The NATO-Russia Relationship
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What Is Digital Power?
Études de l’Ifri WHAT IS DIGITAL POWER? Jean-Christophe NOËL November 2019 French Institute of International Relations The French Institute of International Relations (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. A global leader in consulting, technology services and digital transformation, Capgemini is at the forefront of innovation to address the entire breadth of clients’ opportunities in the evolving world of cloud, digital and platforms. Building on its strong 50-year heritage and deep industry- specific expertise, Capgemini enables organizations to realize their business ambitions through an array of services from strategy to operations. Capgemini is driven by the conviction that the business value of technology comes from and through people. It is a multicultural company of over 200,000 team members in more than 40 countries. The Group reported 2018 global revenues of EUR 13.2 billion. This study has been carried out within the partnership between Capgemini and the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri). ISBN: 979-10-373-0092-8 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. How to cite this publication: Jean-Christophe Noël, “What is Digital Power?”, Études de l’Ifri, Ifri, November 2019. -
Threats to Russian Democracy and US-Russian Relations
After Chechnya: Threats to Russian Democracy and U.S.-Russian Relations ARIEL COHEN Introduction : All Politics Is Local , Al¡ Foreign Policy Is Domestic Half a year alter Russian tanks rolled into Chechnya, the future of Russian democracy and free markets is under threat. The internal situation in Russia bears a direct influence on Russia's relations with the outside world and the United States. While the world's leaders gather in Moscow to celebrate the victory over Nazism, Russian Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev is calling for the use of force to "protect" Russian co-ethnics living outside the borders of the Russian Federation. Kozyrev's declarations go beyond mere rhetoric. Russia is introducing its new 58th field army in the Northern Caucasus, in clear and conscious violation of the Conventional Forces Europe (CFE) Treaty, a centerpiece of post-Cold War European security. If Russia is not planning an agressive action either against Ukraine or its Transcaucasus neighbors, why does it need to revise upwards the CFE limitations of 164 tanks and 414 artillery systems? Why was General Alexander Lebed, a self-proclaimed restorer of the old Soviet Union and Commander of the l4th Army in Moldova, applauding Kozyrev? Chechnya became the testing ground for the new Russian policy, both foreign and domestic. The people who engineered it, the so-called Party of War in Moscow, are watching for reactions at honre and abroad to this version of the "last thrust South." The West is facing its greatest challenge since the collapse of communism: how to deal with the Russia that is emerging from under the rubble. -
Thierry De MONTBRIAL*
Thierry de MONTBRIAL* Né le 3 mars 1943 à Paris. Marié. Deux enfants. Etudes Ecole Polytechnique (1963-1965) Ecole Nationale Supérieure des Mines de Paris (1966-1969) University of California, Berkeley. PhD (1970) sous la direction du professeur Gérard Debreu (prix Nobel d’économie 1983). Carrière • 1969 - Ingénieur au Corps des Mines à Metz. • 1969-1973 - Ecole Polytechnique : maître de Conférences. • 1970-1973 - Commissariat Général du Plan : chargé de mission. • 1973-2008 - Ecole Polytechnique : professeur titulaire; président du département de Mathématiques appliquées à la décision et à la gestion, puis du département de Sciences Economiques de 1974 à 1992. • 1973-1979 - Centre d’Analyse et de Prévision, CAP, (devenu Centre d’Analyse et de Prévision Stratégique, CAPS) du Ministère des Affaires étrangères : directeur (premier titulaire de cette fonction). • depuis 1979 - Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) / www.ifri.org : fondateur et président. • 1995 - 2008 - Conservatoire National des Arts et Métiers : professeur titulaire de la chaire « Economie appliquée et relations internationales ». Depuis 2008 – Professeur émérite. • depuis 2008 – Président et fondateur de la World Policy Conference (WPC) / www.worldpolicyconference.com . Autres enseignements et missions à l’étranger • Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Paris : professeur à plusieurs reprises entre 1971 et 1991 : cours d’« Economie approfondie » (1971-1973) ; cours d’« Economie internationale » (1980-1986) ; cours « Les grandes lignes de partage du monde contemporain » (1989-1991). • Institut Universitaire des Hautes Etudes Internationales (IUHEI) de Genève : professeur invité à plusieurs reprises depuis 1983. Leçon d’ouverture de l’année académique 1997-1998 à l’IUHEI (Genève) : « Les grandes tendances des relations internationales à la fin du siècle ». -
Yevgeny Primakov's Operational Code and Russian Foreign Policy
