Download PDF with Citations
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Rethinking Documentary Photography
RETHINKING DOCUMENTARY PHOTOGRAPHY: DOCUMENTARY AND POLITICS IN TIMES OF RIOTS AND UPRISINGS —————————————————— A Thesis Presented to The Honors Tutorial College Ohio University —————————————————— In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation from the Honors Tutorial College with the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Art History —————————————————— by Jack Opal May 2013 Introduction I would like to think about documentary photography. In particular, I would like to rethink the limits of documentary photography for the contemporary. Documentary, traditionally, concerns itself with the (re)presentation of factual information, constitutes a record.1 For decades, documentary – and especially social documentary – has been under siege; its ability to capture and convey and adequately represent “truth” thrown into question, victim to the aestheticization of the objects, fading trust in their authors, and technological development. So much so that the past three decades have prompted photographer, documentarian, and art historian Martha Rosler to question first its utility, then its role, and finally its future in society. All of this has opened up the possibility and perhaps the need to reconsider the conditions and purpose of documentary practice, and to consider the ways in which it has been impacted by recent technological and historical developments. The invention of the internet and the refinement of the (video) camera into ever more portable devices and finally into the smartphone, and the rise to ubiquity within society of these inventions, signifies a major shift in documentary. So, too, have certain events of the past two decades – namely, the beating of Rodney King (and the circulation of the video of that event) and the development and adoption of the occupation as a major tactic within the political left. -
IMMIGRATION PREEMPTION AFTER UNITED STATES V. ARIZONA
Johnson & Spiro Final.docx (DO NOT DELETE)1/22/2013 5:14 PM DEBATE IMMIGRATION PREEMPTION AFTER UNITED STATES v. ARIZONA OPENING STATEMENT Preemption of State and Local Immigration Laws Remains Robust KIT JOHNSON† Many people, frustrated with what they believe to be a failure of the federal government to police the nation’s borders, have sought to leverage state and local laws to do what the federal government has not: get tough on undocumented migrants. The primary stumbling block for these attempts is federal preemption as the “[p]ower to regulate immigration is unquestionably exclusively a federal power.” DeCanas v. Bica, 424 U.S. 351, 354 (1976). This June, in a victory for local movements against undocumented immigration, the Supreme Court held that federal law did not preempt an Arizona law requiring police to “make a ‘reasonable attempt . to deter- mine the immigration status of any person they stop, detain, or arrest’” whenever they reasonably believe the person is “unlawfully present in the United States.” Arizona v. United States, 132 S. Ct. 2492, 2507 (2012) (quoting Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 11-1051(B) (2012)). The task now falls to lower courts to apply Arizona to the myriad other state and local laws coming down the pike. The en banc Fifth Circuit is presently considering whether a Dallas suburb may use a scheme of “occu- pancy licenses” to prevent undocumented immigrants from living in rental housing within city limits. See Villas at Parkside Partners v. City of Farmers † Associate Professor, University of Oklahoma College of Law; J.D., 2000, University of California, Berkeley, School of Law. -
The Anti-Immigrant Game
Op-Ed The anti-immigrant game Laws such as Arizona's SB 1070 are not natural responses to undue hardship but are products of partisan politics. Opponents of SB 1070 raise their fists after unfurling an enormous banner from the beam of a 30-story high construction crane in downtown Phoenix, Arizona in 2010. If upheld, Arizona's SB 1070 would require local police in most circumstances to determine the immigration status of anyone they stop based only on a reasonable suspicion that the person is unlawfully in this country. (Los Angeles Times / April 23, 2012) By Pratheepan Gulasekaram and Karthick Ramakrishnan April 24, 2012 The Supreme Court hears oral arguments Wednesday on the constitutionality of Arizona's 2010 immigration enforcement law. If upheld, SB 1070 would require local police in most circumstances to determine the immigration status of anyone they stop based only on a reasonable suspicion that the person is unlawfully in this country. It would also compel residents to carry their immigration papers at all times and create state immigration crimes distinct from what is covered by federal law. A few other states, such as Alabama and Georgia, and some cities have passed similar laws, and many more may consider such laws if the Supreme Court finds Arizona's law to be constitutional. The primary legal debate in U.S. vs. Arizona will focus on the issue of whether a state government can engage in immigration enforcement without the explicit consent of the federal government. The state of Arizona will argue that its measure simply complements federal enforcement, while the federal government will argue that Arizona's law undermines national authority and that immigration enforcement is an exclusively federal responsibility. -
The Widening Impact of Arizona SB 1070: a State by State Look
