A Future for Socialism?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Future for Socialism? HAROLD WELLS A FUTURE FOR SOCIALISM? POLITICAL THEOLOGY AND THE "TRIUMPH OF CAPITALISM" TRINITY PRESS INTERNATIONAL Valley Forge, Pennsylvania EMMANUEL Copyright © 1996 Harold Wells All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. Trinity Press International, P.O. Box 851, Valley Forge, PA 19482-0851 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Wells, Harold. A future for socialism? : political theology and the "triumph of capitalism" / Harold Wells. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-56338-129-X (alk. paper) 1. Socialism, Christian. I. Title. HX51.W37 1996 335–dc20 95-52254 CIP Printed in the United States of America 96 97 98 99 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 For my Father Lorne A. Wells my first teacher Contents Preface .............................................................................................................................. xi Part I WHAT IS POLITICAL THEOLOGY? 1. Political Theology and Ideology................................................... 3 Christians, Socialism, and the Present Situation 3 Christian Socialism? 8 The Lordship of Jesus Christ 15 Ideology: A Positive Necessity 21 Love, Equality, and Class Struggle 23 2. Utopia and the Gospel of the Reign of God ................................. 29 Utopia 29 Resurrection, Salvation, and Historical Materialism 36 Stewardship/Mission 39 Sin and the Limits of Utopia 43 Part II THE TRIUMPH OF CAPITALISM? 3. Soviet Communism: The Tragedy of Utopia................................ 53 Lenin 54 The Warning of Rosa Luxemburg 57 Stalinism 58 A Story of Failure 61 A Note on Gramsci 62 4. North American Capitalism: Just What Is Wrong? ...................... 65 First, What Is Right with It? 65 Distortions within Capitalism: According to Galbraith 67 Economic Failure and Injustice 73 Canada • United States Is Capitalism Amoral? 81 The Limits of Social Democracy within Capitalism 83 vii viii Contents 5. Capitalism and the Third World .....................................................86 Domination and Debt 86 In Contrast: China 91 The Spectacle of East Asian Capitalism 93 The Idolatry of Capital 98 Part III WHAT IS SOCIALISM? 6. A Glance at the Early History ...................................................... 105 The Industrial Revolution 106 Early Practical Socialism in Britain 110 Robert Owen • Wesley and the Methodists • Anglican Christian Socialists France and Germany 115 Karl Marx 120 The Social Gospel 126 Walter Rauschenbusch • Salem Bland 7. Democratic Socialism /Social Democracy ....................................133 Fabian Socialism in Britain 134 The Socialist International at Frankfurt 136 United States 138 The Canadian Story 141 Sweden 153 8. Socialism in Its Many Varieties .................................................... 159 The Question of Definition 159 What Are the Other Socialist Alternatives? 162 Euro-Communism • Chinese Communism • Other Third World Communism • African Socialism • Worker Self-Management: Yugoslavia • Worker Ownership/Cooperativism • Communitarianism Contents ix CONCLUDING THEOLOGICAL REFLECTIONS 9. Christian Socialism: A Tradition Not to Be Abandoned............ 181 Speaking Theologically 181 Definitions/Distinctions 182 Successes/Failures 183 Naming the Alternative 184 Ambiguities/Utopia • A Multinational Socialism? Meanwhile: Socialist Pluralism/Penultimate Goals 188 Spiritual Character of the Socialist Movement 190 Notes ..................................................................................................... 193 Index .................................................................................................... 215 Preface This book is intended to be a modest contribution to an enormously important debate in theology: Does Christian faith lead us in one political direction rather than another? More specifically, does our Christian faith lead us in the direction of "socialism," as so many major theologians of this century — Rauschenbusch, Barth, Tillich, Moltmann, Soelle, Gutiérrez, Míguez Bonino, Radford Ruether — have suggested? Do the present collapse of communism and the "tri- umph of capitalism," as well as the current crisis of democratic socialism in many places, mean that "Christian socialism" has lost its credibility? Is there a future for socialism at all? This is an interdis- ciplinary study, an exercise in Christian political theology that draws heavily upon the information and insights provided by historians and social scientists. I am happy to acknowledge that I would not have launched into this particular project except for the invitation of Dr. Ken Ranney of Grand Prairie, Alberta, Canada, to participate in a Northern Alberta ecumenical seminar held at the United Church in Grand Prairie, for which a paper on "Christian socialism" was originally prepared. I am grateful to him for prompting me to think theologically about social and political structures under the conference title: "What would the world be like if we lived the way God wants us to live?" When I was first confronted with this question, it was immediately obvious to me that, of course, it would be a socialist world. If I may identify the background and bias that predisposed me to this answer: My own sympathy for socialist politics no doubt can be traced back to my childhood as part of a working-class family in the city of Hamilton, Ontario, and to the intelligent class conscious- ness of my father; also to certain friends and teachers who were my companions or mentors while I was an undergraduate at McMaster