WHS Journal 2008

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Wesley Historical Editor Rev. Dr Terry Wall Society — 14 St Vincent Ave DIRECTORY 2012 Remuera J Auckland 1050 President 09 522 0729 Dr Helen Laurenson [email protected] 6B Atherton Road Epsom Executive Committee Auckland 1023 Rev. Norman Brookes ‘ 096303850 Mr Eric Laurenson [email protected] Mrs Shona Michie Rev. Dr Susan Thompson Secretary Mrs Margaret Ziegler Honoured Members 6 Brouder Place Rev. Marcia Baker Manurewa 2102 Dr Elaine Bolitho 092676515 Rev. Dr Allan Davidson [email protected] Mrs Verna Mossong Rev. Barry Neal Treasurer Mr Arthur Olsson Mr Peter Lane Mr Frank Paine 56 Senator Drive Rev. Donald Phillipps Manurewa 2105 Rev. Rua Rakena 09267 5329 Rev. Philip Taylor [email protected]

Contents Editorial ‘MORE THAN JUST AN HOUR ON SUNDAY’ Methodist Church Architecture in Aotearoa 1960-2000— a personal perspective. Eric Laurenson A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE WAIATA MAORI CHOIR, 1924-1938 Michelle Willyams MORE HEROES OF THE FAITH Minarapa Te Rangi-hatu-ake and Te Aro Pa, 1839- 1841 Gary Clover BOOK REVIEWS SCRIM — the man with a mike. Author: William Renwick Reviewer: Barry Jones A New Church for a New Century: East City Wesleyan’s Early Story Author: Richard Waugh Reviewer: Stuart Lange For Others With Love — A Story of Early Sisters and Methodist Deaconesses Author: Marcia Baker Reviewer: Jill Richards

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Editorial During 2012 The Methodist Church of New Zealand celebrated the centenary of the union of the Wesleyans and the Primitive Methodists which was signed at Wesley Methodist Church, Taranaki Street, Wellington on February 6th 1913 witnessed by the Governor General Lord Liverpool and the Prime Minister William Massey. Methodist historians served the Church well in keeping alive the story and its interpretation. Norman Brookes wrote a leading article for the October issue of Touchstone. Gray Clover prepared a thirty two page booklet which was distributed to all members of Conference entitled The Road to Methodist Union in 1913. Donald Phillipps addressed the annual meeting of the Wesley Historical Society with his impressions of the union between the Wesleyan and Primitive traditions. The Society hopes to publish Donald’s paper in some form in the future. We note that a significant conference was held at the end of November 2012 in preparation for the bicentenary of Samuel Marsden’s preaching the first Christian sermon in this land on Christmas Day 2014. “Iwi - Christianity - Tauiwi”, Re- evaluating Christianity’s Influence in Shaping Aotearoa New Zealand, will promote the on-going exploration of missionary beginnings and impact on the wider society. The 2012 Journal features an article by Eric Laurenson who has been a pioneer in re- shaping church architecture. His comment on the octagonal shape of some of the churches that he has designed reminds us of John Wesley’s preference for the octagonal shape in the construction of his chapels. (see Leslie F. Church The Early Methodist People, Epworth Press, 1949, p. 71) Ormond Burton observed of Percy Paris placing a cross in Wesley Methodist Church, Taranaki Street, “Once that cross was placed in Wesley, it was quite certain that the whole architecture of Methodist churches throughout the country would begin to change.” (see Percy Paris by Ormond Burton, published by The Friends of Percy Paris, 1963 p. 32) We are also happy to publish Michelle Willyams’ study of the Waiata Maori Choir and to continue Gary Clover’s study of prominent Maori evangelists who deserve to be better known. Both contribute toward our understanding of Methodism among Maori. Book reviews follow the articles as usual. — Terry Wall

