DOCSLIB.ORG

Shonagh Dillon

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Shonagh Dillon ‘#TERF/Bigot/Transphobe’ – ‘We found the witch, burn her!’ A contextual constructionist account of the silencing of feminist discourse on the proposed changes to the Gender Recognition Act 2004, and the policy capture of transgender ideology, focusing on the potential impacts and consequences for female-only spaces for victims of male violence. Shonagh Dillon The thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Professional Doctorate of Criminal Justice Studies of the University of Portsmouth. 1 Declaration ‘Whilst registered as a candidate for the Professional Doctorate in Criminal Justice Studies at the University of Portsmouth, I have not been registered for any other research award. The results and conclusions embodied in this thesis are the work of the named candidate and have not been submitted for any other academic award.’ Word Count: 52,323 2 Abstract This thesis examines the clash between transgender ideology and women’s rights in the context of female-only spaces in the male violence against women sector. Through exploring the silencing of feminist discourse regarding the proposed changes to the Gender Recognition Act (2004) from the UK Governments of England and Wales, and Scotland, this research provides an original contribution to assess the impact and consequences of gender reform and self-identification, in both policy and legislation, on the United Kingdom’s male violence against women (MVAW) sector. Taking a qualitative approach, 31 participants were interviewed from both sides of the gender reform debate, this was combined with online ethnographic research from the social media platform Twitter. The data was coded and categorised in a thematic analysis and seven main themes emerged which were collapsed into two chapters analysing the ‘debate’ and the impact of gender reform on the MVAW sector. The findings highlight a stark difference between the public discourse of transgender ideologues and the participant data, the former of which claim inclusion of transwomen in female-only spaces are supported by the MVAW sector. However, the research illuminated that blanket acceptance of transwomen in female-only spaces was largely rejected by both sides of the debate, and the retention of these spaces alongside specialist services for transgender victims were offered up as a solution. The research evidences the topic being shrouded in silence and fear, particularly for women who work within the MVAW sector. Through the passivity of the umbrella bodies in the MVAW sector and unwillingness of politicians to support reasoned public discourse, policy capture of transgender ideology has been enforced. This research provides an original and authentic contribution to the debate. 3 Acknowledgements In the first instance I would like to acknowledge all the participants who took part, without whom the research would not have been possible: my sincere thanks. To my supervisor Andy Williams, whose patient guidance and confidence in me has enabled me to believe from the start that I can do this, I owe you a drink! To the many feminist sisters who bravely spoke up years ahead of me and who continue to fight for women’s sex-based rights. To all the women I have been lucky enough to support over the years, you are my inspiration and I am forever privileged that you trusted me. To my work colleagues, who have tolerated an untold amount of brain fog since I took this on. Thanks, in particular to Heather, Lyn and Zoe, who all read my meanderings and never once questioned my motives. For all my friends, but in particular, Sarah - who will forever be my never-ending soul sister. Vonny – whose quiet confidence and unwavering loyalty grounded me at the worst of times. And Lucy - whose tenacity and defiance is infectious. Thank you all for the belly laughter and for never questioning my 4am voice notes. Special thanks to my family, to my steady rock Lee whose firm belief and repeated phrase “you can do this, you’ll be fine”, has finally paid off – I love you always and forever. To my Hamish, never change wee man, never falter, never conform, if they made them all like you, I’d happily be out of a job. To my parents who never questioned my ability, particularly my Mum, whose response to the teachers who said I would amount to nothing was to instil resolute, rebellious faith in me – we showed them Mama – I love you. Finally, this is for you Isla. Raise your voice sweetheart – you have power. Know, whatever the fight, you can lead from right out front and there will always be a whole army of sisters right behind you. Be brave! Be fierce! And if anyone tries to silence you, never, ever forget your heritage. 