University. Professor George Grant, that great Canadian philosophical and political guru, who at that time called himself a socialist xi xii Pref ace and was fond of affirming his faith in "the blessed Trinity," was a superlatively provocative teacher and had a lasting influence on my thinking. Those were the early days of the New Democratic Party, when the achievements for Canadian society of its predecessor, the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (C.C.F.), were highly visible. In the summer of 1962 I had the good luck to be appointed, as a student minister, to work in the city of Regina, Saskatchewan, and so found myself in the midst of one of the most exciting political battles in Canadian history. The C.C.F. government of the province of Saskatchewan, the first "socialist" government in North America, had finally (after nearly twenty years in power) brought in univer- sal, government-sponsored medicare, to which the physicians had responded by a walkout. People feared for their health, since only emergency medical services were provided. The Liberal and Progres- sive Conservative opposition parties opposed the legislation vigorously and had the backing of most of the media, as signs were set up at the provincial borders: "You are now entering the Red Province." I can vividly recall the bitter divisions that existed within the community, the church, and even within the household in which I was billeted. At the same time, the former premier, T. C. (Tommy) Douglas, the main architect of medicare, was running for election to the federal par- liament as new leader of the New Democratic Party, and this young student minister had the privilege of meeting him and working for him in a very humble "knocking on doors" capacity. Douglas's personal defeat in that election was heartbreaking (no doubt more so to me than to Douglas), and the defeat of the new party in Saskatchewan soon afterward convinced me that this was a movement and a party that was willing to fight against great odds with the most powerful forces in society, and to lose if necessary, while pursuing worthy social objectives. Later, as a young pastoral minister of the United Church of Can- ada in northern Ontario, I was politically active in a minor way in the fledgling New Democratic Party. My concern with political theol- ogy was particularly stimulated by years in southern Africa (1976-81) where at the National University of Lesotho I encountered many Marxist students and colleagues. Those were tumultuous political years for that region, beginning with the massacre at Soweto in 1976 and the murder of Steve Biko in 1977, proceeding through the Zim- babwe civil war to its culmination in independence in 1980, and the ongoing struggle against apartheid in South Africa. A Marxist anal- Preface xiii ysis of apartheid was predominant on that university campus: it was capitalism — in this case the love of cheap black labor and a high margin of profit — that kept apartheid firmly in place for so long, bolstered by the requisite economic investment and hypocritical pub- lic disapproval of the western/northern nations. "It was truly the capitalist nations of the west that killed Biko!" the campus radicals proclaimed in 1977, and with good cause. The enemy was rhetori- cally identified as "The Three Big C's: Colonialism, Capitalism, and Christianity." Both racism and religion were seen as ideological func- tions of capitalist profiteering, and Christianity had been complicit in the pacification of African peoples in the face of colonial expan- sion and exploitation. I was moved by the commitment and high aspirations of so many students and colleagues who longed for "so- cialism," seeing their struggle as a quest not only for racial equality, but as a fight for a qualitatively different society — a truly cooper- ative, nonexploitative social order.
Recommended publications
  • Mussolini's Gladius: the Double-Edged Sword of Antiquity In
    Student Publications Student Scholarship Spring 2016 Mussolini's Gladius: The ouble-ED dged Sword of Antiquity in Fascist Italy Kyle W. Schrader Gettysburg College Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship Part of the European History Commons, Military History Commons, and the Political History Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Schrader, Kyle W., "Mussolini's Gladius: The oubD le-Edged Sword of Antiquity in Fascist Italy" (2016). Student Publications. 431. https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/431 This is the author's version of the work. This publication appears in Gettysburg College's institutional repository by permission of the copyright owner for personal use, not for redistribution. Cupola permanent link: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/ 431 This open access student research paper is brought to you by The uC pola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The uC pola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Mussolini's Gladius: The ouble-ED dged Sword of Antiquity in Fascist Italy Abstract Mussolini and the Fascist Party used a plethora of propaganda techniques in order to suggest the renewal of the old Roman Empire with the rise of the Italian Fascist Party. Through the use of ideology, race issues, religion, educational control, posters, theatre, architecture, and archeology, the Fascists used the Roman past to glorify modern Italy and the Fascist party. The asF cists’ use of these Roman allusions made their own deficiencies more apparent and led to a general failure of their propaganda program in terms of creating a new Italian identity focused upon the Ancient Roman past.