University of Tampere Faculty of Management Politics/International Relations YEVGENY PRIMAKOV’S OPERATIONAL CODE AND RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Pihla Bernier Master’s Thesis in International Relations Advisor: Tuomas Forsberg ABSTRACT University of Tampere Faculty of Management BERNIER, PIHLA: Yevgeny Primakov’s Operational Code and Russian Foreign Policy Master’s Thesis, 82 pages International Relations August 2018 Keywords: Yevgeny Primakov, Operational Code, Russian Foreign Policy, Russia, Primakov Doctrine Yevgeny Primakov was an important figure in both Soviet and Russian foreign policy circles throughout his lifetime until 2015. He was a critical leader in the 1990s holding positions of both Minister of Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister, which also coincided with times when Russia was charting a new foreign policy course. He reinvented a foreign policy school of thought called Statism which has been the most influential with Russian leaders for many years and continues to be so today. Current research has not adequately addressed his importance. This thesis set out to investigate his beliefs and worldview utilizing the operational code method using Alexander George’s ten question model. Research was conducted based on Primakov’s own writings, speeches and interviews. Yevgeny Primakov has been called both a westernizing leader and a hard-liner, but it was found both of these labels are incorrect. Rather, he should be viewed as a patriotic pragmatist. His actions were motivated by advancing Russian interests of which one of the greatest was restoring Russia as a major player in international relations again. His attitude towards the United States was complex, viewing them as a rival, yet not as an enemy. -
Communicating with the Nation: Russian Politicians Online
RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 123, 21 February 2013 10 ANALYSIS Communicating with the Nation: Russian Politicians Online By Natalia Moen-Larsen, Oslo, Norway Abstract Russia has the largest Internet market in Europe, and Internet use is increasing rapidly. The use of social media has become a valuable tool for the opposition movement; while incumbent political figures have a rapidly expanding online presence. The former president of the Russian Federation, Dmitry Medvedev, has actively utilized the Internet for political purposes, and promoted its use among other state officials and pol- iticians in Russia. This article explores Internet use among the Russian political elite in general, and exam- ines Medvedev’s official weblog in particular. By looking at the function of user comments on the blog, the author assesses communication between the authorities and the people. The article concludes with a prog- nosis as to the future of this new form of political communication under President Putin, who succeeded Dmitri Medvedev in May 2012. Policy-Making in Russia Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). RuNet is The Russian state is often envisioned as centralized, with a linguistically and culturally distinct cyberspace, with power concentrated around the institution of the pres- its own popular web portals, social network sites and idency and the position of the prime minister. How- e-mail services; it is now among the world’s fastest-grow- ever, Russian policy-making also involves a wider cast ing Internet spheres. of characters whose roles need to be explored, so it is The use of social networks like blogs is popular important to look for interaction between power and among RuNet users. -
Moldova: the Failing Champion of European Integration by Vladimir Soloviev Translated and Edited by Olga Khvostunova
TRANSITIONS FORUM GLOBAL TRANSITIONS | JULY 2014 Moldova: The Failing Champion of European Integration by Vladimir Soloviev translated and edited by Olga Khvostunova www.li.com www.prosperity.com TRANSITIONS FORUM ABOUT THE LEGATUM INSTITUTE The Legatum Institute is a charitable public policy think-tank whose mission is to help people lead more prosperous lives. The Institute defines prosperity as wellbeing, not just wealth. Its Legatum Prosperity Index™ assesses a wide range of indicators including education, health, social capital, entrepreneurship, and personal freedom to rank 142 countries. Published annually, the Index has become an essential tool for governments around the world. Through research programmes including The Culture of Prosperity, Transitions Forum, and the Economics of Prosperity, the Institute seeks to understand what drives and restrains national success and individual flourishing. The Institute co-publishes with Foreign Policy magazine, the Democracy Lab, whose on-the-ground journalists report on political transitions around the world. The Legatum Institute is based in London and an independent member of the Legatum Group, a private investment group with a 27-year heritage of global investment in businesses and programmes that promote sustainable human development. www.li.com www.prosperity.com http://democracylab.foreignpolicy.com TRANSITIONS FORUM CONTENTS Introduction 3 The EU-Moldova Relationship: Success in Theory 4 The Corruption Issue 7 Compromised Judiciary 9 System Failure 11 Challenges to the Free Media 13 Anchor of Separatism 15 Opposition without a Position 17 Conclusion 18 References 19 About the Author inside back About Our Partner inside back About the Legatum Institute inside front TRANSITIONS lecture series | 2 TRANSITIONS FORUM Introduction In 2014, the European Union signed an association agreement with Moldova and agreed to let Moldovans travel to the EU without visas. -
(NATO) Enlargement: an Overview and Analysis Steven Novotny, Towson University