4 Table of Contents Declaration 2 Abstract 3 Acknowledgements 4 Table of Contents 5 List of Tables 8 List of Figures 9 List of Acronyms 10 Chapter 1 - Introduction 11 Reflexive Preamble 12 The Campaign to End Male Violence Against Women 14 The Gender Recognition Act 2004 19 Proposed Changes to the GRA 21 Potential Impact on Female-Only Spaces 22 Silencing of Feminist Discourse and the Consequences for the MVAW Sector 28 Terms and Scope of Research 33 Research Questions: 34 Research Aim 34 Research Objectives 34 Research Design 35 Ethical Considerations 35 Layout of Thesis 36 Chapter 2 - The Legislative and Policy Framework 39 Adult Human Female 40 The Yogyakarta Principles (YPs) 45 Gender Recognition (2004) and the Equality Act (2010) 49 Proposed Changes to the Gender Recognition Act (2004) 53 Institutional Policy Capture 58 Summary 63 Chapter 3 – Academic analysis and the Silencing of Feminist Discourse 64 Feminism – Schools, Thoughts, and Theories 64 Radical Feminist Activism and the MVAW Sector 67 Queer Theory – A Critique 71 Sex v Gender 81 5 Silencing of Women 86 TERF, Great Granddaughter of the Witch 92 Summary 94 Chapter four - Methodology 96 The Role of a Practitioner Researcher 96 Feminist Research 98 Reflexivity 99 Contextual Constructionism 102 Qualitative Research Design 106 Epistemological Background/Overview 107 Methodology 109 Semi-structured Interviews 111 Online Ethnography 119 Data Analysis (Interviews and Online Ethnographic Data) 124 Chapter 5 - The Debate 135 The Proposed Changes to the Gender Recognition Act 2004 137 Why Campaign? 148 What is a Woman? 160 Summary 173 Chapter 6 - The Impact 174 Silencing 176 Motivation for Access to Single Sex Spaces 190 Male Violence Against Women Sector 195 Middle Ground and Third Space Option 212 Summary 213 Chapter 7 - Conclusions and Recommendations 216 Aims and Objectives 216 Conclusions 217 Reflections of the Research 226 Recommendations 227 Bibliography 230 Appendix A 284 Appendix B 293 Appendix C 295 Appendix D 297 6 Appendix E 305 Appendix F 306 Appendix G 393 Appendix H – Supplementary Data 399 7 List of Tables Table 1 Thematic Analysis of Interviews Overarching nodes ................................. 128 Table 2 Themes and Subthemes Results chapters ................................................ 129 Table 3 Themes and Subthemes for the ‘Debate’ .................................................. 136 Table 4 Coding Matrix Nodes Represented in Chapter 5 (row percentage split – interviews v online ethnographic data) ................................................................... 137 Table 5 What is a woman? Coding matrix query with attribute values ................... 162 Table 6 What is a Woman Question? Coding matrix query with attribute values ... 162 Table 7 What is a Woman and what is a woman question? Coding Matrix Interviews and Ethnographic data split. ................................................................................... 163 Table 8 Themes and Subthemes Chapter 6 ........................................................... 175 Table 9 Coding Matrix Nodes Represented in Chapter 6 (row percentage split – interviews v online ethnographic data) ................................................................... 176 Table 10 MVAW Coding Matrix query with attribute values .................................... 195 8 List of Figures Figure 1 Transgender Umbrella, Transgender Trend, 2016 ..................................... 23 Figure 2 What is a Woman? Online Ethnography Screenshot May 2020................. 41 Figure 3 JK Rowling, Online Ethnography Screenshots, June to September 2020 .. 43 Figure 4 Queer theory – What is a woman? Online Ethnography Screenshot, February 2020 .......................................................................................................... 76 Figure 5 Silencing, Online Ethnography Screenshot, May 2019 .............................. 86 Figure 6 Data Triangulation Method ....................................................................... 111 Figure 7 The Left Node Word Cloud....................................................................... 141 Figure 8 The Left Node - Expel me/Labour Losing Women Online Ethnography Hashtags Word Cloud ............................................................................................ 143 Figure 9 Why Campaign Node Word Cloud ........................................................... 148 Figure 10 Transgender Rights Movement Node Word Cloud ................................. 155 Figure 11 What is a woman? Online Ethnography Screenshot, June 2020 ........... 160 Figure 12 What is a Woman Question Node – Adult Human Female Word Cloud . 165 Figure 13 What is a woman? – Transwomen are Women Online Ethnography Screenshot, July 2019 ............................................................................................ 168
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Resistance: Do the Ends Justify the Means?
