UC Merced Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology

Title History of Great Basin Anthropological Research, 1776-1979

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Journal Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, 2(1)

ISSN 0191-3557

Author Fowler, Don D

Publication Date 1980-07-01

Peer reviewed

eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 2, No. 1, pp. 8-36(1980).

History of Great Basin Anthropological Research, 1776-1979

DON D. FOWLER

OLLECTION of information on indige­ ing various Numic groups encountered by the C nous Great Basin peoples and cultures party. Ute bands were met in western Colorado began in 1776 (Bolton 1950). However, it was and the Uintah Basin, Timpanoaguts Utes near not until the I860's that any sort of systematic Utah Lake, Pahvant Utes south of Utah Lake, research program was initiated in ethnography and various groups of Southern Paiute near and linguistics. Physical anthropological present-day Cedar City, Utah, and along the studies were not undertaken until the 1880's, Virgin River. These brief descriptions provide and systematic archaeological work did not an ethnohistoric baseline for the several begin until after 1900. This article reviews the groups. principal programs of research in Great Basin Lewis and Clark's descriptions of the anthropology carried on since the 1860's, with Northern Shoshoni in 1804-06 (Coues 1893) a brief examination of earlier developments. provide initial information on those people. The Journals of the expedition (first published ETHNOGRAPHY AND LINGUISTICS in 1814) contain detailed accounts of subsis­ Early Descriptions tence, dress, and territorial and political organ­ ization, but little on social organization or Between 1776 and 1868, information on religion (Ray and Lurie 1954). one or more Great Basin Indian groups was The Wilkes naval expedition of 1838-42 to collected by members of various exploration the Pacific (Tyler 1968) stopped along the parties. These data were part of a range of coast of what is now Oregon. Horatio Hale and topographic and "natural history" information other expedition members collected vocabu­ collected, and there was no concentration on laries and miscellaneous ethnographic data. anthropological data per se. Some of these data relate to various Northern The journal kept by Fray Escalante during Paiute bands of central Oregon and were the Dominguez-Escalante expedition from included in Gallatin's (1848) linguistic New Mexico into present-day Utah and Ari­ compilation. zona in 1776 contains several passages describ- The numerous early trappers' and emi­ grants' diaries provide scattered and uneven Don D. Fowler, Historic Preservation Program, University of Nevada, Reno, NV 89557. information on various Great Basin Indians