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MORE THAN JUST AN HOUR ON SUNDAY’ Methodist Church Architecture in Aotearoa 1960-2000 — a personal perspective. Eric Laurenson Introduction In issue 62 of Wesley Historical Society proceedings, published as a tribute to its former President, Rev. Wesley Chambers, there was an article by Wesley on a history of Methodist church architecture in New Zealand. To quote from my introduction to his work: In late June 1993 I called to see the Rev. Wesley Chambers at his home in Mt. Eden Auckland where he was suffering the late stages of his final illness ... As we now talked together in his lounge it became evident that Wesley was still very much an historian with the threads of many stories running through his mind. Remembering our discussions, I asked f he would be interested in completing the essay on New Zealand Methodist church architecture with my assistance. I offered to sit with him with a portable word processor and work together with him as long as possible and so began a series of weekly meetings, rarely lasting more than an hour The week that he died, Wes. completed the draft document. It seemed almost with a sense of a completed task that he let go of life. Wesley gave me authority to edit his concluding chapter on the future directions of church architecture but I chose at the time to leave it as he had written it. Nevertheless, he raised some significant questions for us to ponder as we consider developments in recent years. These were: 1. Who is this built for? 2. What activities need to be accommodated? Is the church a standalone building for worship? 3. Is a set-aside sacred space necessary? 4. What new art forms and architecture may have a bearing on the form of the building that we put up? 5. How can it be seen to be open to the community? 6. How can the architecture of a building express the God who is both beyond and intimately near its worshipper? Wesley also noted the changing ethnic nature of the church with increasing membership from Pacific and Asian countries but made no mention of Maori. He acknowledged that he was not equipped to deal with the church architecture of those groups and suggested that they in time would write their own stories. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 6 WHS Journal 2008

Bearing all this in mind, and because of my own involvement as architect with over 100 churches of various denominations during my years of practice, I venture to outline my own experience of church architecture in the years since the period of which Wesley Chambers wrote. In the mid 1960s, the then minister with oversight of the Roskill and Sandringham Methodist churches in Auckland, the Rev. Edgar Hornblow, invited me to assist him with the design of a new church. I was a young draughtsman, about to qualify as an architect, and a member of the Circuit. Edgar was in the process of amalgamating the former Roskill and Sandringham congregations into one unit on a new site in Mt Albert Road. He had many fresh ideas about the nature of church worship and practice and he wanted to incorporate these in the new building. Foremost among his thoughts was the developing theology of the time that the church is far more than a place where prayerful individuals attended for an hour on Sunday. Rather it should be a place where the whole needs of people were addressed. ‘The horizontal fellowship’ was one of the catch phrases of the time as people tried to express a sense of human community as well as the ‘vertical’ relationship with a divine God.

The resultant church design for Wesley Church, reflected this in some new features [above] — a square-proportioned worship space with a symmetrical pyramidal roof and seating intended to be arranged on three sides of a centrally placed communion table with rail also on three sides. The lightweight pews allowed for easy layout for alternative uses. The worship space was linked to a multi-use hall with a large foyer which allowed for mixing and meeting. All facilities were accessible under one roof. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 7 WHS Journal 2008

At the time, all this seemed revolutionary. There may well have been similar movement occurring in other places and countries but I sought in vain for information in books and journals that would assist me in the planning of this very modest building. The Methodist Connexional office responded cautiously but eventually allowed the project to proceed. For me, it set a precedent for a whole raft of church projects that has extended throughout my career as an architect. People of many denominations visited this and subsequent churches and I found commissions coming in from all the mainstream Christian denominations. ‘Somehow, Edgar and I seemed to have tapped into a theological change that was occurring throughout the Christian world in the 1960s. Changing theology inevitably meant that buildings had to change. It was significant at that time, that many of the Auckland architects who seemed to be particularly involved in church-related work were Methodist. Kelvin Grant, Brad. Shaw and Arnold Neal were also setting new ways of looking at church buildings, both in the manner in which they planned and in the use of non-traditional materials and structures. I have pondered since whether this indicated something distinctive about local Methodism at that time in that it included people who were particularly willing to allow their own faith to influence and shape the buildings with which they were involved.

The Mt Roskill church was closely followed by the Bader Drive Methodist Church in Mangere [above], which introduced a polygonal worship space — in this case a hexagonal design with the same large foyer and associated hall and facilities. This church was the model for a later Anglican church in Hillsborough and, intriguingly, a village church at Manunu on Upolu, Samoa, but I was to settle on an octagonal space as the one that most reflected my own theology of inclusive worship. Other churches in this layout followed in quick succession. Blenheim Methodist, Glen Eden Methodist

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[below], Manurewa Anglican, Avondale Union Parish, Dargaville Methodist, Ellerslie/Mt Wellington Presbyterian, Red Beach Methodist [below], Rotorua Methodist [Below], Hillcrest Cooperating Parish Hamilton, St Lukes Methodist Northcote [below], Wellsford Anglican, Te Atatu Congregational and Huntly Cooperating Parish all showed the energy of the time as congregations discovered that church was much more than just an hour on Sunday. Such was the response to these octagonal buildings that one person told me that they had heard that I could only design octagonal buildings!