    See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/282069814 Resistance: Do the Ends Justify the Means? Article · July 2014 DOI: 10.5822/978-1-61091-458-1_28 CITATIONS READS 2 40 1 author: Bron Raymond Taylor University of Florida 78 PUBLICATIONS 1,012 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: Radical Environmentalism (interdisciplinary analysis of) View project Biological conservation and ethics: human rights, animal rights, earth rights View project All content following this page was uploaded by Bron Raymond Taylor on 02 January 2017. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. State of the World 2013 IS SUSTAINABILITY Still Possible? THE WORLDWATCH INSTITUTE CHAPTER 28 Resistance: Do the Ends Justify the Means? Bron Taylor Has the time come for a massive wave of direct action resistance to acceler- ating rates of environmental degradation around the world—degradation that is only getting worse due to climate change? Is a new wave of direct action resistance emerging, one similar but more widespread than that sparked by Earth First!, the first avowedly “radical” environmental group? The radical environmental movement, which was formed in the United States in 1980, controversially transformed environmental politics by en- gaging in and promoting civil disobedience and sabotage as environmen- talist tactics. By the late 1980s and into the 1990s, when the most militant radical environmentalists adopted the Earth Liberation Front name, arson was increasingly deployed. The targets included gas-guzzling sport utility vehicles, U.S. Forest Service and timber company offices, resorts and com- mercial developments expanding into wildlife habitat, and universities and corporations engaged in research creating genetically modified organisms.
    [Show full text]
  • Culture of Resistance – Interview with Lierre Keith, Co-Author of Deep Green Resistance: Strategy to Save the Planet (With
    Culture of Resistance – Interview with Lierre Keith, co-author of Deep Green Resistance: Strategy to Save the Planet (with Derrick Jensen and Aric McBay – Seven Stories Press, 2011) Helen Moore: Many people reading this will have woken up to the fact that industrial civilisation is having catastrophic effects on our planet, and they may also be engaged in artistic or scientific endeavours to address the ecological and spiritual crisis we collectively face. Human consciousness is clearly at a crossroads right now, and there’s growing awareness of our deep interconnection with all beings and a need for radical change in how we live. However, you and your co-authors have concluded that for life on Earth to be preserved, we require a co-ordinated resistance movement. Could you begin by talking about this? Lierre Keith: Your question cuts to the heart of the difference between liberalism and radicalism. For liberals, social reality is constituted of thoughts and ideas. This is called idealism. Social change, then, happens through education, through rational discussion and discourse. It happens by changing people’s minds. In contrast, radicals understand that society is made up of material institutions that organize the subordination of one group to another. Education is always a necessary activity for a resistance movement, but education for what purpose? If education is the end goal, that’s a liberal approach. For radicals, education raises consciousness and gives people the tools to name their experience and hopefully they are then inspired to join a resistance movement. That’s the goal of political education. It’s that resistance that confronts and dismantles the structures of power.