[8] HISTORY OF GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH from the 1810's through the 1850's (See Malouf Indian demography and political organization 1966 and Liljeblad 1959 for evaluation of these (Powell and Ingalls 1874; reprinted in Fowler sources, and C. Fowler 1969 for bibliography). and Fowler 1971:97-119). The report remains a Many of the diaries are superficial and heavily baseline document for Great Basin aboriginal ethnocentric and must be used with caution as demography. ethnohistoric sources. Between 1866 and 1877, Edward Palmer The several federally sponsored exploring collected miscellaneous ethnographic data on expeditions, and later, wagon road and rail­ the Northern Ute and Southern Paiute in the road surveys, between the 1830's and 1860's course of his archaeological and botanical which passed through the Great Basin pro­ collecting expeditions in southern and central duced varying amounts of data on indigenous Utah (Palmer 1876, 1878; Heizer 1954, 1962; peoples. For example, Stansbury's (1852) Fowler and Matley 1978). In 1875, Stephen report contains only scattered ethnographic Powers collected ethnographic data on the data, but the Gunnison-Beckwith report Washo and Northern Paiute in western (Beckwith 1855) and the Macomb Survey in Nevada in the course of an expedition to gather 1859 (Macomb 1876) all contain substantial Indian materials for the 1876 Philadelphia amounts of ethnographic data on Great Basin Exposition (Powers 1877; Fowler and Fowler peoples. Some information on the Cheme­ 1970). huevi Paiute along the Lower Colorado River Also in the 1870's, members of the Hayden is also found in the reports of Whipple (1856) Survey, e.g.. Barber (1876, 1877), Hoffman and Ives (1861). Additional ethnographic (1876, 1878), and Loew (1876), made various materials are reported in the annual reports ethnographic observations on Great Basin and unpublished correspondence of the Com­ peoples. The historian Hubert Howe Bancroft missioner of Indian Affairs and the various (1875, 1876) compiled a variety of miscellan­ Indian agents stationed at Great Basin reserva­ eous ethnographic and linguistic data, much of tions and colonies between the 1850's and 1900 it inaccurate, on Great Basin Indians. (see C. Fowler 1969:293-359 for relevant A further, albeit somewhat romanticized, bibliography). contribution to Northern Paiute ethnography was made by Sarah Winnemucca Hopkins Beginnings of Systematic Work, 1870's (1883), the daughter of "Chief Winnemucca. The first person to devote extended periods There was a general lack of systematic of time to the study of Great Basin ethnography ethnographic work in the Great Basin between and linguistics was John Wesley Powell. 1880 and 1900. An exception was James Between 1868 and 1876, Powell collected sub­ Mooney's brief visit with Wovoka or Jack stantial amounts of data on subsistence, Wilson, the "prophet" of the 1890 Ghost technology, social organization, mythology, Dance (Mooney 1896). religion, and linguistics, with the aim of One of the first to achieve the Doctor of producing an ethnography of the Numic- Philosophy in American anthropology, Alfred speaking peoples. He did not complete the Louis Kroeber, did some brief ethnographic project, and his extensive manuscript and work with the Northern Ute in 1900 (Kroeber material culture collections were not published 1901, 1908) and shortly thereafter with the until recently (Fowler and Fowler 1971; Washo (Kroeber 1907). In 1906, Robert H. Fowler and Matley 1979). Powell, in collab­ Lowie, on his first ethnographic field trip, oration with George W. Ingalls, did produce briefly studied the "Lemhi" Shoshoni of Idaho the first systematic survey of Great Basin (Lowie 1909). In later years, Lowie "paid 10 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY scouting visits to a good many Shoshonean The 1930's was a most active period of [Numic] groups in Idaho, Wyoming, Utah and Great Basin ethnographic research sponsored Nevada" (Lowie 1960:76; cf. Lowie 1924a, by the University of California, Berkeley, and 1924^), and in 1926 he worked for some weeks Yale University. Between 1934 and 1938, the with the Washo (Lowie 1939, 1963). University of California, Berkeley, conducted In 1910, Edward Sapir worked extensively a Culture Element Survey of Native Western with Tony Tillohash, a Kaibab Southern American groups. The immediate aim of the Paiute who was then a student at the Indian program was to develop lists of comparable School in Carlyle, Pennsylvania. Sapir also culture elements or traits from over 200 tribes worked briefly with the Uintah Ute of in western North America. The ultimate objec­ Northern Utah. The results of his work are tive was to develop sets of data which could be contained in various articles (Sapir 1910(3, statistically manipulated in hopes of eluci­ 1910^, 1913, 1916) and in an extensive dating aboriginal "internal history" (Kroeber language analysis, dictionary, and collection of I939:passim), that is, as a device to determine texts (Sapir 1930-31). A series of ethnographic cultural relationships between and among notes remains unpublished, although extended tribes. These "laundry lists," as they were some­ sections of them are quoted in Kelly (1964) and times called, were developed and elaborated Fowler and Matley 1979). during the course of the project. Those for Other ethnographic work conducted in the Great Basin groups each include several first decade of the twentieth century includes hundred "elements" or traits, with extensive that of Ralph V. Chamberlin (1908, 1909, annotation. Surveys of Great Basin groups 1911, 1913), who collected materials on Ute were conducted principally by Julian Steward and Gosiute Shoshoni ethnobiological nomen­ (1941, 1943) during a six-month field season in clature and toponyms. C. Hart Merriam con­ 1935, and four months in 1936, and by Omer ducted ethnographic and linguistic research Stewart (1941) during nine weeks in 1936 and among the Washo in 1903 and 1904 (Merriam twelve weeks in 1937-38. Both men collected 1903-35), and periodically among other Great additional materials leading to their various Basin peoples (e.g., Merriam I955:passim; studies of sociopolitical organization (Steward Heizer 1966). Samuel Barrett briefly worked 1938), peyotism (Stewart 1944, 1968), and with the Washo and Northern Paiute in 1915, band organization (Stewart 1966). later publishing the first major monograph on Also during the 1930's, Yale University the Washo (Barrett 1917). In the early 1920's, sponsored field research by five students. Grace Dangberg collected text materials on the Willard Z. Park (1938) conducted three Washo (Dangberg 1922, 1927). summers' fieldwork among the Paviotso In 1927 and 1928, Julian H. Steward, Northern Paiute in 1933-35. Beatrice Blyth sponsored by the University of California, (Whiting) studied the Northern Paiute in Berkeley, initiated a long-range study of Burns, Oregon, in the summers of 1936-38 various groups, beginning with the Numic (Whiting 1950). Maurice Zigmond (1938, Owens Valley Paiute (Steward 1933c). In 1930, 1941, 1972) worked with the Kawaiisu in 1936 Isabel T. Kelly spent three months with the and 1937. Edgar Siskin worked with the Surprise Valley Paiute (Kelly 1932o, 1932^) Washo in 1937 and 1938 (Siskin 1941). In the and more extended periods with several eastern Great Basin, Anne Cooke Smith (1937, Southern Paiute groups in 1932-34 (Kelly 1940, 1974) studied Northern Ute material 1939, 1964). culture and mythology. HISTORY OF GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH 11