    [Show full text]
  • Session Seven Materials (562-KB)
    PENDLE HILL PAMPHLET 2 A Religious Solution To The Social Problem Howard H. Brinton PENDLE HILL PUBLICATIONS WALLINGFORD, PENNSYLVANIA HOWARD H. BRINTON 2 A Religious Solution To The Social Problem ABOUT THE AUTHOR Howard H.Brinton, Ph.D., Professor of Religion, Mills College; Acting Director, Pendle Hill, 1934-35. Published 1934 by Pendle Hill Republished electronically © 2004 by Pendle Hill http://www.pendlehill.org/pendle_hill_pamphlets.htm email: [email protected] HOWARD H. BRINTON 3 A Religious Solution To The Social Problem A religious solution to the social problem involves an answer to two preliminary questions — what social problem are we attempting to solve and what religion do we offer as a solution? Since religion has assumed a wide variety of forms it will be necessary, if we are to simplify and clarify our approach, to adopt at the outset a definite religious viewpoint. To define our premises as those of Christianity in general is not sufficiently explicit because historic Christianity has itself assumed a wide variety of forms. For the purpose of the present undertaking I shall approach our problem from the original point of view of the Society of Friends, which, in many ways, resembled that of early Christianity. Such an approach need not imply a narrow sectarian view. Early Quakerism exhibited certain characteristics common to many religious movements in their initial creative periods. Later Quakerism has shared the fate of other movements in failing to carry on the ideals of the founders. As for the social problem for which we seek a solution, it is the fundamental dilemma out of which most present-day social problems arise.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent Kenneth C
    Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent Kenneth C. Dewar Journal of Canadian Studies/Revue d'études canadiennes, Volume 53, Number/numéro 1, Winter/hiver 2019, pp. 178-196 (Article) Published by University of Toronto Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/719555 Access provided by Mount Saint Vincent University (19 Mar 2019 13:29 GMT) Journal of Canadian Studies • Revue d’études canadiennes Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent KENNETH C. DEWAR Abstract: This article argues that the lines separating different modes of thought on the centre-left of the political spectrum—liberalism, social democracy, and socialism, broadly speaking—are permeable, and that they share many features in common. The example of Tom Kent illustrates the argument. A leading adviser to Lester B. Pearson and the Liberal Party from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, Kent argued for expanding social security in a way that had a number of affinities with social democracy. In his paper for the Study Conference on National Problems in 1960, where he set out his philosophy of social security, and in his actions as an adviser to the Pearson government, he supported social assis- tance, universal contributory pensions, and national, comprehensive medical insurance. In close asso- ciation with his philosophy, he also believed that political parties were instruments of policy-making. Keywords: political ideas, Canada, twentieth century, liberalism, social democracy Résumé : Cet article soutient que les lignes séparant les différents modes de pensée du centre gauche de l’éventail politique — libéralisme, social-démocratie et socialisme, généralement parlant — sont perméables et qu’ils partagent de nombreuses caractéristiques.