    [Show full text]
  • 24178 Cover.Indd
    School Teachers’ Review Body Twenty-First Report – 2012 Chair: Dame Patricia Hodgson, DBE Cm 8487 £29.75 School Teachers’ Review Body TWENTY-FIRST REPORT – 2012 Chair: Dame Patricia Hodgson, DBE Presented to Parliament by the Prime Minister and the Secretary of State for Education by Command of Her Majesty December 2012 Cm 8487 £29.75 © Crown copyright 2012 You may re-use this information (excluding logos) free of charge in any format or medium, under the terms of the Open Government Licence. To view this licence, visit http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/ or e-mail: [email protected]. Where we have identified any third party copyright information you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned. Any enquiries regarding this publication should be sent to: Office of Manpower Economics, Victoria House, Southampton Row, London WC1B 4AD http://www.ome.uk.com/enquiry/default.aspx This publication is available for download at www.official-documents.gov.uk ISBN: 9780101848725 Printed in the UK by The Stationery Office Limited on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office ID P002523873 11/12 24178 18534 Printed on paper containing 75% recycled fibre content minimum. TERMS AND ABBREVIATIONS Consultees Organisations which made representations and provided evidence to the STRB ASCL Association of School and College Leaders ATL Association of Teachers and Lecturers BATOD British Association of Teachers of the Deaf DfE/the Department for Education Department four unions
    [Show full text]
  • WHY WE ARE FEMINISTS by Lierre Keith GET INVOLVED
    DEEP GREEN RESISTANCE (DGR) IS A MOVEMENT BASED PARTLY ON THE BOOK, BY DERRICK JENSEN, LIERRE KEITH, AND ARIC MCBAY CALLED DEEP GREEN RESISTANCE: STRATEGY TO SAVE THE PLANET. DGR HAS A PLAN OF ACTION FOR ANYONE DETERMINED TO WHY WE ARE FIGHT FOR THIS PLanet—and WIN. SUBSCRIBE TO THE WEBSITE, GIVE FEEDBACK, AND LET OTHERS KNOW. TAKE ACTION. START OR JOIN A DGR FEMINISTS ACTION GROUP. VOLUNTEER. BY GET INVOLVED Website: deepgreenresistancenewyork.wordpress.com LIERRE KEITH Facebook.com/dgrnewyork Phone: (917) 830-3595 E-mail: [email protected] deepgreenresistance.org WHY WE ARE FEMINISTS: • Langford, Rae and June D. Thompson. Mosby’s Handbook of Dis- eases, 3rd Edition. St. Louis, MO: Elsevier Health Sciences, 2005. THE FEMINIST FRAMEWORK OF DGR • Lenskyj, Helen. “An Analysis of Violence Against Women: A Manu- BY LIERRE KEITH al for Educators and Administrators.” Toronto: Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, 1992. • Jeffreys, Sheila. “Sado-Masochism: The Erotic Cult of Fascism.” Q: Is DGR a feminist organization? Lesbian Ethics 2, No. 1, Spring 1986. A: Unconditionally yes. • Smedley, Audrey. Race in North America: Origin and Evolution of a Worldview. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2007. In the words of Andrea Dworkin, “Feminism is the political • “UN calls for strong action to eliminate violence against wom- en.” UN News Centre. http://www.un.org/apps/news/story. practice of fighting male supremacy in behalf of women as asp?NewsID=16674&Cr=&Cr1=. a class.”1 SUGGESTED READING • Andrea Dworkin. Life and Death. New York: The Free Press, 1997. Let’s start with the phrase “women as a class.” From a radical • Cordelia Fine.
    [Show full text]
  • Trans* Politics and the Feminist Project: Revisiting the Politics of Recognition to Resolve Impasses
    Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2020, Volume 8, Issue 3, Pages 312–320 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v8i3.2825 Article Trans* Politics and the Feminist Project: Revisiting the Politics of Recognition to Resolve Impasses Zara Saeidzadeh * and Sofia Strid Department of Gender Studies, Örebro University, 702 81 Örebro, Sweden; E-Mails: [email protected] (Z.S.), [email protected] (S.S.) * Corresponding author Submitted: 24 January 2020 | Accepted: 7 August 2020 | Published: 18 September 2020 Abstract The debates on, in, and between feminist and trans* movements have been politically intense at best and aggressively hostile at worst. The key contestations have revolved around three issues: First, the question of who constitutes a woman; second, what constitute feminist interests; and third, how trans* politics intersects with feminist politics. Despite decades of debates and scholarship, these impasses remain unbroken. In this article, our aim is to work out a way through these impasses. We argue that all three types of contestations are deeply invested in notions of identity, and therefore dealt with in an identitarian way. This has not been constructive in resolving the antagonistic relationship between the trans* movement and feminism. We aim to disentangle the antagonism within anti-trans* feminist politics on the one hand, and trans* politics’ responses to that antagonism on the other. In so doing, we argue for a politics of status-based recognition (drawing on Fraser, 2000a, 2000b) instead of identity-based recognition, highlighting individuals’ specific needs in soci- ety rather than women’s common interests (drawing on Jónasdóttir, 1991), and conceptualising the intersections of the trans* movement and feminism as mutually shaping rather than as trans* as additive to the feminist project (drawing on Walby, 2007, and Walby, Armstrong, and Strid, 2012).
