science denial, policy changes, mob mentality, shaming, and allegations of hate speech, would only be a temporary thing. The pendulum could only swing so far in one direction for so long. Certainly it would be swinging back. And so, I waited. I’m still waiting.
    [Show full text]
  • Workplace Silence, Today? Transgender Employees’ Voice and Well-Being
    TRANSGENDER WORKERS Workplace silence, today? Transgender employees’ voice and well-being Jonathan E. Booth T. Alexandra Beauregard wareness of transgender rights has been growing in recent years, with issues A such as bathroom access hotly con- tested in the United States and the right to legal gender recognition by self-declaration without the requirement to provide medical evidence de- bated in the United Kingdom. The term transgen- der, or trans, describes individuals whose gender identity does not correspond to the sex they were assigned at birth; the trans community includes those who undergo medical gender reassignment, those who transition socially but not surgically from one gender to another, and others who re- ject the gender binary and express a continuum of gender identities regardless of social expectations. The Gender Identity Research and Education So- ciety (GIRES) estimates that about 1 percent of the British population is gender nonconforming to some degree, and research from the Williams Booth and Beauregard’s research on inclusive workplaces for Law Institute at UCLA estimates that 0.3 percent transgender workers finds: of the United States population identifies as trans. • The transgender population in the workplace is small but should be In 2018, we published research with colleagues included in companies’ human resource management. that examined the websites of the 100 largest com- • Transgender workers face different challenges and obstacles than their gay and lesbian colleagues and shouldn’t automatically be panies with the greatest market capitalization list- subsumed into that somewhat larger employee segment. ed on the London Stock Exchange (the FTSE 100) • Responsible inclusive-workplace employers should enact policies for content directly addressing trans employee is- and practices to “provide protective, helpful policies and voice sues.
    [Show full text]
  • (SCOTLAND) BILL SUBMISSION from LGB ALLIANCE We Are Writi
    REF NO. J/S5/20/HC/295 JUSTICE COMMITTEE HATE CRIME AND PUBLIC ORDER (SCOTLAND) BILL SUBMISSION FROM LGB ALLIANCE We are writing to you in response to your call on 28 April this year for views on the proposed Hate Crime and Public Order (Scotland) Bill. We are a group of lesbian, gay and bisexual men and women, many of us veterans of the campaigns against discriminatory laws and policies such as the unequal age of consent, Section 28 (2A) and the campaign in favour of equal marriage. We come from all walks of life including law, medicine, academia, the arts, sciences and media. We are same-sex attracted and our group exists to advance the interests of lesbians, bisexuals and gay men at a time when they are under threat as never before from concerted attempts to introduce confusion between biological sex and the unscientific notion of gender identity. We have serious concerns about the Bill in its present form, and ask that it be withdrawn and rethought. We understand the intention of the Scottish government in introducing the Bill is to provide for the 'modernising, consolidating and extending of hate crime legislation in Scotland'. These are laudable aims but this Bill has serious flaws which potentially could have dangerous consequences for the tenor of Scottish public debate, free speech in general, and the rights of LGB people in particular. We are of the strong opinion that the solutions proposed in this Bill to the problems cited by the Justice Minister (of contradictions between different laws and the lack of user-friendliness) would introduce an entirely new set of problems, that potentially may be far worse than those it was designed to solve.
    [Show full text]
  • Whole Day Download the Hansard
    Monday Volume 690 8 March 2021 No. 185 HOUSE OF COMMONS OFFICIAL REPORT PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) Monday 8 March 2021 © Parliamentary Copyright House of Commons 2021 This publication may be reproduced under the terms of the Open Parliament licence, which is published at www.parliament.uk/site-information/copyright/. 501 8 MARCH 2021 502 Dr Coffey: My hon. Friend should be aware that we House of Commons have account managers working in all parts of the country to take up this scheme. In particular, we continue Monday 8 March 2021 to work with a wide range of organisations closely connected to SMEs, including chambers of commerce and the Federation of Small Businesses, to get the The House met at half-past Two o’clock message out there and make it straightforward to apply. We should recognise that, due to eligibility criteria, not all direct applications may be successful, and the support PRAYERS of a gateway is likely to be beneficial. We are also enabling applications through the gateway plus model, [MR SPEAKER in the Chair] which will particularly help sole traders, and we will continue to advertise that. Virtual participation in proceedings continued (Order, 4 June and 30 December 2020). Peter Gibson [V]: I thank my right hon. Friend for her [NB: [V] denotes a Member participating virtually.] answer. I welcome the removal of the 30-person threshold, which will help even the smallest firm in my constituency. Since the launch of the kickstart scheme, our phenomenal Oral Answers to Questions Tees Valley Mayor Ben Houchen has been facilitating SMEs to access it, and he has helped 350 young people sign up.