    [Show full text]
  • Abstract a Social Gospel Vision of Health
    ABSTRACT A SOCIAL GOSPEL VISION OF HEALTH: WASHINGTON GLADDEN’S SERMONS ON NATURE, SCIENCE AND SOCIAL HARMONY, 1869-1910 by Benjamin A. Susman This thesis is a case study in a Social Gospel approach to nature, human health and environmental politics. Human health and non-human nature were mutually constitutive in Washington Gladden’s vision of health. In sermons from 1869 to 1910, Gladden argued that human health was closely connected to the health of societies and cities, for the simple fact that humanity was a part of nature. The local, urban aspects of Gladden’s Social Gospel vision of health were an important connective tissue to understand his broader moral and economic arguments. Gladden’s distinct notions of social morality and social harmony are best understood at the intersection of religious histories of the Social Gospel, urban environmental histories and public health histories. Gladden emphasized social morality through scientific public health and the conservation movement. His vision of social health was an ideal of social harmony supported by professionals who understood that human beings were capable of ordering God’s creation so that humanity could live healthy lives in healthy places around the world. A SOCIAL GOSPEL VISION OF HEALTH: WASHINGTON GLADDEN'S SERMONS ON SCIENCE, NATURE AND SOCIAL HARMONY, 1869-1910 A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by Benjamin A. Susman Miami University Oxford, Ohio 2020 Advisor: Dr. Steven Conn Reader: Dr. Amanda Mcvety Reader: Dr. Marguerite Shaffer ©2020 Benjamin Anthony Susman This Thesis titled A SOCIAL GOSPEL VISION OF HEALTH: WASHINGTON GLADDEN’S SERMONS ON NATURE, SCIENCE AND SOCIAL HARMONY, 1869-1910 by Benjamin A.
    [Show full text]
  • Box1 Folder 45 2.Pdf
    e~'~/ .#'~; /%4 ~~ ~/-cu- 0 ~/tJD /~/~/~ :l,tJ-O ~~ bO:cJV " " . INTERNA TIONA L Although more Japanese women a.re working out.ide the home than ever belore, a recent lurvey trom that country lndicateB that they a re not likely to get very high on the eorpotate la.dder. The survey, carried out by a women-, magazlne, polled 500 Japanese corpora.tions on the qualltles they look tor when seekl.l'1! a temale staff member. I Accordlng to lhe KyGdo News Service.! 95'0 of the eompanlel said they look fop female workers who are cheerful and obedLent; 9Z% sou.,ht cooperative women; and 85% wanted temale employees wllllng to take respoDs!bllity. Moat firms indtcated that they seek women worker, willLng to perform tasks such as copying and making tea. CFS National Office 3540 14th Street Detroit, Michigan 48208 (31 3) 833-3987 Christians For Socialism in the u.S. Formerl y known as American Christians Toward Socialism (A CTS), CFS in the US " part of the international movement of Christians for Socialism. INTERN..A TIONA L December 10 i. Human Rightl Day aroUnd the world. But Ln Talwan, the arrests in recent yeaI'I of feminists, IdDIibt clvll rlghts advocate., lntellec.uals, and re11gious leaders only symbolize the lack of human rlghts. I Two years ago on Dec. 10 In Taiwan, a human rights day rally exploded 1nto violence ~nd more than ZOO people were arrested. E1ght of them, including two lemlnl.t leaders. were tried by milltary tribunal for "secUtlon, it convicted and received sentences of from 1Z years to Ufe.
    [Show full text]
  • General Index
    SCIENCE & SOCIETY GENERAL INDEX VOLUMESI-XXV (1936�1961) Part I: Author, Subject and Title Part II: Books Reviewed SCIENCE & SOCIETY, INC. New York 1965 Copyright © 1965 by Science and Society, Inc. 30 East 20th Street, New York, N.Y. 10003 All Rights Reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 40-10163 �341 PREFACE The editors of Science & Society believe that this index to its contents during the first twenty-five years of publication deserves the uncustomary tribute of an editorial note, since it serves to remind us that Science & Society is theoldest publication extant devoted to the theory of Marxism. Indeed, with the single exception of that monument to German scholar­ ship, Die Neue Zeit (1883-1923), it is the longest-lived Marxist theoretical journal in the world, and this despite the enormous difficulties under which Science & Society has always been published. The editors, therefore, take this opportunity to reaffirm their inten­ tion of making Science & Society a forum for the best Marxist scholarship, and their hope that the preface to some future edition of its index will no longer need to note the exception of Die N eue Zeit. We think that those who, using this index, rediscover the great variety of subjects treated and the quality of critical scholarship represented, will agree with us that it is a bibliographic tool of real value to all scholars, but truly invaluable to Marxists. Finally, the editors of Science & Society wish to express their deep gratitude to the Louis M. Rabinowitz Foundation whose generous grant made the publication of this index possible.