Other research during the 1930's included Justice Department or by attorneys for the Demitri B. Shimkin's (1939, 1947) work with plaintiff tribes to collect data relating to aborig­ the Eastern (Wind River) Shoshoni in 1936, inal tribal distributions and lands. Sources Carling Malouf s research among the Gosiute relative to the Great Basin derived from these Shoshoni in 1938 and 1939 (Malouf 1940; researches include Steward (1955a), Steward Malouf and Smith 1942), and research with and Voegelin (1954), Murphy and Murphy various Shoshoni groups by E. Adamson (1960), and Manners (1974). (See also a general Hoebel (1935, 1938) and Jack Harris (1940). summary of these researches relating to "tribal In the 1940's, very little ethnographic boundaries" in Stewart 1966.) Extensive files research was conducted in the Great Basin with of unpublished ethnohistoric data relating to the exception of Fred W. Voget's (1948, 1953) the Land Claims cases for the Great Basin and work with the Eastern Shoshoni and the elsewhere, collected by Omer C. Stewart, are initiation of research with the same tribe by deposited at the University of Colorado Ake Huhkrantz between 1948 and 1958 (Hult- Library, Boulder. krantz 1953, 1960, 1961). The 1960's saw an expansion of ethno­ The 1950's saw a renewed interest in Great graphic and linguistic research. In 1961-63, Basin ethnography. The Washo were studied research on Southern Paiute ethnography and by several individuals. Ruth and Stanley Freed ethnohistory was conducted (Euler 1966, 1972; worked intermittently between 1952 and 1957 C. Fowler 1966) in conjunction with the Upper (Freed 1960, 1963; Freed and Freed 1963). In Colorado River Basin Archaeological Salvage 1953, Warren d'Azevedo (1963) began long- Project of the University of Utah, centering on term work with the tribe. Philip Leis (1963) the Glen Canyon section of the Colorado conducted Washo research in 1954. Freda and River. Since 1964, Catherine S. Fowler and Norman Scotch (1963) conducted research on others (Fowler 1972a, 1912b; Fowler and epidemiology, nutrition, and diet in 1955. Leland 1967) have conducted extended studies James Downs (1961, 1966a) conducted of comparative Numic ethnoscience. In 1958, research in 1959. William Jacobsen, Jr., began James Goss initiated a long-term study of linguistic research among the Washo in 1955 Southern Numic linguistics (Goss 1961, 1968, (Jacobsen 1964, 1966). John A. Price (1962) 1972a, 19726). Since the mid-1960's, Wick worked with the group in 1961. Miller and his students have developed an Ethnographic research among other Great extensive program in the study of Central Basin peoples also resumed in the 1950's. Numic languages (Miller 1966; Miller, Tanner, Margaret Wheat (1967) began extended and Foley 1971; Crapo 1970). In 1964 and studies of Northern Paiute material culture. 1965, under National Science Foundation Robert Euler (1966, 1967, 1972) worked with sponsorship, the University of Nevada, Reno, Southern Paiute in 1956 and 1959. Joseph G. conducted intensive field schools on several Jorgensen (1959, 1964, 1972) began an ex­ western Nevada Indian reservations and tended study of various facets of Northern Ute colonies. Several students connected with the culture and society in 1957-58, and Gottfried project continued research beyond the field Lang (1953, 1954) carried out studies in schools (Handelman 1967a, 19676, 1968; psychological anthropology of the Northern Hittman 1973; Houghton 1973; Lee 1967; Ute during the early 1950's. Lynch 1971; Mordy 1966; Olofson 1979; With the passage of the Indian Land Shimkin and Reid 1970). Archival materials Claims Commission Act of 1946, various from the project are on file at the Department anthropologists were employed by the U.S. of Anthropology, University of Nevada, Reno. 12 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Other recent important ethnographic from aged informants combined with available works include Bean's (1972) summary of data ethnohistoric data (cf. Malouf 1966). on the Cahuilla and that of Laird (1976) on the As previously noted the University of Cali­ Chemehuevis. Lawton et al. (1976, cf. Wilke fornia traitlist studies were a major focus of and Lawton 1976:46-47) have recently re­ research in the 1930's. These studies also were viewed previous ethnographic and ethno­ oriented toward "cultural reconstruction" as a historic data relating to aboriginal irrigation first step toward the statistical manipulation of practices in Owens Valley, California. "traits" as a means to delineate "culture areas" Classifications of Great Basin Indian and age areas (see also archaeology section, languages have existed since Gallatin's (1836) below). pioneering work in the early nineteenth cen­ Thus, until 1950, with minor exceptions tury. The Powell (1891) classification has (e.g., Steward 1939), Great Basin ethnographic remained the standard, with various proposed and linguistic research was carried out within changes in nomenclature (Lamb 1964; Miller the American historicalist paradigm—recon­ 1966; Goss 1968). struction of the "ethnographic present." The foregoing list of ethnographic and By 1950, new areas of interest had devel­ linguistic research is not exhaustive, but it is oped within American anthropology, notably illustrative. As noted, data on Great Basin psychological anthropology (then generally indigenes began to be collected in 1776, and called "culture and personality"), and medical more or less systematically, a century later. By anthropology. These interests are reflected in 1875, Great Basin Indian peoples were already the works of Scotch and Scotch (1963) and being forced onto reservations and aboriginal Lang (1953, 1954). There was also a shift to life-ways were in a rapid state of decline, as concerns with present-day communities, with Powell noted in 1873 (Fowler and Fowler 1971: problems of acculturation and those of ethno­ 97-118). Subsequent ethnographic and linguis­ science. These concerns are reflected in Great tic work was essentially "salvage ethnography" Basin studies by Houghton (1973), Mordy of "memory cultures." (1966), Shimkin and Reid(1970),Lynch(1971, Consonant with the tenets of the histori- 1978), Hittman (1973), Fowler and Leland calist paradigm of American anthropology (1967), Goss (19726), and Clemmer (1978). after 1900 (Harris 1968:250-318), a major A bibliography of Great Basin Anthro­ effort in Great Basin studies, as elsewhere, was pology (C. Fowler 1969), current through to "reconstruct" the "ethnographic present." 1968, lists 2000 references on archaeology, That is, to describe aboriginal cultures as they 1650 references to ethnohistorical sources, and were, in effect, the day before initial White over 2700 published and unpublished items on contact. In the eastern Great Basin-Plains linguistics and ethnography. Despite this transition area, this approach was complicated seeming plethora of data, there are serious by the fact that horses had spread to several gaps in knowledge of Great Basin aboriginal Ute and Shoshoni groups long before any cultures and peoples. For example, data are actual face-to-face White-Indian contact. In insufficient and ambiguous enough to permit that area, the post-horse, pre-White cultures wide disagreement over the nature of Great came to be baselines for the "ethnographic Basin sociopolitical organization (Service present." Julian Steward's (1938) classic 1962; Steward 1970; cf. D. Fowler 1966). monograph on peoples of the Great Basin is Details of subsistence and technology are archetypical of the ethnographic present somewhat better understood (see Downs approach: a compilation of "memory cultures" 19666 for a summary). Aspects of ideational HISTORY OF GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH 13 culture have been studied for specific groups exploring parties who crossed the area between (e.g.. Park 1938, Smith 1940, Goss 19726, about 1850 and 1874. The reports describe Olofson 1979, Whiting 1950), but large gaps village sites, petrographs, scattered surface exist. A recent development of great interest finds, and aboriginal salt mines (Stansbury and promise has been studies conducted by 1852:182; Beckwith 1855:63; Carvalho 1858: Indian people of their own histories and 207; Remy and Brenchley 1861, 1:364-374; cultures (Johnson 1975; Nevada Intertribal Bancroft 1886:713-715). Many of these reports Council 1974a, 19746; Robertson 1977). speculate on the origins of the remains, linking Although the Great Basin is sometimes them, variously, to the Hopi of Arizona or called a "laboratory" for anthropology, such a ill-defined "Aztec" or "Mexican" empires. designation may be overrated. In cultural 1875-1900 anthropology, with one exception, no new ideas, concepts, or methods were produced in This period saw the beginnings of excava­ the "laboratory"—rather, research was carried tion of sites to provide collections for eastern out within paradigmatic and methodological museums, especially the Smithsonian Institu­ frameworks developed elsewhere. The excep­ tion and the Harvard University Peabody tion is Steward's (19366, 1938, 19556)concept Museum. Scant, if any, attention was paid to of cultural ecology, which developed out of his provenience control; the aim was collec­ Great Basin data and which has had wide tions of objects. "Dr." Edward Palmer col­ applicability throughout the world (Murphy lected for both the Smithsonian and the 1970). Peabody, excavating in sites near Santa Clara and Kanab, Utah (Palmer 1876, 1878; Fowler PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY and Matley 1978). Parts of these collections Relatively little research has been done on were exhibited at the 1876 Philadelphia Exposi­ the physical anthropology of indigenous Great tion and later partially described by Holmes Basin peoples. At the turn of the century Franz (\S^6:passim). Others collecting for the Boas (1895, 1899, 1905) published a series of Peabody Museum included C. C. Parry, who anthropometric observations on Ute, Southern dug into a "mound" near St. George, Utah Paiute, Shoshoni, Bannock, and Achomawi- (Parry 1877). The federally-sponsored "Great Atsugewi peoples. These and other scattered Surveys" of the 1870's, especially the Wheeler osteological and anthropometric studies are Survey (Putnam et al. 1879), noted various summarized by Kennedy (1939). Recently, archaeological sites during the course of their extant osteological collections from archaeo­ topographic work. Henry Montgomery, a logical locales at Pyramid Lake, the Humboldt University of Utah naturalist, excavated Sink, and the Lost City area were analyzed by various "mound" sites in western and central Brooks, Galliher, and Brooks (1977). How­ Utah in the 1880's and early 1890's. His report ever, there is no current general overview of (Montgomery 1894) is an attempt to sum­ physical anthropological data for the Great marize Utah archaeology as then known and Basin. relate the sites to a vague "Mexican" empire. Thus, prior to 1900, Great Basin archae­ ARCHAEOLOGY ology consisted of scattered observations of "antiquities," the collection of artifacts for 1850-1874 museums with little or no attention to prove­ Great Basin archaeological remains were nience control, and speculations about external occasionally reported by members of various cultural relationships. Most recorded sites 14 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