    [Show full text]
  • It Is Impossible to Know How Much of the Surge in Reported Hate Crimes
    It is impossible to know how much of the surge in reported hate crimes against LGBTQ people is due to escalating harassment and violence, and how much is down to the increased willingness of victims to inform the authorities. What we do know that is that recorded homophobic and transphobic hate crimes have jumped every year since 2015, and yet with an estimated four in five still going unreported, the already grisly figures only hint at a far bleaker reality. The incidents vary in nature and severity: from abuse hurled at someone identified as LGBTQ because of their appearance, or mannerisms, or a fleeting or profound show of affection towards a partner; to gay men being beaten and robbed, as happened in a suspected homophobic attack on the streets of Edinburgh last month, or a trans man savagely attacked in Bournemouth earlier this year. “According to our research, many experienced verbal harassment, physical abuse, threatening messages, and damage to property,” says Eloise Stonborough of the LGBTQ civil rights organisation Stonewall. In all cases, there is often a visceral sense of humiliation linked to a sudden invasive reminder that your innate characteristics still drive a section of society to violent disgust. After all the undoubted progress, anti-LGBTQ bigotry remains a kind of secret authoritarian regime in this country. It compels many LGBTQ people to alter their behaviour in order to quietly blend in, or to pretend they are something they are not to relatives, friends and colleagues in order to avoid experiences ranging from the uncomfortable to the outright menacing.
    [Show full text]
  • Representativeness of the European Social Partner Organisations: Education
    Representativeness of the European social partner organisations: Education Objectives of study Economic background National level of interest representation European level of interest representation Commentary References Annex: List of abbreviations This report is available in electronic format only. Wyattville Road, Loughlinstown, Dublin 18, Ireland. - Tel: (+353 1) 204 31 00 - Fax: 282 42 09 / 282 64 56 e-mail: [email protected] - website: www.eurofound.europa.eu This study sets out to provide the necessary information for establishing and assisting sectoral social dialogue in the education sector. The report has three main parts: a summary of the sector’s economic background; an analysis of the social partner organisations in all EU Member States, with special emphasis on their membership, their role in collective bargaining/employment regulation and public policy, and their national and European affiliations; and an analysis of the relevant European organisations, in particular their membership composition and their capacity to negotiate. The aim of the EIRO series of representativeness studies is to identify the relevant national and supranational social partner organisations in the field of industrial relations in selected sectors. The impetus for these studies arises from the goal of the European Commission to recognise the representative social partner organisations to be consulted under the EC Treaty provisions. Hence, this study is designed to provide the basic information required to establish and evaluate sectoral social dialogue. Objectives of study The aim of this representativeness study is to identify the relevant national and supranational associational actors – that is the trade unions and employer associations – in the field of industrial relations in the education sector, and to show how these actors relate to the sector’s European interest associations of labour and business.