    [Show full text]
  • Ecosocialism & Environmental Activism
    Ecosocialism & environmental activism SUBSCRIBE TODAY CANADA U.S. 1 year $20 $25 2 years $35 (save $5) $45 (save $5) 3 years $50 (save $10) $65 (save $10) Supporting: Add $20 Institutional and overseas international: $50 per year All prices in Canadian dollars Send cheques to: New Socialist Box 167, 253 College Street Toronto, Ontario M5T 1R5 www.newsocialist.org Union rights in Canada FALL 2007 Indigenous politics Issue No. 62 $4.95 Socialist history www.newsocialist.org Palestine The Ugly Canadian EDITORIAL here is an ever-widening chasm between the myth of met in an effort to promote the agenda of the Security and Canada as a peaceful and humanitarian nation and the Prosperity Partnership (SPP), which is pushed by the North realityT of Canadian foreign policy. American Competitiveness Council made up of 30 key cor- Stephen Harper says Canada is back as a credible politi- porate figures from the three states. cal and military player in world affairs. This highlights the The SPP’s proponents are pushing for weaker regulations urgency of building a strong movement of opposition to Ca- on business under the guise of “harmonization.” The consoli- nadian imperialism. dation of a US-style Homeland Security model in Canada is In Afghanistan, Canadian troops are on the front lines of also being pursued. Far more integrated and openly restric- counter-insurgency war, propping up the US puppet regime tive and racist border security policies are being promoted. of Hamid Karzai. Ninety percent of Canadian spending in North America is to be made even safer for profit-making, Afghanistan is military.
    [Show full text]
  • UKRAINIAN INTEGRAL NATIONALISM and the GREEK-CATHOLIC CHURCH in the 1920-30S Oleksandr Zaitsev, Ukrainian Catholic University (Lviv)
    1 UKRAINIAN INTEGRAL NATIONALISM AND THE GREEK-CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE 1920-30S Oleksandr Zaitsev, Ukrainian Catholic University (Lviv) In 1934, after a series of terrorist attacks carried out by the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in Galicia, the head of the Greek-Catholic Church (GCC), Metropolitan Andrei Sheptyts’kyi, issued a pastoral letter which sharply condemned “the criminal deeds of Ukrainian terrorists”.1 It was the highest point in the conflict between the Greek- Catholic Church and the revolutionary Nationalist movement.2 Why did the conflict arise? The most obvious answer is: because the Church could not condone violence and murder. But this is only part of the truth. Although there are numerous studies on the history of radical Ukrainian Nationalism and the GCC, the ‘uncomfortable’ aspects of their relations still await special research. In full accordance with Ernest Renan’s famous aphorism, 3 nationalist historians directly resorted to selective emphasis or ‘forgetting’ of historical events: they preferred to write about how the Church supported the struggle for liberation and about the clergy participation in the Nationalist movement, but quite understandably avoided discussing the conflict between the OUN and the Church. 4 In the depiction of Soviet historians, “the criminal activities of Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists always found support on the part of the Uniate Church,” whose head, “the Trojan horse of Vatican” count Sheptyts’kyi, was the nationalists’ spiritual father.5 No conflicts between the ‘father’ and the ‘children’ were mentioned. Ironically, in this respect the approaches of the nationalist historians and their Soviet counterparts – leaving 1 Andrei Sheptyts’kyi, Pastyrs’ki poslannia, vol.
    [Show full text]
  • The Formation of the Communist Party, 1912–21
    chapter 1 The Formation of the Communist Party, 1912–21 The Bolsheviks envisioned the October Revolution as the first in a series of pro- letarian revolutions. The Communist or Third International was to be a new, revolutionary international born from the wreckage of the social-democratic Second International. They sought to forge this international with what they saw as the best elements of the international working-class movement, those that had not betrayed socialism by supporting the war. The Comintern was to be a complete and definite break with the social-democratic politics of the Second International. In the face of the support of World War I by many labour and social-democratic leaders, significant sections of the workers’ movement rallied to the Bolsheviks.1 This was most pronounced in Italy and France, but in the United States as well the first Bolshevik supporters came from the left wing of the labour movement. In much of Europe, the social-democratic leaders either openly supported the militarism and imperialism of their ‘own’ ruling classes (such as when the German Social Democratic representatives voted for war credits on 4 August 1914) or (in the case of Karl Kautsky) provided ‘left’ cover to open social-chauvinists. In the United States, which entered the war late in the day, the party leadership as a whole opposed the war. However, the American socialist movement was still infected with electoral reformism, and a signifi- cant number of influential Socialists downplayed the party’s official opposi- tion to the war. This chapter examines how the American Communist movement devel- oped out of these antecedents.