The Widening Impact of Arizona SB 1070: A State by State Look Even before Arizona’s new immigration law takes effect, lawmakers in other states are following Arizona’s lead. Here are the states that are considering or have introduced laws similar to Arizona’s statutes that target illegal immigrants. State Bill Status Michigan Sen. Michelle McManus (R) introduced Senate bill 1388 Referred to the Senate Judiciary on June 15, 2010. This requires law enforcement Committee on June 15, 2010. officers make a reasonable attempt when practicable to determine the immigration status of any person Michigan Legislature - Senate Bill 1388 detained under any lawful stop, detention, or arrest if (2010) there is a reasonable suspicion that the person is an illegal alien. Minnesota Rep. Steve Drazkowski, R-Mazeppa, introduced The bill introduced to the house, but will legislation that would create a Minnesota Illegal not advance this year. Immigration Enforcement Team and require immigrants to carry an “alien registration” card. The bill uses the Minnesota HF3830 same “reasonable suspicion” protocol that has generated criticism against Arizona’s law. The bill is referred to as “ The Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act” Nebraska The town of Fremont approved a ban on hiring or State Sen. Charlie Janssen of Fremont renting property to illegal immigrants. plans to introduce a stricter immigration bill in 2011 based at least in part on City of Fremont, Nebraska Immigration Ordinance Arizona's law. Oklahoma House Bill 1804 restricts undocumented immigrants Republican state Rep. Randy Terrill from obtaining IDs or public assistance, give police plans to introduce a bill that would also authority to check the status of anyone arrested, and likely include asset seizure and forfeiture make it a felony to knowingly provide shelter, provisions for immigration-related crimes transportation or employment to the undocumented. -
Human Rights Zone: Building an Antiracist City in Tucson, Arizona
Human Rights Zone: Building an antiracist city in Tucson, Arizona Jenna M. Loyd 1 [email protected] Abstract: Tucson, Arizona is on the front lines of border militarization and the criminalization of migration. Residents there are crafting creative responses to the state and federal government’s increasingly punitive treatment of migration. This critical intervention piece focuses on the We Reject Racism campaign as an effort to build an antiracist city in conditions of steady police and military presence. It situates this campaign in a historical lineage of building open and sanctuary cities, and suggests that demilitarization and decriminalization should be recognized as central aspects of antiracist Right to the City organizing. I arrived in Tucson, Arizona on the afternoon of July 28, 2010. Immediately, I spotted signs that read “We Reject Racism: Human Rights Respected Here” dotting modest front yards and lining storefronts of businesses near downtown. Soon these same signs, and many others, would fill the city’s streets. The immediate issue was Senate Bill 1070, a state law that would require police officers engaged in a legal stop to question people about their migration status and to arrest them if they could not produce paperwork verifying the legality of their presence. The bill received national and international criticism for enshrining a ‘Papers, please’ policy, and promising a future of racial profiling and civil rights abuses. The stated goal of SB 1070 is “attrition through enforcement,” and includes provisions for policing daily mobility and work that would make everyday life for undocumented migrants so difficult, legally and economically, that they would 1 Creative Commons licence: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works Building an antiracist city in Tucson, Arizona 134 have no choice but to leave the state (or ‘self-deport’). -
Copwatching Jocelyn Simonson Brooklyn Law School, [email protected]
Brooklyn Law School BrooklynWorks Faculty Scholarship 4-2016 Copwatching Jocelyn Simonson Brooklyn Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/faculty Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, and the Evidence Commons Recommended Citation 104 Cal. L. Rev. 391 (2016) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by BrooklynWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of BrooklynWorks. Copwatching Jocelyn Simonson* This Article explores the phenomenon of organized copwatching-groups of local residents who wear uniforms, carry visible recording devices, patrol neighborhoods, and film police- citizen interactions in an effort to hold police departments accountable to the populations they police. The Article argues that the practice of copwatching illustrates both the promise of adversarialism as a form of civic engagement and the potential of traditionally powerless populations to contribute to constitutional norms governing police conduct. Organized copwatching serves a unique function in the world of police accountability by giving these populations a vehicle through which to have direct, real-time input into policing decisions that affect their neighborhoods. Many scholars recognize that a lack ofpublic participationis a barrier to true police accountability. When searchingfor solutions these same scholars often focus on studying and perfecting consensus-based methods of participation such as community policing, and neglect the study of more adversarial, confrontational forms of localparticipation in policing. By analyzing copwatching as a form of public participation,this Article challenges the scholarly focus on consensus-based strategies of police accountability. The Article urges scholars and reformers to take adversarial,bottom-up mechanisms of police accountability seriously-not just as protest, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15779/Z38SK27 Copyright © 2016 California Law Review, Inc. -
Ppr47i Final?
