Fifth Monarchist Constructions and Presentations of Gender In
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Chinese Catholic Nuns and the Organization of Religious Life in Contemporary China
religions Article Chinese Catholic Nuns and the Organization of Religious Life in Contemporary China Michel Chambon Anthropology Department, Hanover College, Hanover, IN 47243, USA; [email protected] Received: 25 June 2019; Accepted: 19 July 2019; Published: 23 July 2019 Abstract: This article explores the evolution of female religious life within the Catholic Church in China today. Through ethnographic observation, it establishes a spectrum of practices between two main traditions, namely the antique beatas and the modern missionary congregations. The article argues that Chinese nuns create forms of religious life that are quite distinct from more universal Catholic standards: their congregations are always diocesan and involved in multiple forms of apostolate. Despite the little attention they receive, Chinese nuns demonstrate how Chinese Catholics are creative in their appropriation of Christian traditions and their response to social and economic changes. Keywords: christianity in China; catholicism; religious life; gender studies Surveys from 2015 suggest that in the People’s Republic of China, there are 3170 Catholic religious women who belong to 87 registered religious congregations, while 1400 women belong to 37 unregistered ones.1 Thus, there are approximately 4570 Catholics nuns in China, for a general Catholic population that fluctuates between eight to ten million. However, little is known about these women and their forms of religious life, the challenges of their lifestyle, and their current difficulties. Who are those women? How does their religious life manifest and evolve within a rapidly changing Chinese society? What do they tell us about the Catholic Church in China? This paper explores the various forms of religious life in Catholic China to understand how Chinese women appropriate and translate Catholic religious ideals. -
The National Economy and the Religious Personality (1909) Sergey N
Journal of Markets & Morality Volume 11, Number 1 (Spring 2008): 157–179 Copyright © 2008 The National Economy and the Religious Personality (1909) Sergey N. Bulgakov In Memoriam to Ivan Feodorovich Tokmakov1 The political economy of our times belongs to sciences that do not remember their own spiritual kinship. Its origins are lost in the quicksand of philosophy of the eighteenth-century Enlightenment. At its cradle stand, on one side, the representatives of the Natural Law doctrine with their belief in the inviolability of human nature and pre-established natural harmony, and, on the other side, preachers of utilitarianism—J. Bentham and his disciples who proceed from the notion of society as a summation of disconnected atoms, mutually jostling representatives of different interests. The society is viewed here as the mechan- ics of these interests, the social philosophy is transformed into the “political arithmetic” of which Bentham dreamt. The political economy assimilated from him is the abstract, one-sided, simplified notion of man, a notion that still reigns in political economy. In this, among other ways, the prerequisite of the classic political economy was formed—the notion of “economic man,” who does not eat and sleep but always calculates interests, seeking the greatest benefit at lowest costs; a slide rule that reacts with mathematical accuracy to the outer 1 Tr. note: Ivan F. Tokmakov (1856–1908), writer and archeologist, worked as archivist at the Emperor’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs Main Archive. He wrote two main his- torical works dedicated to the history of book trading and the coronation of Russia’s emperors as a sacred ceremony, and was also famous for his empirical and statistical history reviews of different towns, villages, and monasteries. -
William Prince
William Prince by Ted A Griffin Table Of Contents Register Report for William Prince 1 Kinship Report for William Prince 76 Index 102 ii Register Report for William Prince Generation 1 1. WILLIAM1 PRINCE was born about 1788 in Candys Creek, Mcminniville, Tennessee, USA. He died in 1850 in Lawrence, Kentucky, United States. He married (1) LAURIE FYFFE in 1798. He married (2) RACHEL MURPHY about 1810 in Russell, Virginia, USA. She was born about 1784 in Tennessee, USA. She died in Lawrence, Kentucky, United States. Notes for William Prince: We know that William Prince was named William D. Prince as the 1850 census of Habersham county shows this, and also the 1850 delinquent tax list of Habersham shows the same name. The 1850 Murray county GA census shows William enumerated without his middle initial, but there is no doubt it is the same family (with a few unsurprising discrepancys) that appears in 1850 Habersham. As Joseph Prince owned land in Murray county GA in 1850, it is certainly likely that William was residing on that land once he left Habersham. (Phil Prince <[email protected]>) Notes for Laurie Fyffe: There is no evidence that this is correct. It is most likely that Laurie Fyffe married some other William Prince. Notes for Rachel Murphy: Rachel filed for divorce on Dec 21, 1835 stating that she and William had moved back to Lawrence Co. abt 1828 and in 1829 he had deserted her and taken up with Arty Mullins. (According to my Great Aunt Emma Prince Thompson, Carter Prince's Grandmother was a Gregor. -