Red Beach Methodist

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An interesting sidelight involved a visit to the Solomon Islands at the request of the Church’s overseas mission board in the early 1980s. Word had come that the United Church in Honiara was planning a new central church and my services were offered by the board. On arrival, I was told the sort of church they expected to build — a long and narrow structure reflecting their missionary tradition. My first question to them was how they would expect to gather to hear good news in their villages. The answer came back very clearly. They would not sit in a narrow file but would cluster around the speaker to get the best vantage spot they could. I suggested that perhaps this was an indicator to them as to the shape of their new church. Today as one flies into Honiara, the distinctive circular shape of the United Church is clearly visible, with seating for a thousand people and space for another five hundred under the projecting eaves. It was finally opened in 1989. Following this encouraging period of confidence, the pace of church building started to slow as existing plant was modified and energy for new projects started to fade. This could be seen as reflecting what was happening in the life of the pakeha church generally. The ecumenical enthusiasm of the 1960s and 1970s started to wane

Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 10 WHS Journal 2008 following the failure of the 1970 Plan for Union. Denominationalism was re- emphasised and conservative pressures became apparent. Of course, there were many other threads running through the life of the church as well as this. The increasing number and size of many Pacific congregations was starting to mean that worshipping in other congregations’ buildings was limiting and there was a great desire to have their own church buildings. Samoan and, later, Tongan and Fijian congregations continued to provide me with a meaningful involvement in the life of Christian groups. Many of their buildings are of a more traditional design but there has always been a willingness to consider other approaches to church design. The Tokaikolo Tongan church in Mangere is an octagonal building with an associated octagonal hall. The Armada Drive Pacific Islanders’ Congregational (PlC) church in Swanson is square with an emphasis on linkages between the various spaces. In Otahuhu, Tongan Methodists successfully adapted an old post office line depot to use as a church and hall. Challengingly, there was always a debate as to whether the worship space was exclusively for that purpose or whether it should be a multipurpose space for a variety of roles. For Pacific people, the worship space has a particularly sacred quality and for them a separate hall for cultural activities, including the serving of food, was almost always required. The Papakura PIC church was one of the few Pacific churches that were designed with the worship space as a multi-use space. Much of my work over this period was the adaptation of existing church plants to the new ways of ‘being church’. For many congregations, their complexes had developed over the years as needs changed and finances allowed new buildings. The result was often a mis-match of structures with awkward circulation patterns and unhelpful gaps between buildings. Typically, a new church would be initially sited adjacent to the road with a small entrance porch on the street elevation. Later, as circumstances allowed, a hall would be built at the rear, often including much needed toilet and kitchen facilities that would not have been deemed necessary in the original building. Time and again, I found myself suggesting to congregations that they reverse the direction of seating in their worship space so that a large entrance foyer could be placed between the church and hall buildings to provide linking covered access throughout the complex. Kohimarama Presbyterian, Ellerslie Tongan Methodist, Onehunga Cooperating Parish [below — new entrance, original side and front entry (now fire exit)] and the Great Barrier Island St Johns church were all successful examples of this rejuvenation of old plants.

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Onehunga Cooperating Parish Church, Grey Street In terms of church work for Maori I have had comparatively little involvement. I am aware of a history of Anglican Maori church buildings, Whare Karakia by Richard Sundt but this makes no reference to the many links between Anglicans and Methodists in the use of church buildings, particularly in colonial times. I was asked to convert the old Panmure Presbyterian Church to use as the first urban marae, Tira Hou, a place with links to Tuhoe. Later, at the invitation of the Rev. Buddy Te Whare, I designed a wharepuni for the Makaurau marae at Ihumatao on the shores of the Manukau Harbour. The Methodist links of this marae taught me that the comparative dearth of Methodist Maori church building in recent years did not mean that Methodism had lost its way amongst Maori. One building from the 1980s that particularly stands out in my memory was constructed for Te Taha Maori of the Methodist Church, Te Haahi Weteriana O Aotearoa. Whakatuora in Mangere was a vision of the then Tumuaki, the Rev. Rua Rakena. Discussions with Rua envisaged a building of the simplest kind, that retained elements of the wharepuni but reflected the modem world with associated food preparation area and closely linked toilet facilities. A porch at the front faced an area, a papawhenua, around which are grouped a number of residential units designed for the mutual support of young and older people. Whakatuora remains a singular building which has served many and varied purposes over the years. I believe it still has many lessons for the wider church. In more recent years, the Melville Methodist Church in Hamilton and the Invercargill Lindisfarne Centre would probably represent for me the most developed form of the design that was instituted all those years ago. Many other things are happening in the church to influence where its architecture is now heading. At one time it seemed as if we were moving towards church buildings that were little different from neighbourhood taverns. Now the conservative theological swing of recent years has seen a return to churches with a more traditional worship layout although the closely linked facilities for community use are now almost universally provided. Having planned for the removal of the Mt Eden Methodist Church in Auckland and its replacement with a modern building incorporating income-generating shops to support ministry as well as worship space, I,

Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 12 WHS Journal 2008 together with Parish leaders and the congregation, ran headlong into spirited community resistance to the replacement. Perversely, in this case, community involvement has seen the retention of traditional forms in the final outcome rather than the exploration of what a community church might really look like. My early architectural education was strongly influenced by the modernist movement. ‘Form follows function’ was the guiding principle and I always endeavoured to see that buildings I designed reflected the life of the congregations that they served. This meant that I was not always able to put my own theology into the design but it did give me the privilege of sharing the Christian life from many perspectives and certainly made sure that I was aware that there is no one way of reflecting the gospel. Our theology will always influence our church designs and so my interest in the design of churches goes hand in hand with an interest in theology. Like Wes., I’m not sure where all this will lead us in the design of churches. There are views within the church that value traditional forms of worship and therefore traditional buildings. There are community forces at work that value old buildings for what they are and what they feel they represent rather than what they actually mean to those using them for worship. The preservation of heritage is a powerful factor without necessarily a wish to accept the culture that led to the creation of the buildings in the first place. The modern church has to decide if it will permit these community attitudes to shape its sense of mission. On the other hand, there are nihilistic views of the faith that say that nothing less than a fresh start will carry the church into the future. It is impossible to predict whether this will produce new forms of church buildings or will in fact see a cessation of church building altogether. As always, we must echo the words of St Paul as he says ‘For now we see in a mirror, dimly, but then we will see face to face’.

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Some Churches designed by Auckland Methodist architects during the same period: Kelvin Grant (information kindly provided by Dr Valerie Grant) Te Puke Methodist Church 1963 Design award, Waikato Branch, NZIA Commissioned 1960. Chapel of the Good Samaritan 1965 Kingseat Psychiatric Hospital, Kingseat, South Auckland. Commissioned 1964. This was perhaps the first church building in New Zealand designed to be shared by both Catholic and Protestant churches. Lynfield Joint Parish Church Commissioned 1967. Devonport Methodist Church and Centre 1973 [below] Design Award, Auckland Branch, NZIA Commissioned 1961.

Devonport Methodist Church

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St John’s Uniting Church, Kamo Road, Whangarei 1975 [below], now known locally as the “Golden Church on Kamo Road”.

St John’s Uniting Church, Kamo Road, Whangarei Photo: Eric Laurenson. St Paul’s Union Church, Taupo, Methodist and Presbyterian. 1976 Corner, Rifle Range Road and Tamamutu Street, Taupo. Commissioned 1973. Bucklands Beach Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian Church and Centre Commissioned 1976. Trinity St Paul’s Union Parish of Cambridge — Methodist and Presbyterian Church. 1984 Corner, Bryce Street and Queen Street. Commissioned 1972. Foundation Stone laid March 1979. Kapiti Union Parish Church, Presbyterian, Methodist and Churches of Christ Weka Road, Raumati. Commissioned 1985. St Aubyn’s Chartwell Church Centre, Anglican, Methodist and Presbyterian Corner, Comries Road and Bellmont Avenue, Chartwell, Hamilton. Commissioned 1997. St Christopher’s Wedding Chapel, Terrace Downs Commissioned 2005. Kelvin’s only multi-faith commission. (Not yet built.)

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Arnold Neal Wesley Church, Pukekohe (Methodist) [below]

Pukekohe Presbyterian Church Tamaki Presbyterian Church (Samoan) Takapuna Assemblies of God Church Waiuku Presbyterian Church Port Albert Chapel. Takapuna Methodist Church [below]

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Brad Shaw St Austells (Methodist/Presbyterian) Church New Lynn St Joseph’s Catholic Church, Kaitaia St Margaret’s Anglican Church Wesley Methodist Church, Papatoetoe [below]