    [Show full text]
  • Online Anti-Rape Activism EMERALD STUDIES in CRIMINOLOGY, FEMINISM and SOCIAL CHANGE
    Online Anti-Rape Activism EMERALD STUDIES IN CRIMINOLOGY, FEMINISM AND SOCIAL CHANGE Series Editors: Sandra Walklate, School of Social Sciences, Monash University, Australia. Kate Fitz-Gibbon, School of Social Sciences at Monash University and Monash Gender and Family Violence Prevention Centre, Australia. Jude McCulloch, Monash University and Monash Gender and Family Violence Prevention Centre, Australia. JaneMaree Maher, Centre for Women’s Studies and Gender Research Sociology, Monash University, Australia. Emerald Studies in Criminology, Feminism and Social Change offers a platform for innovative, engaged, and forward-looking feminist-informed work to explore the interconnections between social change and the capacity of criminology to grapple with the implications of such change. Social change, whether as a result of the movement of peoples, the impact of new technologies, the potential consequences of climate change, or more commonly iden- tified features of changing societies, such as ageing populations, inter-generational conflict, the changing nature of work, increasing awareness of the problem of gen- dered violence(s), and/or changing economic and political context, takes its toll across the globe in infinitely more nuanced and inter-connected ways than previously imag- ined. Each of these connections carry implications for what is understood as crime, the criminal, the victim of crime and the capacity of criminology as a discipline to make sense of these evolving interconnections. Feminist analysis, despite its conten- tious relationship with the discipline of criminology, has much to offer in strengthen- ing the discipline to better understand the complexity of the world in the twenty-first century and to scan the horizon for emerging, possible or likely futures.
    [Show full text]
  • Consultation Response
    RAS 22 Ymchwiliad i ffoaduriaid a cheiswyr lloches yng Nghymru Inquiry into refugees and asylum seekers in Wales Ymateb gan: Cymdeithas Genedlaethol yr Ysgolfeistri ac Athrawesau Response from: National Association of Schoolmasters and Women Teachers 1. The NASUWT welcomes the opportunity to submit written evidence to the Equality, Local Government and Communities Committee (ELGCC) Inquiry into refugees and asylum seekers in Wales. 2. The NASUWT is the largest teachers’ union in Wales representing teachers and school leaders. GENERAL COMMENTS 3. The NASUWT acknowledges that the Refugee and Asylum Seeker Delivery Plan 2016-2019 (the Delivery Plan) seeks to present a holistic approach to supporting refugees and asylum seekers and welcomes the statement in the Ministerial Foreword that it contains: ‘…the collaborative actions which will enable asylum seekers and refugees to have the opportunities to learn, thrive and contribute to the economic, environmental, social and cultural life of Wales.’ 4. The NASUWT views those collaborative actions as vital to supporting schools and colleges to meet the needs of refugee and asylum-seeker children and their families. 5. The Union maintains that schools and colleges must be resourced and funded effectively around all necessary aspects of the integration of refugee and asylum seeker children and families into the whole school community and that cross-agency working related to the eight areas of collaboration identified in the Delivery Plan, which in itself must be funded NASUWT The largest teachers’ union in Wales Yr undeb athrawon mwyaf yng Nghymru 1 appropriately, must be available to school and college communities who are often the first point of contact for refugee families.
    [Show full text]
  • Health and Safety Reps Handbook 2020 (England)
    NASUWT England The Teachers’ Union Health and Safety Representatives’ Handbook Health and Safety Calendar Events Dates Health and safety inspections Meetings of school/college Health and Safety Committee NASUWT training courses NASUWT and other briefings This handbook, issued to all NASUWT Health and Safety Representatives, gives an overview of a range of health and safety topics and should be read in conjunction with other sources listed in the margins and the Health and Safety section of the NASUWT website. From the General Secretary Dear Colleague The NASUWT approach to health, safety and welfare at work stems from the view that health is a positive state of wellbeing, not simply the absence of injury or disease, and that work should enhance the health of workers and not undermine it. In the workplace, the NASUWT Health and Safety Representative is central to the work of the Union team. By working in partnership with the NASUWT Workplace Representative and other members active in the NASUWT, including your Local Association Secretary and your Health and Safety Co-ordinator, you can make a significant difference to the working environment. Improving the working environment in schools and colleges is a key responsibility for the NASUWT Health and Safety Representative. Organising around health and safety activity is an ideal way to engage NASUWT members in this activity and demonstrate the value of union membership. Research shows that a well-organised and unionised workplace is more likely to be safer and healthier. I hope that you will find this handbook useful. The first section contains basic information about the role and functions of Health and Safety Representatives and outlines the support that you can expect from the Union, including training opportunities.