issue #47 may www. portlandcopwatch. org 2009 Auditor Blackmer to resign May 18 —see p. 2 Chief Sizer Finally Releases (Good Secret List Allowed to Continue, Beginning of) Racial Profiling Plan With Reservations, In Judge’s Ruling ...on the Same Day the Police Review Board he controversial plan which Portland Mercury, January 15 Publishes Its “Bias Based Policing” Report forces repeat arrestees to enter SUCCESSOR TO RACIAL PROFILING COMMITTEE IGNORES Ttreatment or face felony charges for EXPLICIT POLICE BIGOTRY IN GANG CRACKDOWN misdemeanor crimes—Project 57/ oughly two years after the deadline given her by aka the Neighborhood Livability community groups, Portland Police Chief Rosie Sizer Enforcement Program (NLECP)— Rreleased her plan to reduce racial profiling on Feb. 18. went on trial in early 2009. The That morning, the Citizen Review Committee (CRC) program depends on a secret list of published its own interim report on “Disparate Treatment some 400 people who are targeted Complaints” examined as chronic offenders (PPR #46). On by its Bias Based Policing April 8, Multnomah Circuit Court Work Group. At the Judge Dale Koch ruled that the City March 18 meeting of the could not use the list to stiffen people’s charges. However, he “Community/Police also said they could present suspects’ repeat convictions (not just Relations Committee” of arrests) to the District Attorney on a case by case basis for review. the new Human Rights As a result, two of five defendants in the case will be charged This image found on the KALB-TV Commission (HRC), with felonies based on their previous records. -
Left Back: the Impact of SB 1070 on Arizona's Youth
LEFT BACK: The Impact of SB 1070 on Arizona’s Youth Southwest Institute for Research on Women, College of Social and Behavioral Sciences Bacon Immigration Law and Policy Program, James E. Rogers College of Law September 2011 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .............................................................................................. 1 I. INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................... 3 II. BACKGROUND AND METHODOLOGY ........................................................... 5 III. KEY FINDINGS....................................................................................................... 7 1. Social Disruption and Its Consequences for Students, Families, and Schools7 A. Flight from the State .............................................................................................. 8 1) The Character of Departure ............................................................................... 8 2) Where Did People Go?.................................................................................... 10 3) How Many People Left?.................................................................................. 10 B. What This Social Disruption Meant for Youth .................................................... 11 1) The Strenuous Deliberation over Whether to Leave ....................................... 12 2) Youth Left Behind........................................................................................... 13 3) Distress and its -
Az-Complaint.Pdf
1 Tony West Assistant Attorney General 2 Dennis K. Burke United States Attorney 3 Arthur R. Goldberg Assistant Director, Federal Programs Branch 4 Varu Chilakamarri (NY Bar #4324299) Joshua Wilkenfeld (NY Bar #4440681) 5 U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Division 20 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. 6 Washington, DC 20530 Tel. (202) 616-8489/Fax (202) 616-8470 7 [email protected] Attorneys for the United States 8 9 10 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT 11 FOR THE DISTRICT OF ARIZONA 12 The United States of America, No. ________________ 13 Plaintiff, 14 v. COMPLAINT 15 The State of Arizona; and Janice K. Brewer, Governor of the State of Arizona, in her 16 Official Capacity, 17 18 Defendants. 19 Plaintiff, the United States of America, by its undersigned attorneys, brings this civil 20 action for declaratory and injunctive relief, and alleges as follows: 21 INTRODUCTION 22 1. In this action, the United States seeks to declare invalid and preliminarily and 23 permanently enjoin the enforcement of S.B. 1070, as amended and enacted by the State of 24 Arizona, because S.B. 1070 is preempted by federal law and therefore violates the 25 Supremacy Clause of the United States Constitution. 26 2. In our constitutional system, the federal government has preeminent authority to 27 regulate immigration matters. This authority derives from the United States Constitution and 28 numerous acts of Congress. The nation’s immigration laws reflect a careful and considered 1 balance of national law enforcement, foreign relations, and humanitarian interests. Congress 2 has assigned to the United States Department of Homeland Security, Department of Justice, 3 and Department of State, along with other federal agencies, the task of enforcing and 4 administering these immigration-related laws. -