St Paul’s Methodist Church, Otara Otara Church of the Nazarene Otara Presbyterian Church St Mark’s Presbyterian Church, Papatoetoe Papatoetoe Baptist Church Samoan Congregational Church, Papatoetoe Seventh Day Adventist Church, Puhinui Rd Papakura Methodist Church Morrinsville Baptist Church Hamilton Central Baptist Church St Lukes Anglican Church, Te Kuiti. St Andrews Presbyterian Church, Manurewa

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Manurewa Methodist Church [below]

References Chambers, W. A., ‘Methodist Churches in New Zealand’, in I. J. Whyle, ed., Rev. Wesley Albert Chambers, 28 May 1921—21 August 1993: Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Proceeding 62, 1995, pp.14-28. Jowitt, Glen, ‘Planting the True Vine’, New Zealand Geographic, 27, July-September 1995, pp.[84]-96. Laurenson, Eric H., ‘Ecclesia Pasifica’, New Zealand Architecture, September/October 2002, pp.50-53. Laurenson, Eric, So Your Church Wants to Build, Christchurch, The Church Building and Loan Fund Committee of the Methodist Church of New Zealand, [n.d.]. Sundt, Richard A., Whare Karakia: Maori Church Building, Decoration & Ritual In Aotearoa New Zealand 1834-1863, Auckland, Auckland University Press, 2010. With the exception of St John’s Church, Kamo, all photographs in this article are by Derek Olphert.

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A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE WAIATA MAORI CHOIR, 1924-1938 Michelle Willyams

Waiata Maori Choir 1935 Oma and Joseph Ross Collection 2008.26.141 Methodist Church of New Zealand Archives. The Methodist Home Mission Party was significant to the choral scene in New Zealand, raising the status of Maori performance during the 1920s and 1930s. They performed to audiences throughout the country seven days a week, almost twelve months a year, for what amounted to fifteen years of performance. The choir, which was later renamed the Waiata Maori Choir in 1934, used the stage to entertain as well as to educate their audiences about Methodism, Maori and New Zealand. The choir’s director, Reverend Seamer believed strongly in music as a means to overcome many social, cultural, religious and economic issues. The group also played a significant role Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 19 WHS Journal 2008 in bringing Maori and Pakeha closer together. Later, they took their performances to Australia for two lengthy tours and carried out an extensive tour of the United Kingdom, successfully bringing Maori and Methodism into focus to a much broader audience.’ The figurehead and director of the Methodist Home Mission Party was Arthur John Seamer, an Australian born Methodist minister. Seamer came to New Zealand in 1897 as a Salvation Army missionary recruit, however he served his thirty-year ministerial career within the Methodist fold.1 When he began working for the Methodist Church in 1901, the structure within New Zealand was organised in a nation-wide circuit system. The North Island was divided into five Mission districts, each of which was assigned a Home Mission Superintendent as well as a Native (Maori) Superintendent. The South Island circuit was an exception, and was left intact for several ministers to operate.2 One General J.Seamer, ca. 1930s. Superintendent was designated to supervise Maori Oma and Joseph Ross Collection 2008.26.105 Methodist Church of New mission work, which Reverend T. G. Hammond Zealand Archives carried out until 1920. One General Superintendent also oversaw the European mission work, which 3 Reverend T. G. Brooke managed from 1915 to 1924. The declared aim of both the Home and Maori Mission Departments was to hasten the integration of Maori and European into one church, while aiming to bring about better relations between the two peoples.4

1 Seamer initially joined the Salvation Army as a missionary and was sent to New Zealand in 1897. Seamer worked among Maori in Gisborne and Taranaki, and it was during these years he forged close relationships with Maori and became fluent in the language. He resigned from the Salvation Army in 1901 when policy changes were carried out by the Salvation Army’s national administration. He joined the Methodist missionary movement and was officially ordained as a Methodist Minister in 1907. Refer to Michael King, Te Puea (Auckland: Hodder and Stoughton, 1977) and Hirini Kaa, “Nga hahi - Maori and Christian denominations — Salvation Army”, TeAra — the Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/nga-hahi-maori-and-christian-denominations/6. 2 The day-to-day running of each circuit was governed by a number of ministers and deaconesses. 3 For further details refer to George Laurenson, Te Hahi Weteriana: Three Half Centuries of the Methodist’ Maori Missions, 1822-1972 (The Wesley Historical Society of New Zealand, 1972). 4 E. W. Hames, Coming of Age: The United Church, 1913-1972 (Auckland: Institute Press, 1975), 57-8. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 20 WHS Journal 2008