were along the Wasatch Front in Utah, or in Range on the Utah-Nevada border (Harring­ the Virgin River Valley of Utah and Nevada. ton 1936; Wheeler 1939, 1942). Harrington subsequently directed excava­ 1900-1970 tions at various pluvial lake sites in the Mojave The principal archaeological research pro­ Desert area (Harrington 1948; Campbell et al. jects conducted in the Great Basin area between 1937) including the Stahl site (Harrington 1900 and 1920 were Neil Judd's reconnais­ 1957), which had a buried stratum containing sances and excavations at sites along the Pinto and Silver Lake projectile points found Wasatch Front in Utah between 1915 and 1920 in association and, possibly, the remains of (summarized by Judd 1926), and L. L. Loud's houses. initial excavations at Lovelock Cave in central In the late 1920's, the Peabody Museum of Nevada in 1912 (Loud and Harrington 1929; Harvard University sponsored a survey and Grosscup 1960). excavation program, the Claflin-Emerson In 1925, Mark R. Harrington, supported Expeditions, in eastern Utah. In 1928, a by the Heye Foundation of New York and the survey, led by Donald Scott, was made on the State of Nevada, commenced excavations at Kaiparowits Plateau and in the tributaries of the Lost City, or Pueblo Grande de Nevada, the Colorado River between the Escalante and complex in the lower Moapa Valley, Nevada. Fremont rivers. In 1928 and 1929, Noel Morss, In 1926, Harrington became affiliated with the as a member of the expedition, conducted Southwest Museum of Los Angeles, but con­ extensive survey and excavation work along tinued his work at Lost City. He and his staff the Fremont River. His report (Morss 1931) worked in the area through 1930, conducting initially defined the Fremont culture. Survey surveys as well as excavations of Lost City, work under Henry Roberts continued in 1929 Mesa House, and in Paiute Cave (Harrington and 1930 in the western tributaries of the et al. 1930). In 1930-31, Harrington also Colorado. In 1931, Donald Scott and J. O. directed the excavation of Gypsum Cave in Brew carried out surveys and test excavations which artifacts were reportedly found in asso­ along the Green River and its tributaries from ciation with the dung of the extinct ground Green River, Utah, to the Uintah Mountains. sloth, Nothrotherium (now Nothrotheriops) With the exception of the Morss report, the sp. (Harrington 1933). This association has results of the expedition remained unpublished subsequently been disproven (Heizer and until they were compiled by James H. Gunner- son (1969). While the work was outside the Berger 1970). Great Basin, it led to the initial definition of the Between 1933 and 1938 Harrington re­ Fremont culture later found in the eastern sumed excavations at the Lost City complex as Great Basin area (see below). part of an archaeological salvage project prior to the inundation of the sites by Lake Mead. During the 1930's, the University of Utah Harrington issued only scattered preliminary conducted a variety of studies on the Fremont reports on the Lost City excavations, and the cultures of Utah (Steward 19336, 1936a; Gillen sites were not fully reported for many years 1940) and in cave sites on Promontory Point, until Richard Shutler (1961) pulled together northern Utah (Steward 1937). The latter work the extant data and collections. During this defined the seemingly anomalous Promontory same period, Harrington and his associates culture, regarded by some as a variant of the conducted surveys and test excavations in Fremont cukure (Aikens 1972). Also, in the Meadow Valley Wash, Lincoln County, 1930's Luther S. Cressman of the University of Nevada, and along the east slope of the Snake Oregon began a pioneering program of archae- HISTORY OF GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH 15 ological research in the eastern Oregon section and Clewlow 1968), Leonard Rockshelter of the Great Basin (Cressman 1943, 1956; (Heizer 1951), and the re-excavation of Love­ Cressman et al. 1936, 1942) including the lock Cave (Heizer and Napton 1970). excavation of several important cave sites, In 1958, the Nevada State Museum begana notably Fort Rock Cave. Subsequent research statewide archaeology program under the was carried on in the Fort Rock region by direction of Richard Shutler, Jr., and Bedwell (1973) and Fagen (1974) and in the subsequently under Donald Tuohy. Research Warner Valley area by Weide (1975). Else­ included the excavation of important cave sites where in the Oregon portion of the Great that included Stuart Rockshelter (Shutler, Basin, excavation at the Dirty Shame Rock- Shutler, and Griffith 1960), and Deer Creek shelter was also undertaken (Aikens, Cole, and Cave (Shutler and Shutler 1963) and the large- Stuckenrath 1977). scale re-excavation of the Tule Springs site Archaeological research in southern Idaho (Wormington and Ellis 1967). Since 1966, the began in 1929 with a survey along the Snake Desert Research Institute and the University of River in the southwestern section of the state Nevada, Reno, have conducted surveys and by Louis Schellbach (1967) of the Heye Foun­ excavations in eastern and southeastern dation. However, systematic research in Nevada (Fowler, Madsen, and Hattori 1973). southern Idaho did not begin until the 1950's In the southern Great Basin area several (Bowers and Savage 1962; Barnes 1964; Tuohy archaeologists have undertaken various 1962). A museum was established at Idaho studies to define early lithic complexes and State University at Pocatello (then the cultural chronologies (Hunt 1960; Wallace University of Idaho, Southern Branch) in the 1962; 1977; Warren 1967; Warren and Ore 1930's (Butler 1968:17-18). Under the initial 1978). Others have defined