    [Show full text]
  • Call for Evidence the Role of the GEO: Embedding Equalities Across Government
    Written evidence submitted by LGB Alliance [GEO0036] Call for evidence The role of the GEO: embedding equalities across Government Executive summary 1. Introduction Who we are, why we exist and what are our key concerns 1.1 This submission is made by LGB Alliance. LGB Alliance is a group representing thousands of lesbians, gay men and bisexuals who share grave concerns about the loss of our rights. If you have any questions regarding our response, we can be reached at [email protected] 1.2 We are particularly troubled by the drive to replace, in law and in wider public usage, the word “sex” (meaning biological sex) with “gender identity” or “gender expression”. Eliminating the word “sex” has the effect of erasing homosexuality. We are long-time gay and lesbian activists who fought for the rights of people with a same-sex sexual orientation. We are alarmed to see these rights being eroded. The structure and function of the GEO and its location in the Cabinet Office: how effectively does this enable it to support cross-departmental work on equalities, including the collection and analysis of equalities data? 2. GEO as the “unwanted orphan” 2.1 Aside from a brief period from 2007-2010 when it was an independent department, the GEO has been moved around between several Government Departments in Whitehall. It has been moved from the Home Office to DCMS to DfE to DfID and most recently to the Cabinet Office. 2.2 These frequent moves have undermined the effectiveness of GEO. The damaging effects of constant moves are highlighted in the inquiry into “The role of Minister for Women and Equalities and the place of GEO in government” https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/cmselect/cmwomeq/356/3560 4.htm 2.3 One serious concern is that civil servants who do not have dedicated GEO roles within Cabinet Office may lack the opportunity to become subject-matter experts.
    [Show full text]
  • What Is Anarcho-Primitivism?
    The Anarchist Library Anti-Copyright What is Anarcho-Primitivism? Anonymous Anonymous What is Anarcho-Primitivism? 2005 Retrieved on 11 December 2010 from blackandgreenbulletin.blogspot.com theanarchistlibrary.org 2005 Rousseau, Jean Jacques. (2001). On the Inequality among Mankind. Vol. XXXIV, Part 3. The Harvard Classics. (Origi- nal 1754). Retrieved November 13, 2005, from Bartleby.com: www.bartleby.com Sahlins, Marshall. (1972). “The Original Affluent Society.” 1–39. In Stone Age Economics. Hawthorne, New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Sale, Kirkpatrick. (1995a). Rebels against the future: the Luddites and their war on the Industrial Revolution: lessons for the computer age. New York: Addison-Wesley. — . (1995b, September 25). “Unabomber’s Secret Treatise: Is There Method In His Madness?” The Nation, 261, 9, 305–311. “Situationism”. (2002). The Art Industri Group. Retrieved Novem- ber 15, 2005, from Art Movements Directory: www.artmovements.co.uk Stobbe, Mike (2005, Dec 8). “U.S. Life Expectancy Hits All- Time High.” Retrieved December 8, 2005, from Yahoo! News: news.yahoo.com — Tucker, Kevin. (2003, Spring). “The Spectacle of the Symbolic.” Species Traitor: An Insurrectionary Anarcho-Primitivist Journal, 3, 15–21. U.S. Forestland by Age Class. Retrieved December 7, 2005, from Endgame Research Services: www.endgame.org Zerzan, John. (1994). Future Primitive and Other Essays. Brooklyn: Autonomedia. — . (2002, Spring). “It’s All Coming Down!” In Green Anarchy, 8, 3–3. — . (2002). Running on Emptiness: The Pathology of Civilisation. Los Angeles: Feral House. Zinn, Howard. (1997). “Anarchism.” 644–655. In The Zinn Reader: Writings on disobedience and democracy. New York: Seven Sto- ries. 23 Kassiola, Joel Jay. (1990) The Death of Industrial Civilization: The Limits to Economic Growth and the Repoliticization of Advanced Industrial Society.
    [Show full text]