    [Show full text]
  • OUT for Safe Schools Yearly Calendar
    JANUARY FEBRUARY JANUARY FEBRUARY 25, 1982 No Name Calling Week Wisconsin First In schools across the U.S., students participate in an annual week Wisconsin became the first state to enact a gay and lesbian of educational activities to end name-calling and bullying in their civil rights bill, explicitly protecting gay and lesbian identified communities. people from discrimination in employment, housing, and public accommodations. NEW YEAR’S EVE, 1967 Black Cat Raid SOMETIME IN 1969 Police raided the Black Cat Tavern in the Silver Lake neighborhood Nation’s First LGBT Center of Los Angeles, CA during a New Year’s Eve party in 1967. At that In 1969 the founders of the Los Angeles Gay Community Services time, romantic relationships between men were deemed to be Center, known today as the Los Angeles LGBT Center, began illegal and police raids of LGBT bars were common. The Black Cat providing services to LGBT youth and adults. In 1974, after a 3-year raid was unique because it prompted one of the first documented legal battle against the IRS, this Center became the nation’s first protests for LGBT rights and on February 11th, about 200 – 600 openly-LGBT organization to be granted nonprofit, tax-exempt LGBT people from different racial and social backgrounds united to status. It is now the world’s largest LGBT organization. protest the discrimination of LGBT people. BLACK CAT RIOTS, FEBRUARY 11, 1967 PRIDE (Personal Rights in Defense and Education) led hundreds in protest when police raided the Black Cat Tavern in Los Angeles and brutally beat patrons and the bartender.
    [Show full text]
  • Shonagh Dillon
    ‘#TERF/Bigot/Transphobe’ – ‘We found the witch, burn her!’ A contextual constructionist account of the silencing of feminist discourse on the proposed changes to the Gender Recognition Act 2004, and the policy capture of transgender ideology, focusing on the potential impacts and consequences for female-only spaces for victims of male violence. Shonagh Dillon The thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Professional Doctorate of Criminal Justice Studies of the University of Portsmouth. 1 Declaration ‘Whilst registered as a candidate for the Professional Doctorate in Criminal Justice Studies at the University of Portsmouth, I have not been registered for any other research award. The results and conclusions embodied in this thesis are the work of the named candidate and have not been submitted for any other academic award.’ Word Count: 52,323 2 Abstract This thesis examines the clash between transgender ideology and women’s rights in the context of female-only spaces in the male violence against women sector. Through exploring the silencing of feminist discourse regarding the proposed changes to the Gender Recognition Act (2004) from the UK Governments of England and Wales, and Scotland, this research provides an original contribution to assess the impact and consequences of gender reform and self-identification, in both policy and legislation, on the United Kingdom’s male violence against women (MVAW) sector. Taking a qualitative approach, 31 participants were interviewed from both sides of the gender reform debate, this was combined with online ethnographic research from the social media platform Twitter. The data was coded and categorised in a thematic analysis and seven main themes emerged which were collapsed into two chapters analysing the ‘debate’ and the impact of gender reform on the MVAW sector.
    [Show full text]
  • Ref No. J/S5/20/Hc/383
    REF NO. J/S5/20/HC/383 JUSTICE COMMITTEE HATE CRIME AND PUBLIC ORDER (SCOTLAND) BILL SUBMISSION FROM THE LABOUR WOMEN’S DECLARATION GROUP The Labour Women’s Declaration, launched in November 2019, is part of an ongoing campaign for women’s sex-based rights led by women Labour Party activists. Our declaration has been signed by almost 5,000 Labour Party members and supporters, including 300 founding signatories amongst whom are three Scottish Labour MSPs1. Our working group has members from across the UK, and this response has been led by our Scottish-domiciled members. This response concentrates on the potential impact of the proposed legislation on women’s rights and freedoms as set out in the Labour Women’s Declaration, and focuses on questions 2, 6 and 8. The following clauses in the Declaration are particularly relevant to our response and have guided it: 1. Women and girls are subject to discrimination and oppression on the basis of their sex. 2. Women have the right to freedom of belief, freedom of expression and freedom of assembly (Articles 18, 19 and 20 of the UN Declaration of Human Rights). 3. Women have the right to discuss policies which affect them, without being abused, harassed or intimidated. 6. Women have the right to organise themselves, as a sex, across a range of cultural, leisure, educational and political activities. The current, bitter, discussion forming the backdrop to our formation is most commonly referred to as a dispute over “trans rights”. This is not a helpful way to think about it: the discussion is over women’s rights, who should hold them, and on what basis.
    [Show full text]