chronologies based direction of Earl H. Swanson, Jr., the museum on projectile point sequences for other areas of has conducted a systematic research program the Great Basin (Lanning 1963; Clewlow 1967; since 1957, with many important sites being Hester 1973; Heizer and Hester 1978). excavated (e.g., Gruhn 1961; Swanson 1974). During the 1970's much new archaeological More recent work is summarized in Butler research was undertaken or completed in (1978) and in the pages of the Idaho Archae­ Nevada and the extreme western Great Basin ologist (Norquist 1977 et seq.). (See also areas of California. James O'Connell (1975) Pavesic et al. 1979). conducted excavations in Surprise Valley, In Northern Nevada, systematic archaeo­ California, in the early 1970's. Layton (1970, logical research began with the excavation of 1979; Layton and Thomas 1979) conducted an Lovelock Cave near Lovelock, Nevada, in excavation program in the High Rock region 1912, under the direction of L. L. Loud and the of northwestern Nevada (see also McGonagle sponsorship of the University of California, 1979). Donald Tuohy (1980) directed a pro­ Berkeley (Loud and Harrington 1929). Start­ gram of research at sites around Pyramid ing in the 1930's, the University of California, Lake, Nevada, and Philip Wilke (1978) Berkeley, conducted its program of Great researched lacustrine adaptations in the now- Basin research under the leadership of the late arid Salton Basin of California. Robert F. Heizer, including excavations of Throughout the decade, David Hurst several important cave sites, notably Thomas conducted several projects in central Humboldt Cave (Heizer and Kreiger 1956), Nevada. These include surveys and excava­ Wagon Jack Shelter (Heizer and Baumhoff tions in the Reese River Valley (Thomas and 1961), South Fork Shelter (Heizer, Baumhoff, Bettinger 1976), the excavation of the deep. 16 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY stratified Gatecliff Shelter in Monitor Valley sity of California, Los Angeles, sponsored and, more recently, the re-excavation of excavations at several sites in the Parowan Hidden Cave near Fallon (reports on Gatecliff Valley, south-central Utah (Meighan et al. and Hidden Cave are presently in preparation; 1956). but see Thomas [I979:passi?7i] on Gatecliff CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS Shelter). In eastern Nevada, Alan Bryan and Ruth For many years Great Basin prehistory was Gruhn, in association with the Nevada State conceptualized primarily in terms of the area Museum, re-excavated Smith Creek Cave being "peripheral" to other, adjacent areas— (Harrington 1936), and excavated several either the Southwest, or California, or both other adjacent rockshelter sites yielding a (Rohn 1973). This conception in part grew out long cultural chronology (Tuohy and Rendall of assumptions implicit in the historicalist para­ 1979). Elston (1971) and his associates added digm of American anthropology, especially materially to the understanding of Washo pre­ the culture-area and age-area hypotheses history along the east slope of the Sierra (Wissler 1923) which guided most North Nevada. Further south in Owens Valley, American anthropological research between California, Bettinger (1976, 1977a, 1979) 1900 and about 1940 (Willey and Sabloff conducted extensive sampling surveys, as well 1974:88-130). These assumptions were: (1) that as additional research in Long Valley "traits" can be isolated and studied individu­ (Bettinger 19776). In Grass Valley, north of ally; (2) that the "history" of a trait or a trait Austin, Nevada, Clewlow and his associates complex is known if its areal distribution is conducted an intensive program of prehistoric known; and (3) that "traits" diffuse from and historic archaeology (Clewlow and Rusco centers of invention toward peripheral areas— 1972; Clewlow, Wells, and Ambro 1978). the "center" being the point of highest In 1949, the University of Utah established elaboration and complexity. Given these a statewide Archaeological Survey (Gunner- assumptions, and with no means to establish son 1959) under the leadership of Jesse D. absolute chronologies, the Great Basin was Jennings. Research in the 1950's included a seen to be "peripheral" to the Anasazi culture survey of western Utah (Rudy 1953), excava­ of the Southwest or to California. In both the tion of the Garrison site (Taylor 1954), the Southwest and California, trait complexes excavation of Danger Cave (Jennings 1957), were found in more elaborate forms (and, and surveys and excavations in the Fremont therefore, presumably earlier) than in the areas of the state (Gunnerson 1957, 1960). Great Basin. From 1957 through 1963, the University of The idea that the Great Basin was peri­ Utah also conducted the Glen Canyon project pheral to the Southwest was most fully formu­ along the Colorado River. Most of the areas lated by A. V. Kidder (1924:78-82) in his classic covered by the project lie within the Southwest summary of Southwestern archaeology. There­ archaeological province and are not discussed in Kidder designated all of Utah north of the here (see Jennings 1966 for a summary). In the San Juan River drainage as a "Northern 1960's, the University of Utah sponsored Peripheral District" on the basis that excavations at several important Fremont sites "Puebloid" house types, pottery, and other (Aikens 1972; Marwitt 1968), at Hogup Cave artifacts were less elaborate than those found in northwest Utah (Aikens 1970), and at other in the classic Anasazi Pueblo remains in the sites (Dalley 1976). San Juan, Chaco, and Kayenta regions of the In the 1950's and early 1960's, the Univer­ Four Corners area. HISTORY OF GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH 17