The Ultimate Intervention: Revitalising the UN Trusteeship Council for the 21St Century
Centre for European and Asian Studies at Norwegian School of Management Elias Smiths vei 15 PO Box 580 N-1302 Sandvika Norway 3/2003 ISSN 1500-2683 The Ultimate Intervention: Revitalising the UN Trusteeship Council for the 21st Century Tom Parker 0 The Ultimate Intervention: Revitalising the UN Trusteeship Council for the 21st Century Tom Parker April 2003 Tom Parker is a graduate of the London School of Economics (LSE) and Leiden University in The Netherlands. He has degrees in Government and Public International Law. He served for six years as an intelligence officer in the British Security Service (MI5) and four years as a war crimes investigator at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague. He is currently a research affiliate at the Executive Session for Domestic Preparedness at the Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, working on the Long-Term Strategy Project For Preserving Security and Democratic Norms in the War on Terrorism. Tom Parker can be contacted at: 54 William Street, New Haven, Connecticut 06511, USA E-mail: [email protected]. A publication from: Centre for European and Asian Studies at Norwegian School of Management Elias Smiths vei 15 PO Box 580 N-1302 Sandvika Norway http://www.bi.no/dep2/ceas/ 1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................3 PART I: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT....................................................................3 A) THE ORIGINS OF THE IDEA OF TRUSTEESHIP .................................................................................. -
Oliver Cromwell and the Regicides
OLIVER CROMWELL AND THE REGICIDES By Dr Patrick Little The revengers’ tragedy known as the Restoration can be seen as a drama in four acts. The first, third and fourth acts were in the form of executions of those held responsible for the ‘regicide’ – the killing of King Charles I on 30 January 1649. Through October 1660 ten regicides were hanged, drawn and quartered, including Charles I’s prosecutor, John Cooke, republicans such as Thomas Scot, and religious radicals such as Thomas Harrison. In April 1662 three more regicides, recently kidnapped in the Low Countries, were also dragged to Tower Hill: John Okey, Miles Corbett and John Barkstead. And in June 1662 parliament finally got its way when the arch-republican (but not strictly a regicide, as he refused to be involved in the trial of the king) Sir Henry Vane the younger was also executed. In this paper I shall consider the careers of three of these regicides, one each from these three sets of executions: Thomas Harrison, John Okey and Sir Henry Vane. What united these men was not their political views – as we shall see, they differed greatly in that respect – but their close association with the concept of the ‘Good Old Cause’ and their close friendship with the most controversial regicide of them all: Oliver Cromwell. The Good Old Cause was a rallying cry rather than a political theory, embodying the idea that the civil wars and the revolution were in pursuit of religious and civil liberty, and that they had been sanctioned – and victory obtained – by God. -
WORKING PAPER Legitimizing Autocracy: Re-Framing the Analysis of Corporate Relations to Undemocratic Regimes
WP 2020/1 ISSN: 2464-4005 www.nhh.no WORKING PAPER Legitimizing autocracy: Re-framing the analysis of corporate relations to undemocratic regimes Ivar Kolstad Department of Accounting, Auditing and Law Institutt for regnskap, revisjon og rettsvitenskap Legitimizing autocracy: Re-framing the analysis of corporate relations to undemocratic regimes Ivar Kolstad Abstract Recent work in political economy suggests that autocratic regimes have been moving from an approach of mass repression based on violence, towards one of manipulation of information, where highlighting regime performance is a strategy used to boost regime popularity and maintain control. This presents a challenge to normative analyses of the role of corporations in undemocratic countries, which have tended to focus on the concept of complicity. This paper introduces the concept of legitimization, defined as adding to the authority of an agent, and traces out the implications of adopting this concept as a central element of the analysis of corporate relations to autocratic regimes. Corporations confer legitimacy on autocratic governments through a number of material and symbolic activities, including by praising their economic performance. We identify the ethically problematic aspects of legitimization, argue that praise for autocratic regime performance lacks empirical support, and outline a research agenda on legitimization. Keywords: Complicity, legitimization, legitimacy, corporate political activity, democracy Associate Professor, Department of Accounting, Auditing and Law, Norwegian School of Economics, Helleveien 30, N-5045 Bergen, Norway. Tel: +47 55 95 93 24. E-mail: [email protected]. 1 1. Introduction «China’s done an unbelievable job of lifting people out of poverty. They’ve done an incredible job – far beyond what any country has done – we were talking about mid-90s to today – the biggest change is the number of people that have been pulled out of poverty, by far. -