FALL 2013 NATO ENLARGEMENT: AN OVERVIEW AND ANALYSIS North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Enlargement: An Overview and Analysis Steven Novotny, Towson University Within the United States’ national security apparatus, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is regarded as “the most important [multilateral] institution it works with, its Premier alliance.”1 While NATO’s existence is inveterate and established it has also been open to change, reform and modifi cation. NATO has “transformed dramatically from a Cold War alliance focused on deterrence and preparing for defensive Europe against the Soviet Union, to a much larger, outward looking alliance - one that is engaged in civil-military operations, aimed at tackling a new range of security threats, together with many partners, in places around the globe”2 The principal catalyst for the transformation of NATO has been its enlargement and expansion efforts over the past 60 years. This piece will provide an in-depth observation into the implications that past and future NATO enlargement have had and will have on the United States’ national security policy, as well as on the global arena. This will be provided in four sections. I. A description of NATO: its history, its salient provisions in relation to enlargement efforts, its successive enlargements and its current makeup. II. An explanation of the main issues regarding NATO enlargement, chiefl y its benefi ts as an ameliorating force in the Western Hemisphere, as well as its detriments as a costly entity which is provocative toward Russia in the national security context. III. An analysis of the main issues determining whether the benefi ts of NATO enlargement outweigh the apparent negative issues and whether the negative issues actually exist. -
After the Revolution: Rethinking U.S.-Russia Relations
After The Revolution: Rethinking U.S.-Russia Relations Speech by Bill Bradley at the Keenan Institute, Washington, DC - August 8, 1995 “For the mystery of man’s being is not only in living, but in what one lives for.” – Fyodor Dostoyevsky, The Brothers Karamazov I Four years ago Boris Yeltsin mounted a tank outside the Russian White House and helped to seal the fate of an empire. His act of defiance consigned the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to the dustbin of history and launched his country – and ours – into uncharted waters. Today, America’s policy toward Russia has strayed off course. To manage this essential relationship requires a clear view of Russia. Lacking such a vision, we are like the proverbial blind man before the elephant. II From the end of World War II until the advent of Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985, U.S. policy was largely based on the analysis of Soviet behavior first set out in George Kennan’s seminal 1947 Foreign Affairs arti - cle, “The Sources of Soviet Conduct”. For 40 years, through periods of evil empire and détente, we sought to contain an adversary we viewed as inherently expansionist. The marriage of ideology and circumstances that Kennan identified eventually eroded under the deadening weight of a stagnant party bureaucracy and a withering command economy. By the time Gorbachev took power, he inherited a spiritually and economically bankrupt empire. Over time, as glasnost exposed the soviet Union’s underlying weakness, and perestroika tried to bolster its waning strength, it became clear that we were seeing something new, a Soviet union that had to reform or die. -
Executive Search in Central
Notes¥from¥the¥conference¥¥¥ Alexander Hughes THIERRY DE MONTBRIAL RUSSIA CIS EXECUTIVE SEARCH CONSULTANTS Founder & President of the French Institute MOSCOW European Newsletter for International Relations (IFRI) Notes from the conference... PAGE 2 Alexander Hughes Russia CIS Executive Search in Central Managing Partner: LAURENCE BAPAUME Bolshaya Ordynka St., 44/4 THERE NOW EXISTS DISTINCT SPECI- 109017 Moscow, Russia FICITY IN THE SEARCH FOR TOP MAN- Tel: (7) 095 935 87 77 & Eastern Europe Fax: (7) 095 935 87 78 AGERS IN THESE COUNTRIES: E-mail: [email protected] Commonwealth of Independent ■ Western Managers set-up within these countries and dates' culture, the languages made, throughout the States the new companies and train who, after an internship they speak, and how their search, by the Search local Managers on European abroad, would be capable of families feel about the possi- Consultants on site as well or Anglo-Saxon systems of assuming the proper manage- ble life and career change. as those at the Group head- reporting and productivity. ment of the companies under quarters and the General CENTRAL EUROPE This means of course taking construction or renovation. ■ The complexity of these Management of the local certain transitional measures: different elements and the and international corpora- obviously a "colonial" type of ■ These assignments require suitability of a person to a tion who are recruiting, as policy of importing managers a lot of finesse, taking into certain post comes out of well as the decided motiva- is completely excluded in consideration the candi- the cooperative judgment tion of the candidates. No 26 these countries with such prestigious history. -
Foreign and Domestic Discourse on the Russian Arctic