A second concept which underlay the re-designated as the "Western Periphery." The general model of Great Basin prehistory was rest of Utah was divided north-south along the the Pecos Classification, formulated in 1927 crest of the Wasatch Mountains. East of the (Kidder 1927). The classification, developed mountains was Area 1, vaguely divided into principally for the Anasazi region, contains northern and southern sections with no definite eight sequential stages or periods: Basket dividing line. West of the Wasatch was Area 2, Maker I, or Early Basket Maker; Basket encompassing essentially the Sevier Lake Maker II, or Basket Maker; Basket Maker 111, drainage, and an Area 3 encompassing the or Late (Post-) Basket Maker; Pueblo 1, or Great Salt Lake drainage. The distinction Proto-Pueblo; Pueblo II; Pueblo 111, or Great between Areas 2 and 3 was made on the basis of Pueblo; Pueblo IV, or Proto-historic; and house types (Steward 19336) and differential Pueblo V or Historic (Kidder 1927:490). As artifact inventories (Steward 1936a). dendrochronological dating was not yet fully In 1934, Gladwin and Gladwin (1934) pro­ developed with the exact dating that the tech­ posed that the San Juan Anasazi culture nique was later to permit, these periods or "Stem" be divided into Kayenta and Nevada stages (except Pueblo V) in the Anasazi area "branches," the Nevada "branch" being further were of unknown duration. divided into the Moapa and Parowan In the 1930's, non-ceramic Great Basin "Phases." Later, on the basis of pottery archaeological sites or site components were collections, Colton (1942) renamed the Nevada viewed as relating to the first two Basket Branch, calling it the Virgin Branch (after the Maker stages. Basket Maker 1 was defined as Virgin River), with three "foci": Muddy River, "a postulated stage, pre-agricultural yet adum­ Lost City, and Mesa House, the latter two brating later developments"; Basket Maker II having earlier been proposed as "stages" by was defined as "the agricultural, atlatl-using, Harrington et al. (1930). Colton's Virgin non-pottery-making stage" (Kidder 1927:490). Branch corresponds closely to Steward's Since there were "trait" similarities between (1933a) Area 4. Great Basin and Southwestern basketry, it was In her re-appraisal of the Fremont culture, implicitly assumed that non-pottery-bearing and in her summary volume on the Southwest, sites or strata in the Great Basin, in which H. Marie Wormington (1955, 1956:72-73) Southwestern-like basketry was found, were of retained the concept of a Northern Periphery, equivalent age with Basket Maker sites within but excluded the Virgin Branch from it. In the Anasazi heartland. After the development 1956, Jennings et al. (1956) reconsidered the of dendrochronology, and the dating of many "Northern Periphery problem," retaining the Basket Maker sites in the Anasazi core area, term "Fremont" proper for Steward's Area 1 the assumption of equivalent age between east of the Wasatch Mountains. This usage was Anasazi Basket Maker and Great Basin followed by Taylor (1957) and Gunnerson "Basket Maker" sites was continued, as indi­ (1969). cated below. The concept of the eastern Great Basin as Based on his researches in U'.ah in the early "peripheral" to the Southwest, together with 1930's, Julian H. Steward (1933a) divided the assumption that non-pottery bearing sites Kidder's Northern Periphery into four sub- or cultural strata were coeval with the Basket areas. The area drained by the northern Maker stage of the Anasazi "center" led tributaries of the Colorado River and lying Steward (1940) into a labyrinthine explanation west of the San Juan River (Steward's Area 4) of Great Basin prehistory. On typological was seen as part of a Northern Periphery, but grounds he posited cultural connections and 18 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY temporal contemporaneity between certain "Puebloid" traits —pottery, horticulture, Great Basin cultures and the "Classical" pueblo villages, etc. Basket Maker Culture(s) of the Anasazi Genetic models relating to the Great Basin region. The same reasoning led him to see both began in part with Lowie's (1923) early sum­ the Puebloid cultures of western Utah and the mary and speculations advanced by Krieger Lovelock culture of western Nevada as deriv­ (1928). The first comprehensive model was ative from "Classical" Basket Maker (Steward advanced by Zingg (1939), who attempted to 1940:455, and Fig. 30). This was done despite relate various archaeological complexes and the fact that several earlier writers had Uto-Aztekan languages in Western North postulated an "early basic culture stratum" in America and Mexico. Subsequent models the Great Basin, Southwest, and California were proposed by Romney (1957), Taylor antecedent to Basket Maker development (1961), and Hopkins (1965). A partial test of (Lowie 1923; Kroeber 1923; Kelly 1932a; Zingg these models, especially as they relate to the 1939). The primary problem lay in the lack of "Numic Spread" hypothesis (Lamb 1958), has any applicable absolute dating methods in the been advanced on ethnobiological grounds by Great Basin. Once radiometric dating was C. Fowler (1972a, 19726). developed and several cave sites dated, notably Other genetic models have focused on the Danger Cave (Jennings 1957), it was clear that Fremont cultures and their possible rela­ the derivation of non-ceramic Great Basin tionships with "Shoshonean"cultures. Most cultures from Basket Maker cultures was attention has been devoted to questions such untenable. In fact, the reverse appeared to be as. Who were the carriers of the Fremont the case, that the Basket Maker-Pueblo tradi­ cultures? What happened to the cultures and tion of the Southwest was derived from a much peoples after ca. A.D. 1300? and. Can they be older and widespread Desert, or Western linked to, or regarded as, the ancestors of one, Archaic, culture (Jennings 1973; Irwin- or more, historic groups? Williams 1973), with the addition of cultigens Three hypotheses, with variations, have and pottery. The history of the Desert Culture been advanced. One, proposed by Gunnerson concept is considered below. (1962), Rudy (1953), Jennings and Norbeck But despite the reversal, interpretations of (1955), Jennings (1957), and Taylor (1957), the Puebloid cultures of Utah and eastern holds that the Fremont culture was an indig­ Nevada continued to be informed by the con­ enous development from a Desert Culture cept of a "Northern Periphery." Although base, with the addition of diffused traits from Jennings and Norbeck (1955:8) proposed the the Anasazi area. The Fremont culture existed abandonment of the term in the 1950's, it was for several hundred years and then broke not until the I960's that proposals were put down, due to changing environmental condi­ forth to completely abandon the idea of a tions. This forced a reversion to the older "periphery" and accord the area a taxonomic Desert Culture lifeways. Implicit in this status equivalent to the Anasazi, Mogollon, hypothesis is the idea that the carriers of the and Hohokam areas of the Southwest (Ambler Fremont culture(s) were the ancestors of the 1966:170; Aikens 1972:64). Since these pro­ Numic-speaking peoples of historic times. posals were made, emphasis has been placed The second hypothesis (Steward 19336; on defining subareas within the general Wormington 1955) holds that the Fremont "Fremont" area (Ambler 1966:169-287; Aikens culture resulted from diffusion of traits from 1972; Marwitt 1968) in terms of amalgams of the Southwest to an indigenous population, prior Desert Archaic subcultures with plus some migrations from the Southwest. HISTORY OF GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH 19