    [Show full text]
  • For All the People
    Praise for For All the People John Curl has been around the block when it comes to knowing work- ers’ cooperatives. He has been a worker owner. He has argued theory and practice, inside the firms where his labor counts for something more than token control and within the determined, but still small uni- verse where labor rents capital, using it as it sees fit and profitable. So his book, For All the People: The Hidden History of Cooperation, Cooperative Movements, and Communalism in America, reached expectant hands, and an open mind when it arrived in Asheville, NC. Am I disappointed? No, not in the least. Curl blends the three strands of his historical narrative with aplomb, he has, after all, been researching, writing, revising, and editing the text for a spell. Further, I am certain he has been responding to editors and publishers asking this or that. He may have tired, but he did not give up, much inspired, I am certain, by the determination of the women and men he brings to life. Each of his subtitles could have been a book, and has been written about by authors with as many points of ideological view as their titles. Curl sticks pretty close to the narrative line written by worker own- ers, no matter if they came to work every day with a socialist, laborist, anti-Marxist grudge or not. Often in the past, as with today’s worker owners, their firm fails, a dream to manage capital kaput. Yet today, as yesterday, the democratic ideals of hundreds of worker owners support vibrantly profitable businesses.
    [Show full text]
  • 1. the Heritage of Modern Socialist Ideas
    Section XVI: Developments in Socialism, Contemporary Civilization (Ideas and Institutions 1848-1914 of Western Man) 1958 1. The eH ritage of Modern Socialist Ideas Robert L. Bloom Gettysburg College Basil L. Crapster Gettysburg College Harold L. Dunkelberger Gettysburg College See next page for additional authors Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/contemporary_sec16 Part of the Models and Methods Commons, and the Sociology Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Bloom, Robert L. et al. "1. The eH ritage of Modern Socialist Ideas. Pt. XVI: Developments in Socialism, (1848-1914)." Ideas and Institutions of Western Man (Gettysburg College, 1958), 2-6. This is the publisher's version of the work. This publication appears in Gettysburg College's institutional repository by permission of the copyright owner for personal use, not for redistribution. Cupola permanent link: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/ contemporary_sec16/2 This open access book chapter is brought to you by The uC pola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The uC pola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1. The eH ritage of Modern Socialist Ideas Abstract Of the total heritage which gave birth to modern socialism, brief attention may be given to certain of the predecessors of Karl Marx. Although some now are saved from obscurity only by the diligence of interested historians, others generated powerful ideas still not extinguished today. Together they created an amorphous body of thought from which Marx freelv drew. Consequently, an understanding of the varieties of later socialism, and specifically of Marx, requires a brief survey of these men.
    [Show full text]
  • Kreisverwaltung Neuwied, Spurensuche. Johanna Loewenherz
    1 Johanna Loewenherz(1857-1937) Source: Kreisverwaltung Neuwied, Spurensuche. Johanna Loewenherz: Versuch einer Biografie; Copyright: Johanna- Loewenherz-Stiftung 2 Prostitution or Production, Property or Marriage? A Study on the Women´s Movement by Johanna Loewenherz Neuwied. Published by the author, 1895. [Öffentl. Bibliothek zu Wiesbaden, Sig. Hg. 5606] Translated by Isabel Busch M. A., Bonn, 2018 Translator´s Note: Johanna Loewenherz employs a complicated style of writing. The translator of this work tried to stay true to Loewenherz´ style as much as possible. Wherever it was convenient, an attempt was made to make her sentences easier to understand. However, sometimes the translator couldn´t make out Loewenherz´ sense even in the original German text, for instance because of mistakes made by Loewenherz herself. Loewenherz herself is not always consistent in her text; for example when using both the singular and plural forms of a noun or pronoun in the same sentence. The translator of this work further took the liberty of using the singular and plural forms of “man” and “woman” rather randomly, whenever Loewenherz makes generalising remarks on both sexes. Seeing that Loewenherz uses a lot of puns in the original text, the translator of this work explains these in the footnotes. It is to be noted that whenever Loewenherz quotes a person or from another text, the translator of this work either uses already existing translations (e.g. from Goethe´s Faust) or translated them herself. In the former case the sources of these quotes are named in footnotes. The other translations are not specifically marked. 3 A Visit to the Night Caféi What is it that drives a man to the harlot?—How can he bring himself to touch such a woman?— Allow me, Gentlemen, the wholehearted sincerity which convenience usually does not forgive a woman.
    [Show full text]