Foreign and Domestic Discourse on the Russian Arctic Ieva Bērziņa The strained relations between the West and Russia regarding influence in Ukraine may lead to an increase in tension in other regions. The Arctic may become a potential zone of conflict due to its rich natural resources, new transportation routes, military significance, and unsolved territorial issues. The aim of this paper is to identify the governmental discourse of Russia’s top officials describing Russia’s state policy on the Arctic for foreign and domestic audiences. The paper focuses on the period from 2013 till 2015 when tensions in the relationship between Russia and the West increased due to the crisis in Ukraine. The units of analysis are public statements by senior officials of the Russian Federation in speeches and reports in the media. The major finding is that the Arctic should serve in Russian-Western rapprochement rather than becoming the next geopolitical hot spot. Introduction: the regulatory framework of Russian Arctic discourse This article aims to identify how Russian senior officials are communicating Russia’s policy on the Arctic, the main guidelines of which are defined in several documents. The basic documents that the Russian government mentions as being the key decisions on Arctic operations (Government of the Russian Federation 2015) include: Foundations of Russian Federation State Policy in the Arctic through 2020 and beyond (2008, September 18); The Development Strategy of the Russian Arctic and national security for the period until 2020 (2013, February 20); State Program of the Russian Federation ‘Socio-economic development of the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation for the period till 2020’ (2014, April 21); Regulations on the State Commission on the Development of the Arctic (2015, March 14); and The Northern Sea Route Comprehensive Development Project (2015, June 8). -
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol, Coordinator Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs November 4, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33407 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Summary Russia made some uneven progress in democratization during the 1990s, but according to most observers, this limited progress was reversed after Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999-2000. During this period, the State Duma (lower legislative chamber) came to be dominated by government-approved parties and opposition democratic parties were excluded. Putin also abolished gubernatorial elections and established government ownership or control over major media and industries, including the energy sector. The methods used by the Putin government to suppress insurgency in the North Caucasus demonstrated a low regard for the rule of law and scant regard for human rights, according to critics. Dmitriy Medvedev, Vladimir Putin’s chosen successor and long-time protégé, was elected president in March 2008 and immediately chose Putin as prime minister. President Medvedev has continued policies established during the Putin presidency. In August 2008, the Medvedev-Putin “tandem” directed wide-scale military operations against Georgia and unilaterally recognized the independence of Georgia’s separatist South Ossetia and Abkhazia, actions that were censured by most of the international community but which resulted in few, minor, and only temporary international sanctions against Russia. Russia’s economy began to recover from the Soviet collapse in 1999, led mainly by oil and gas exports, but the sharp decline in oil and gas prices in mid-2008 and other aspects of the global economic downturn put a halt to this growth. -
Impacts on Nato Expansion: the Partnership for Peace Program and the Kosovo War
IMPACTS ON NATO EXPANSION: THE PARTNERSHIP FOR PEACE PROGRAM AND THE KOSOVO WAR by James Jarosz A research study submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Global Security Studies Baltimore, Maryland August 2020 © 2020 James Jarosz All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT Considerable academic debate has arisen about the causes of the deteriorating U.S.- Russia relationship. Despite the early promise for improved relations after the Soviet Union’s collapse, Washington and Moscow have struggled to move forward with a productive relationship. A constructive relationship has failed to materialize for numerous reasons, but one of the most prominent legacy issues for today’s adversarial relationship is the original decision to expand NATO in the 1990s and the failure to integrate Russia into the post-Cold War European security architecture. This research paper is attempting to answer how and why Russia failed to become integrated into NATO during the debates surrounding NATO expansion in the 1990s. This paper hypothesizes that Russia’s discontentment with the Partnership for Peace (PFP) and NATO’s Kosovo campaign served as “rupture points” in the relationship that ultimately precluded them from joining. By utilizing a historical methods approach, leveraging recently declassified primary source documents, memoirs, diaries and secondary sources, this paper constructs a broader narrative about the arguments surrounding PFP and NATO involvement in the Balkans, in order to assess the impacts of the Partnership for Peace Program and the Kosovo war on Russia’s failure to join NATO. The paper finds split causality, with evidence supporting the Kosovo hypothesis, but not the PFP.