After the culture collapsed, the people ation of the arid Altithermal climate to that of migrated back to the Anasazi area and were the present. absorbed. The Fremont area was then occupied In the initial formulation of the Desert by historic Numic-speaking peoples. Culture concept, Jennings and Norbeck (1955:3) A third hypothesis (Aikens 1966, 1967) recognized the possible influence of such a holds that there was a migration of people climatic sequence: from the Northwestern Great Plains who moved into the Great Basin and assimilated a Throughout most of the area of the Great Basin the pattern of living we have called small indigenous Archaic population. This the Desert Culture is established [by ca. amalgamated group then received, by dif­ 9000 B.C.]. For nearly ten millennia the fusion, a number of traits from the Southwest. same general pattern of life is followed, a Subsequently, the Numic expansion from the nomadic wandering from valley to upland, western Great Basin pushed the Fremont folk to take advantage of the resources of onto the Great Plains where their presence is nature. Although regular seasonal routes manifested archaeologically in the Dismal are followed, there are no permanent or River culture (Gunnerson 1960). Historically, substantial dwellings. Caves and rock- these people emerge as the Athapascan-speak­ shelters are used intermittently and many ing Plains Apache (Aikens 1972:63). All three of the habitation sites are open. hypotheses have been questioned on complex As the climate varied, man appears to have grounds, summarized by Aikens (1972), and continued life with little change by means Marwitt (1968). (See Madsen et al. [ 1979] for a of adjustment to different altitudes [italics more recent summary of the issues.) added]. Essentially identical flora and The concept of the Desert Culture (later fauna persisted to historic times, and broadened to the Desert Archaic, and then to following fluctuations in rainfall and lake levels, the range in altitude of man and the the Western Archaic), as formulated by plants and animals he gathered also Jennings (1957, 1964, 1974; Jennings and fluctuated. Norbeck 1955), has been the central focus of archaeological theorizing since the 1950's. The Thus, under this hypothesis, despite cli­ concept must necessarily be discussed in matic fluctuations, people continued to live in relation to an hypothesis concerning post- the Great Basin from ca. 9000 B.C. until Pleistocene climatic fluctuation in western historic times. Within this general framework, North America. This hypothesis was formu­ other scholars have defined regional traditions lated by Ernst Antevs (1955) and has or cultures adapted to specific ecological subsequently been modified (Baumhoff and settings, such as the lacustrine patterns around Heizer 1965). relict pluvial lakes (Weide 1968; Heizer and The hypothesis posits three sequential cli­ Napton 1970), mountain adaptations (Swanson matic periods since Wisconsin glacial times in 1974), and riverine adaptations (Daugherty the Desert West: the Anathermal, dating from 1962). (See also Hester 1973.) But despite ca. 9000 B.C. to 6000-5000 B.C., with climatic proposed modifications and interpretation of conditions at first like the present but growing details, the concept of the Desert Culture, or warmer and drier; the Altithermal, from ca. Western Archaic, remained the central concep­ 6000-5000 B.C. to ca. 2500 B.C., with arid tual framework in Great Basin prehistory climatic conditions, warmer and drier than at (Jennings 1973; Aikens 1978a, 19786; cf. present; and the Medithermal, from ca. 2500 Cressman \911 .passim for a variant B.C. to the present, with a gradual amelior­ interpretation). 20 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

