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«Para Un Árabe De Bien No Puede Haber Nada Mejor Que Otro Árabe»: Nación, Etnicidad Y Ciudadanía En La Argentina Peronista

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«Para Un Árabe De Bien No Puede Haber Nada Mejor Que Otro Árabe»: Nación, Etnicidad Y Ciudadanía En La Argentina Peronista «PARA UN ÁRABE DE BIEN NO PUEDE HABER NADA MEJOR QUE OTRO ÁRABE»: NACIÓN, ETNICIDAD Y CIUDADANÍA EN LA ARGENTINA PERONISTA “FOR A GOOD ARAB, THERE IS NOTHING BETTER THAN OTHER ARAB”: NATION, ETHNICITY AND CITIZENSHIP IN PERONIST ARGENTINA Ariel Noyjovich Raanan Rein Resumen Este artículo examina los esfuerzos del primer peronismo para cooptar el apoyo de argentinos-árabes. Estos esfuerzos reflejaban la forma en que el líder veía a la Argentina como un país esencialmente católico que evolucionó hacia una visión más inclusiva de una sociedad multirreligiosa y multicultural que debía abarcar y celebrar dicha diversidad. El líder populista no negó su identidad étnica, sino que más bien los aceptó como una parte integral de la nacionalidad y alentó actividades transnacionales. En este contexto, los límites de la membresía en la comunidad política fueron ampliados y se reelaboró el concepto de la ciudadanía. Esto generó una nueva comprensión de las identidades colectivas, en cuyo marco flexibilizado argentinos- árabes, al igual que otras etnias no latinas, lograron renegociar y conjugar su propia identidad con nacionalidad. Palabras clave: Peronismo / Etnicidad / Ciudadanía Abstract This article examines the first efforts of Peronism to include and support the Argentine-Arab. These efforts reflect the way the leader saw Argentina as a fundamentally Catholic country that evolved into a more inclusive vision of a multi- religious and multicultural society that should embrace and celebrate that diversity. The populist leader did not deny their ethnic identity, but rather accepted them as an integral part of nationality and encouraged transnational activities. In this context, the boundaries of membership in the political community were expanded and the concept of citizenship was reworked. This generated a new understanding of collective identities, in which flexible framework Argentine-Arab, like other non-Latin ethnic groups, managed to renegotiate and combine their own identity with nationality. Key words: Peronism / Ethnicity / Citizenship [Recibido: 10/10/2016 – Aceptado: 9/12/2016] Ante decenas de miles de sus seguidores convocados en la porteña Plaza de Mayo, Juan Domingo Perón incluyo en su discurso del 17 de octubre de 1950 las 20 verdades fundamentales de la doctrina justicialista, o sea la de su partido. La sexta de estas reglas, enunciada frente a la multitud que aclamaba a su líder, reza que «para un peronista no puede haber nada mejor que otro peronista» (Perón, 1952). Contra Relatos desde el Sur, 2016. (14), 49–61 Cuatro años más tarde, dirigiéndose a líderes argentinos-árabes, Perón añadió otra «verdad» fundamental a su vocabulario populista, esta vez con un giro étnico: … esta colectividad tan hermanada y tan amiga nuestra se mantenga siempre unida y que piense que así como decimos nosotros que para un peronista no hay nada mejor que otro peronista, también, dentro de la comunidad árabe en la Argentina, para un árabe no debe haber nada mejor que otro árabe. Quiera Dios que siguiendo la orientación doctrinaria de nuestro justicialismo piensen que la única manera de vencer es uniéndose. Piensen que unidos vencerán. No podemos hablar de unidad de Medio Oriente, pero si podemos hablar de unidad árabe en la Argentina. Es esta unidad que yo quiero prestar todo mi apoyo, mi sinceridad y mi lealtad, para que la colectividad árabe que vive en la Argentina sea siempre unida. No olvidemos que uno de los aforismos peronistas dice que ‘Unidos venceremos’ (Perón, 1954, p. 176). La década peronista (1945-1955) introdujo cambios en los significados y las fronteras de la ciudadanía en la Argentina. Fue un período en el que hubo transformaciones en la representación política y en el desplazamiento gradual hacia un modelo de democracia participativa, que fueron un paso importante hacia lo que consideraríamos actualmente una sociedad multicultural. Las identidades étnicas pasaron a ser menos amenazantes al concepto de la argentinidad. En lugar del tradicional crisol de razas, el gobierno de Perón apoyó las identidades híbridas y enfatizó la amplia variedad de fuentes culturales en las que abrevaba la sociedad argentina. Las autoridades dieron un reconocimiento sin precedentes a las diferencias culturales y étnicas (Rein, en vías de publicación). Este artículo examina los esfuerzos del peronismo para cooptar el apoyo de argentinos-árabes. Estos esfuerzos reflejaban la forma en que el líder veía a la Argentina como un país esencialmente católico que evolucionó hacia una visión más inclusiva de una sociedad multirreligiosa y multicultural que debía abarcar y celebrar dicha