By the 1920s, Seamer had risen within the Methodist ranks and was highly regarded by his peers and congregations. His work was acknowledged in 1920 with his appointment to General Superintendent of the Maori Mission in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed to the newly combined role of General Superintendent of both the Home and Maori Mission Departments. Consequently, his duties were vastly increased, which required constant travel, providing support and leadership to the circuits nationwide. This role demanded great vision and focus to negotiate the different needs of both Pakeha and Maori. Seamer brought to this role an active belief in the use of music to evangelise both Maori and Pakeha. Seamer realised that music was the solution for attending the needs of each group, particularly as both Maori and Pakeha congregations sang as a matter of course in Methodist services.5 After carefully reviewing the situation in 1924, Seamer attached to himself Maori helpers, for periods varying from three to twelve months, leading them “up and down the land singing and speaking,” to assist him in both European and Maori Methodist mission services, and to engage in evangelising congregations and assisting with fundraising efforts.6 He named the group the Methodist Home Mission Party (hereafter MHMP), and hoped they would also serve to bridge the gap between Maori and Pakeha congregations.7 A report in the New Zealand Methodist Times noted, “As Mr Seamer has only one hobby apart from his work, and that hobby is music, it was natural that the musical talents of the party should be developed, and at length, while the same representation principles were still observed, the fine inspiratina1, educational and musical programmes given by the party brought it to great prominence.”8 The MHMP began touring the mission circuits throughout New Zealand in 1924, performing both Maori and European music and presenting stories and information about the Maori people at the same time. Early members included the Maori Reverends Te Aho-o-Te-Rangi Pihama and Eruera Te Tuhi, and three young women,

5 Methodism is renowned for its strong musical background, with the Wesleyan founder, John Wesley, administering a strong musical emphasis from the outset. For further details, see Nicholas Temperley and Stephen Banfield, Music and the Wesleys (University of Illinois Press, 2010). 6 Changing Duties and Changing Needs,” New Zealand Methodist Times (4 August 1934), 4. 7 Although there was no formal separation between Pakeha and Maori in churches throughout the country, it appears an informal separation occurred in many churches. Seamer found that when it came to church life the line was drawn and in one district the use of Sunday school was refused to Maori children: “Methodist Annual Conference,” Otago Daily Times (27 February 1923), 6. The MHMP were also commonly referred to in contemporary articles as “the deputation choir”: “Changing Duties and Changing Needs,” NZMT (4 August 1934), 4. 8 The Musical Emphasis,” NZMT (4 August 1934), 4. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 21 WHS Journal 2008

Ara Winiata, Ruihi Ruamoetahuna and Rongo (Dolly) Kahui.9 From the outset, Seamer did not favour tribal affiliations of the Maori members, and in doing so, privileged a broader Maori identity).10 Nearly one hundred people joined the MHMP over the choir’s fifteen years, with members from tribes as far as the Chatham Islands, Otakau and Northland providing representatives. Other members of note include the operatic singer Inia Te Wiata, Hinerangi Hikuroa, who was known as the “Maori Nightingale” in her day, Airini Grennell, who was the first female Maori radio broadcaster, Mon Ellison, Taka Ropata, Reverend Robert Tahupotiki Haddon, and Te Uira Tutaeo Manihera.11 In the beginning the choir numbered five members or so at any one time. In later years, it was typical for the group to number twenty. These larger numbers enabled the MHMP to perform in both large combined concerts and in smaller groups of four or five, whereby they could perform more concerts and services in each region they visited. As the group increased, travel was made easier by the services of a nine-seater Hudson van.12 They would load all their luggage, instruments, staging and props, as well as themselves into the van. Mori Pickering (nee Ellison) recalled “We grew to love ‘Huddy,’ as she represented something tangible that belonged to us in our never ending travels living in suitcases and travelling practically every day of the year.”13 The MHMP performed a variety of musical genres to audiences, illuminating not only individual talent but also the eclectic range of music available in New Zealand during the 1920s and 1930s. Unsurprisingly, a large part of the MHMP’s concerts were Methodist-based, with predominantly religious repertoire. Their religious music was usually taken from The Methodist Hymn Book.14 They regularly performed the Doxology, the Lords Prayer, and psalms such as O Heavenly King (12) and O God of Bethel (95). They performed hymns including Lord of All Being (23) and Jesus, the