The Cascading Effects of Arizona's SB 1070 an Overview
Special Section ARIZONA’S SB 1070 The Cascading Effects of Arizona’s SB 1070 An Overview Erik Lee* lthough at the time of this writing, U.S. District Judge Susan Bolton in Phoenix has halted the implemen Atation of several parts of Arizona Senate Bill 1070 in advance of a more thorough hearing on the measure, the Henry Romero/REUTERS bill itself necessitates a broader rethinking of how the Unit ed States and Mexico interact on a very important yet poor ly addressed policy issue: migration. For this reason, on June 16, 2010, the North American Center for Transborder Studies (NACTS ) at Arizona State University and the Center for Re search on North America (CISAN ) at Mexico’s National Auto nomous University convened a number of researchers to discuss SB 1070 in detail. What emerged was a portrait of com plexity at a particularly difficult juncture in the U.S.Mex ico binational relationship as well as the sense of having witness ed a historical milestone with many “cascading” effects and con sequences yet to come. The presentations and articles for the most part focused on recent developments in local and state antiimmigration measures, but in his article, “The Immigration Debate about Mexicans,” Jaime Aguila1 gives some even broader historical context to SB 1070. He focuses on the complex decade of the 1930s, which saw economic catastrophe, repatriation of Mex icans, and Mexican government attempts to reintegrate re * Associate Director, North American Center for Transborder Stu dies, Arizona State University. 79 Voices of Mexico • 88 The enormous increase in Arizona’s Mexican population in the 1990s was largely driven by U.S. -
Keeping Citizenship Rights White: Arizona's Racial Profiling Practices in Immigration Law Enforcement
K E EPIN G C I T I Z E NSH IP RI G H TS W H I T E : A RI Z O N A’S R A C I A L PR O F I L IN G PR A C T I C ES IN I M M I G R A T I O N L A W E N F O R C E M E N T Mary Romero1 IN T R O DU C T I O N This article analyzes policing practices that result in the mistreatment of citizens and immigrants of color in Arizona and argues that discriminatory and discretionary policing, by both formal and informal means, connects citizenship rights to race. The article begins with an overview of racial profiling and by reviewing the conceptual frameworks primarily applied to the Black experience in the U.S. and demonstrate the usefulness of those frameworks in analyzing the experience of Latinos in the U.S. Next, the article identifies law enforcement racial profiling practices and examines the relationship between those practices and other discretionary powers used by law enforcement to deny Latinos the same treatment as white citizens or white immigrants. Then, drawing on newspaper accounts, law enforcement reports, human and civil rights reports, and lawsuits filed against Maricopa County, the article discusses the risk that citizens and immigrants of color face as a result of racial profiling in immigration law enforcement. This section focuses on narratives from Melendres v. Arpaio and a similar care involving Velia Meraz and her brother Manuel Nieto. -
Arizona V. United States: a Limited Role for States in Immigration Enforcement
Arizona v. United States: A Limited Role for States in Immigration Enforcement Kate M. Manuel Legislative Attorney Michael John Garcia Actg Section Research Manager/ Legislative Attorney September 10, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R42719 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Arizona v. United States: A Limited Role for States in Immigration Enforcement Summary On June 25, 2012, the Supreme Court issued its much-anticipated decision in Arizona v. United States, ruling that some aspects of an Arizona statute intended to deter unlawfully present aliens from remaining in the state were preempted by federal law, but also holding that Arizona police were not facially preempted from running immigration status checks on persons stopped for state or local offenses. In reaching these conclusions, the Supreme Court made clear that opportunities for states to take independent action in the field of immigration enforcement are more constrained than some had previously believed. In recent years, several states and localities have adopted measures intended to deter the presence of unauthorized aliens within their jurisdiction. An Arizona measure enacted in 2010, commonly referred to as S.B. 1070, arguably represents the vanguard of these attempts to test the legal limits of greater state involvement in immigration enforcement. The major provisions of S.B. 1070 can be divided into two categories: (1) those provisions seeking to bolster direct enforcement of federal immigration law by Arizona law enforcement, including through the identification and apprehension of unlawfully present aliens; and (2) those provisions that criminalize conduct which may facilitate the presence of unauthorized aliens within the state.