diversidad. Durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX, el papel de argentinos-árabes en la política cobró significancia, tanto en los niveles municipales como provinciales y nacionales. El apogeo de este proceso de inclusión política fue con la elección de Carlos Saúl Menem a la presidencia en 1989. Durante la década en que este riojano con raíces en Siria gobernó, ciudadanos con orígenes árabes ejercieron una influencia destacada en el sistema político argentino. Lo que caracterizó a estos políticos fue su accionar en el ámbito de origen provincial y su pertenencia al partido peronista o partidos neoperonistas. Uno de los más destacados fue Vicente Leónidas Saadi, hijo de inmigrantes libaneses que se asentaron en la provincia de Catamarca a comienzos del siglo XX. Como parte del movimiento peronista, la familia Saadi controló la política local durante casi cinco decenios. Un caso similar es el de Felipe Sapag, de la provincia Neuquén. Los Sapag dominaron la escena desde que el territorio neuquino fue promovido a la condición de provincia y hasta la segunda década de nuestro siglo, sobre todo mediante el partido neoperonista que fundaron, el Movimiento Popular Neuquino (MPN). Un tercer caso de caudillaje provincial con ancestros árabes es el del gobernador de la provincia de Corrientes, Julio Romero (Noyjovich, 2016; Dimant, 2014; Noufouri, 2004, p. 398), cuya familia era originaria de la localidad libanesa de Baalbek. Considerado uno de los colaboradores más cercanos a Perón, su familia, los Romero Feris, ejecutaron su legado 50 Noyjovich, A. y Rein, R. – Etnicidad y ciudadanía en la Argentina peronista aunque no desde el Partido Justicialista sino desde el Partido Autonomista Liberal (PAL) que apoyó al gobierno de Menem. Estos tres casos demuestran la importancia de este grupo étnico en la política argentina, especialmente dentro del movimiento peronista, no solo en el contexto local sino también en la arena nacional. Populismo y la incorporación de diferentes grupos étnicos El populismo es uno de los conceptos más difusos en el léxico político moderno. Obviamente, la falta de una ideología coherente y sistemática como en los casos del liberalismo o del marxismo no facilita la tarea del investigador a la hora de descifrar este fenómeno. Las dilatadas y zigzagueantes carreras de numerosos políticos populistas hacen más complejo el problema, particularmente en los casos de líderes carismáticos que fueron cambiando sus políticas, estrategias y principios ideológicos a lo largo de varias décadas (Rein, 2013, pp. 289-311; Zanatta, 2008; De La Torre, 2010). El historiador Michael Conniff divide los movimientos populistas clásicos en América Latina en dos períodos: aquellos que surgieron entre las dos guerras mundiales presentaban primordialmente exigencias políticas y buscaban un gobierno legítimo y representativo. Estos movimientos instituyeron una política de las masas pero no planteaban problemas sociales significativos. El ejemplo primario en el caso argentino sería la UCR que accedió al gobierno en 1916, bajo el liderazgo de Hipólito Yrigoyen. Los movimientos surgidos después de la Segunda Guerra, en contraste, enfrentaron condiciones económicas y sociales diferentes, originadas en procesos de industrialización locales y habitualmente transfirieron su foco y recursos de la agricultura a la industria y buscaban aumentar la porción de las clases trabajadoras al repartirse los ingresos nacionales. Los nuevos líderes populistas tendieron a adherirse a un mayor autoritarismo en sus esfuerzos por imponer las soluciones económicas y sociales necesarias para el desarrollo nacional. Lucharon por movilizar a los votantes mediante los medios de comunicación, reconociendo la importancia crucial del apoyo de la clase obrera y comprendiendo que mejorar las condiciones económicas de estas masas era el precio que había que pagar para ello. Como con sus antecesores, estos movimientos populistas del segundo período eran policlasistas aunque el grueso de su poder se derivaba del apoyo de la clase obrera urbana y partes de la clase media industrial nacional. Un preclaro ejemplo en la Argentina fue el movimiento peronista, un bloque contra-hegemónico, descrito con precisión por Torcuato Di Tella (Di Tella, 1965, p. 47). Incluía a diversos sectores de la clase media, parte de la burguesía nacional, las facciones en las fuerzas armadas que predicaban la industrialización como una forma de garantizar la grandeza nacional y, por supuesto, a la mayor parte de la clase trabajadora. Su ideología anti status quo representaba las protestas de los excluidos, los grupos marginales que deseaban una redistribución del poder, favoreciendo a la mayoría, y una reconsideración del concepto de ciudadanía. Por consiguiente, puede tener mayor sentido hablar de un conjunto de valores y creencias que, aunque no esté ordenado en forma sistemática, refleja una visión determinada del mundo. Lo que parecía ser una
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