9 “Where Methodism Stands,” NZMT(12 April, 1924), 13. 10 Note that there were Pakeha members involved in the MHMP as well including Deaconess Margaret Nicholls, and Seamer himself: Michelle Willyams, Singing Faith: A History of the Waiata Maori Choir 1924-1938 (MA thesis, Otago University, 2012), 41. 11 “Appendix 1 - Membership List of the Waiata Maori Choir, 1924l938,” in Willyams, Singing Faith, 157-159. 12 The van was originally bought by the Home Mission Department for the Literature and Colporteur Society, but was appropriated by the MHMP to transport the choir members across the country. 13 Mori Pickering, “Reminiscences of the Waiata Maori Choir as related to Ruth Fry,” Out of the Silence: Women s Stories, 9320 Methodist Women’s Fellowship National Executive Records (Christchurch: Methodist Church of New Zealand Archives), 4. 14 The Methodist Church Ko te Pukapuka o nga Inoi me era atu likanga a te Hani Metoriti (Weteriana) nga Himene me nga Hakamareta me era atu Ritenga Hoki o te Hahi (Ranana, 1927). The WMC may have used the edition by Sir Frederick Bridge (ed.), The Methodist Hymn-Book with Tunes (London: Novello and Co., Limited Printers, 1901). Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 22 WHS Journal 2008

First and Last (12l).15 One reporter in Lower Hutt, near Wellington, noted in 1931 that the choir’s chanting of hymns was when “the Maoris seem at home, and the harmonies and the spirit in which it is done, is indeed stirring to the listener.”16 The MHMP also demonstrated musically the Maori experience of Christianity, and performed numerous hymns in Mari. Such songs included E Ihu, e te Kingi nui, a hymn written by a Maori chief in his own scale, and also a lively version of Abide with Me.17 Maori music and performance was a core characteristic of the MHMP’s unique performances. Some people praised Seamer’s choir for their ability to fit in with the people they performed to. “In the Waikato,” Maori historian Donna Awatere commented, “the Methodists were especially successful because they did not attempt to reform Maori values, but were prepared to adapt church ritual to suit Maori tastes.” 18 They typically began their concerts and services with a Maori powhiri (or welcome) and proceeded to intersperse their concert with Maori poi, haka, and waiata pieces, such as Te Akoako to Rangi, Hine e Hine, Ka Taka Mai Awhi Mai, and Aue e te Iwi. They also performed many of Alfred Hill’s Western compositions with Maori themes, with Waiata Maori, Home, Little Maori Home, and Waiata Poi.19 The MHMP also performed Western classical music including operatic and instrumental pieces such as Tosti’s Goodbye, Dudley Buck’s Fear ye not, O Israel, and Charles Gounod’s aria O Lord, Thy Redeemer. The MHMP also carefully and often playfully intertwined Maori lyrics into familiar music and texts, including Danny Boy, Annie Laurie, and Simple Simon.20 The MHMP also performed popular Negro Spiritual songs such as Ma Curly Headed Babby and The Piccaninnies, which American performers introduced to New Zealand in the nineteenth century.21 Exploring the map [below] illuminates the numerous locations Seamer and the MHMP visited in 1924, which also foreshadows the annual tours of New Zealand they carried out throughout most of the 1920s and l930s.22

15 “Maori Concert,” Ellesmere Guardian (1 March 1932), 5. 16 “Maori Choir,” Hutt News (28 October 1931), 2 17 “Maori Choir in Colourful Presentation,” The Advertiser (10 May 1935), 22. 18 Donna Awatere, Maori Sovereignty (Auckland: Broadsheet Magazine Ltd, 1984), 84. 19 A. H. McLintock, “Hill, Alfred — Biography,” Dictionary of New Zealand Biography. Te Ara — The Encyclopaedia of New Zealand. http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/biographies/2h35/l. 20 “Maori Choir,” Hutt News (28 October 1931), 2; “Maori Concert,” Ellesmere Guardian (1 March 1932), 5; “Soprano Singer the Star,” Barrier Miner (7 June 1935), 2; and “Maoris Please Large Audience,” Barrier Miner (8 June 1935), 3. 21 “Maori Choir in Colourful Presentation,” The Advertiser (10 May 1935), 22 22 Willyams, Singing Faith, 43. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 23 WHS Journal 2008

By 1934 the MHMP officially changed their name to the Waiata Maori Choir (hereafter WMC). Seamer accepted an invitation from the Melbourne Pioneers