Charleston Orphan House Index, 1796-1929
Charleston Orphan House Index, 1796-1929 Name of Orphan Date Parents/Guardians Other Persons Indentured to Whom Trade/Relation Other Filed Cameron, Mary 1796 Thorne, Sarah mantuamaker IND Walters, Thomas 1796 Oliphant, David painter IND Anderson, Ann 1797 Anderson, John and Maria AA Anderson, Charlotte 1797 Anderson, John and Maria AA Anderson, Jonathan 1797 Anderson, John and Maria AA Anderson, Margaret 1797 Anderson, John and Maria AA Anderson, Robert 1797 Anderson, John and Maria AA Brown, John 1800 Brown, Thomas AA Calvert, John 1800 Keowin, F. AA Calvert, William 1800 Keowin, F. AA Rosenbohm, Catharine 1801 Carrere, Catherine E. needleworker IND Anderson, Jonathan 1802 Horlbeck, George coachmaker RIND Anonymous 1802 Arms, Elizabeth mantuamaker RIND Anonymous 1802 Yoer, Jacob shoemaker RIND Baker, Susan 1802 Gallaway, Elizabeth mantuamaker RIND Barry, James 1802 Barry, James father IND Connors, John 1802 Yoer, Jacob shoemaker RIND Ford, Ann 1802 Pearson, Frances A. R. domestic IND Ford, Nancy 1802 Sibley, Ann RIND Hughes, Edward Henry 1802 Maull, Henry half-brother IND Jones, Edward 1802 Jones, Edward Smith, William AA Jones, John 1802 Jones, Edward Smith, William AA Jones, Joseph 1802 Jones, Edward Smith, William AA Kingdon, Henry 1802 Horlbeck, George coachmaker RIND Mahoney, Mary 1802 Fuller, Christopher domestic IND Mahoney, Polly 1802 Bonnetheau, Martha IND Maxey, Ann 1802 Maxey, Ann Purcell, Joseph AA Maxey, Elizabeth 1802 Maxey, Ann Purcell, Joseph AA McNeal, Harriot 1802 McNeal, Elizabeth AA McNeal, Henry 1802 McNeal, Elizabeth AA O'Keefe, Thomas 1802 Horlbeck, George coachmaker RIND Randall, Ann 1802 Gilchrist, Adam RAA Remley, Henry 1802 Yoer, Jacob shoemaker RIND Smith, Elizabeth 1802 Purcell, Joseph AA Spence, William 1802 Cunningham and O'Neale merchant IND Suder, Charlotte 1802 Long, Mary domestic IND Symonds, Charles 1802 Gantt, Esther AA Withers, two children 1802 Withers, Mrs. -
Oblivion and Vengeance: Charles II Stuart's Policy Towards The
ARTICLES Paweł Kaptur 10.15290/cr.2016.14.3.04 Jan Kochanowski University, Kielce Oblivion and vengeance: Charles II Stuart’s policy towards the republicans at the Restoration of 1660 Abstract. The Restoration of Charles II Stuart in 1660 was reckoned in post-revolutionary England both in terms of a long-awaited relief and an inevitable menace. The return of the exiled prince, whose father’s disgraceful decapitation in the name of law eleven years earlier marked the end of the British monarchy, must have been looked forward to by those who expected rewards for their loyalty, inflexibility and royal affiliation in the turbulent times of the Inter- regnum. It must have been, however, feared by those who directly contributed to issuing the death warrant on the legally ruling king and to violating the irrefutable divine right of kings. Even though Charles II’s mercy was widely known, hardly anyone expected that the restored monarch’s inborn mildness would win over his well-grounded will to revenge his father’s death and the collapse of the British monarchy. It seems that Charles II was not exception- ally vindictive and was eager to show mercy and oblivion understood as an act of amnesty to those who sided with Cromwell and Parliament but did not contribute directly to the executioner raising his axe over the royal neck. On the other hand, the country’s unstable situation and the King’s newly-built reputation required some firm-handed actions taken by the sovereign in order to prevent further rebellions or plots in the future, and to strengthen the posi- tion of the monarchy so shattered by the Civil War and the Interregnum. -
University of Birmingham the Minister, the Millenarian, and The
University of Birmingham The Minister, the Millenarian, and the Madman: The Puritan Lives of William Sedgwick, ca. 1609–1664 Bell, Richard License: None: All rights reserved Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (Harvard): Bell, R 2018, 'The Minister, the Millenarian, and the Madman: The Puritan Lives of William Sedgwick, ca. 1609–1664', Huntington Library Quarterly, vol. 81, no. 1, pp. 29-61. <https://muse.jhu.edu/article/688845> Link to publication on Research at Birmingham portal Publisher Rights Statement: Published as detailed above General rights Unless a licence is specified above, all rights (including copyright and moral rights) in this document are retained by the authors and/or the copyright holders. The express permission of the copyright holder must be obtained for any use of this material other than for purposes permitted by law. •Users may freely distribute the URL that is used to identify this publication. •Users may download and/or print one copy of the publication from the University of Birmingham research portal for the purpose of private study or non-commercial research. •User may use extracts from the document in line with the concept of ‘fair dealing’ under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (?) •Users may not further distribute the material nor use it for the purposes of commercial gain. Where a licence is displayed above, please note the terms and conditions of the licence govern your use of this document. When citing, please reference the published version. Take down policy While the University of Birmingham exercises care and attention in making items available there are rare occasions when an item has been uploaded in error or has been deemed to be commercially or otherwise sensitive. -