In summary, between 1910 and the mid- 1975; Clewlow and Rusco 1972; Clewlow, 1970's, studies of Great Basin prehistory were Wells, and Ambro 1978) provide beginning framed within an historicalist paradigm, and baseline data for the study of acculturation in since the 1930's with an additional emphasis on the Great Basin. cultural-environmental relationships, follow­ CULTURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT ing the work of Steward (19366, 1938, 19556; cf. Murphy 1970). The original version of this paper was essentially written prior to the watershed PALEOENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Cultural Resource Management Conference As noted above, Great Basin prehistory as held in Denver, Colorado, in April, 1974 (Lipe discussed between the 1950's and 1970's was and Lindsey 1974). Since that time, the framed within a model of Post-Pleistocene conduct of archaeological research in the climatic change. However, it was clear that the Great Basin, as elsewhere in the United States, model needed verification and possibly revi­ has changed dramatically. Federal agencies sion. Duringthe 1960's and 1970's, much addi­ and private entities have struggled to meet the tional research was undertaken on paleo- requirements of federal historic preservation climate and paleoenvironments within the legislation and the mandate of Executive Great Basin. Major summary papers include Order No. 11593. Numerous survey and exca­ those by Morrison (1965), Baumhoff and vation projects have been undertaken. The Heizer (1965), Mehringer (1977), Weide and implications of cultural resource management Weide (1977), Elston (1978), and Mifflin and in the Great Basin (and elsewhere) cannot be Wheat (1979). discussed herein (but see Fowler n.d.), but it is abundantly clear that there is a need for PRE-ARCHAIC OCCUPATIONS regional, possibly Basin-wide research designs. The question of Pre-Archaic occupation of Since one purpose of the present paper is to the Great Basin has been discussed for several elicit additional data for a more inclusive decades. Reports of very early occupation at history of Great Basin anthropological Tule Springs, Nevada, were subsequently dis­ research, readers are requested to bring key proven (Wormington and Ellis 1967). Surface "CRM" reports (especially those of limited finds of "Clovis" points and other early lithic distribution) to the author's attention. complexes have provided tantalizing hints of "paleo-Indian" occupation within the Great NOTE Basin (Tuohy 1974). Despite extensive recent research (e.g., Davis 1978), the problem remains unsettled (see Watters 1979 for a 1. This article was originally prepared in 1974 summary of some of the problems). as a contribution to the Great Basin volume of the new Smithsonian Handbook of North American HISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY Indians. Delays have been encountered in the publi­ cation of that volume. At the suggestion of the Research on the archaeology of Euro- Journal editor, the article has been updated american sites in the Great Basin is a relatively through 1979 and is published herein to elicit recent undertaking (e.g., Hardesty 1978a, additional input from the profession. Scholars are 19786, 1979; Fikeand Headley 1979). So too is encouraged to communicate additional data, com­ the archaeology of Post-Contact Native Amer­ ments, and suggestions to the author for incor­ ican sites. Few such sites have been systemati­ poration into a revised version to be included in the cally excavated. Those that have (Hattori Handbook. HISTORY OF GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH 21

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