Presidential Or Parliamentary Does It Make a Difference? Juan J. Linz
VrA Democracy: Presidential or Parliamentary Does it Make a Difference? Juan J. Linz Pelatiah Pert Professor of Political and Social Sciences Yale University July 1985 Paper prepared for the project, "The Role of Political Parties in the Return to Democracy in the Southern Cone," sponsored by the Latin American Program of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and the World Peace Foundation Copyright © 1985 by Juan J. Linz / INTRODUCTION In recent decades renewed efforts have been made to study and understand the variety of political democracies, but most of those analyses have focused on the patterns of political conflict and more specifically on party systems and coalition formation, in contrast to the attention of many classical writers on the institutional arrangements. With the exception of the large literature on the impact of electorul systems on the shaping of party systems generated by the early writings of Ferdinand Hermens and the classic work by Maurice Duverger, as well as the writings of Douglas Rae and Giovanni Sartori, there has been little attention paid by political scientists to the role of political institutions except in the study of particular countries. Debates about monarchy and republic, parliamentary and presidential regimes, the unitary state and federalism have receded into oblivion and not entered the current debates about the functioning of democra-ic and political institutions and practices, including their effect on the party systems. At a time when a number of countries initiate the process of writing or rewriting constitu tions, some of those issues should regain salience and become part of what Sartori has called "political engineering" in an effort to set the basis of democratic consolidation and stability. -
Trump, American Hegemony and the Future of the Liberal International Order
Trump, American hegemony and the future of the liberal international order DOUG STOKES* The postwar liberal international order (LIO) has been a largely US creation. Washington’s consensus, geopolitically bound to the western ‘core’ during the Cold War, went global with the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the advent of systemic unipolarity. Many criticisms can be levelled at US leadership of the LIO, not least in respect of its claim to moral superiority, albeit based on laudable norms such as human rights and democracy. For often cynical reasons the US backed authoritarian regimes throughout the Cold War, pursued disastrous forms of regime change after its end, and has been deeply hostile to alternative (and often non-western) civilizational orders that reject its dogmas. Its successes, however, are manifold. Its ‘empire by invitation’ has helped secure a durable European peace, soften east Asian security dilemmas, and underwrite the strategic preconditions for complex and pacifying forms of global interdependence. Despite tactical differences between global political elites, a postwar commit- ment to maintain the LIO, even in the context of deep structural shifts in interna- tional relations, has remained resolute—until today. The British vote to leave the EU (arguably as much a creation of the United States as of its European members), has weakened one of the most important institutions of the broader US-led LIO. More destabilizing to the foundations of the LIO has been the election of President Trump. His administration has actively -
The Protestant Reformation and Aristocratic Control of Bamberg
CHAPTER TWO THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION AND ARISTOCRATIC CONTROL OF BAMBERG Although many Franconian imperial knights were sympathetic to the Protestant Reformation, those living in and around Bamberg did not withdraw their support from the Imperial Church. In the Prince- Bishopric of Bamberg, the dominance of family over religious calling or spiritual behavior in the selection of important church offi cers refl ected the fact of noble control. By the end of the fourteenth century, an elite from the lower nobility had begun to assume power in the prince-bishopric. Th e development of imperial knighthood made local aristocratic control over Bamberg airtight. Th e canons of the cathedral chapter, the prince-bishop, and the highest secular offi cials in the bureaucracy came from imperial knightly families. Bamberg’s nobles dominated the ecclesiastical principality, excluding especially the progeny of powerful princes, so that only members from imperial knightly families received important church offi ces in the cathedral chapter or were elected to the offi ce of prince-bishop. In fact, the domi- nance of family over religious calling was so powerful in the sixteenth century that many of the prince-bishops elected from imperial knightly families were not even priests at election.1 Th reats to the Imperial Church jeopardized this way of life for the imperial knights with close connections to ecclesiastical principalities. Th e dangers posed by the Protestant Reformation were all too apparent in the Prince-Bishopric of Bamberg. By the 1530s, Bamberg was surrounded by Protestant neighbors who had seized about half of the parishes from the Diocese of Bamberg.