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Association Secretary, Isaac Selby, to perform in Melbourne, and on receiving numerous other invitations, proceeded to arrange a tour through Australia in 1935 23 Seamer and his twenty strong choral group travelled there for five concerts in 1935 and then again in 1937, where they toured throughout all of the states excepting the Northern Territory. They performed a concert in two halves, entitled “Maori of Yesterday” and “Maori of Today.”24 For the most part the choir were well received during both tours, with complementary reviews: “Leading newspapers speak in glowing terms of both the high entertaining qualities and the educational value of the programmes,” wrote a Gipsland Times reporter, “while music critics say that the chorus singing is a revelation of what can be done with the human voice.”25 There was only one controversial moment during the WMC’s visit in 1937, when a civic reception was refused to the choir during the final leg of their tour to Perth.26 Following their Australian tour, the WMC boarded the S. S. Oxford steamship in Fremantle, Australia on 23 August 1937 and travelled to London, England.27 Their tour of Great Britain lasted seven months and took them throughout England, with Cornwall, Wales and the Southeast a focus of their tour, and they also visited parts of Ireland. The choir were received differently in Britain than in New Zealand and Australia, as the majority of British citizens were unaware of Maori culture and traditions (although there had been some exposure to the culture since colonisation of New Zealand).28 While there were some private and public criticisms of the WMC’s musicality, typically the responses to the group consisted of praise and enthusiasm for

23 Selby invited the WMC to perform in the final phase of the Victorian state centenary celebrations: The Townsville Daily Bulletin (14 September 1935), 10. 24 “Fine Voices: Maoris entertain,” Evening Post (9 August 1933), 3. 25 “The Waiata Maori Choir,” Gippsland limes (15 April 1935), 4. 26 Every major city gave the WMC a civic reception until Perth, Western Australia in August 1937. The Acting Lord-Mayor defended his decision by declaring the choir were professionals and not accorded receptions as a matter of course. However an outcry erupted in both Australia and New Zealand at this perceived discourtesy, with debates in the newspapers. 27 The WMC’s four week long journey to Britain was broken up by several stops: one in Sn Lanka; another through the Suez Canal to Egypt; brief stopovers in Naples, Italy, and Marseilles; and their final port of call was Gibraltar. 28 For an in-depth discussion of the introduction and exposure of Maori culture in Great Britain see Peter Hoffenberg, An Empire of Display: English, Indian and Australian Exhibitions from the Crystal Palace to the Great War(Berkley: University of California Press, 2001) and Christopher Balme, “Staging Pan-Polynesian Identity at the New Zealand International Exhibition, Christchurch 1906-07,” Performing Aotearoa: New Zealand Theatre and Drama in an Age of Transition, ed. Marc Maufort and David O’Donnell (New York: P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2007). Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 25 WHS Journal 2008 their efforts to improve the status and knowledge about both Maori culture and New Zealand history.29 As well as recording an album of their music, called The Famous Waiata Maori Choir, the choir were televised in 1938, with one reporter noting in November 1937, “the added charm given to the choral performance by the wearing of the native- Maori dress and by the graceful movements of the native dances was evidentally [sic] realised by the British Broadcasting Corporation.30 The highlight for many of the choir members was their summons and performance to the King and Queen at Buckingham Palace on the 31st March 1938. The group wore formal attire with Maori cloaks over their shoulders and they sang three songs; a traditional Maori greeting, an unpublished Maori artsong, and the hymn How Excellent is Thy Loving Kindness.31 When the WMC returned to New Zealand in April 1938, they gave a final tour of the country, however, they disbanded after this tour and never reformed. Seamer retired from his role in 1939 after fifteen years service to the Home and Maori Mission Departments. More broadly, a study of the WMC serves to highlight the state of New Zealand music history in the 1920s and 1930s. Seamer believed strongly in music as a means to overcome many social, cultural, religious and economic issues. Indeed, the group played a significant role in bringing Maori and Pakeha closer together during this period, perhaps laying foundations for the growth of biculturalism in New Zealand. They used the stage to entertain as well as to educate their audiences about Methodism, Maori and New Zealand more generally, particularly whilst touring throughout Australia and Great Britain. The Waiata Maori Choir sang for their duty as mission workers, yet they found a creative way to sing their faith and culture, to sing it loud, and to share it with many people along their fifteen-year journey.

29 In one instance the choir were refused accommodation at a Cornish hotel due to their colouring. This resulted in outcries from the local media and the community rallied to the WMC’s aid: “City Protest at Bar on Maoris: Incident in the West,” Western Independent (20 January 1938); “The Waiata Maori Choir: Successful Tour,” The Evening Post (20 April 1939), 11. For further discussion see Willyams, Singing Faith, 128-137. 30 “With Notebook and Pencil,” The Advertiser (9 November 1937), 8. 31 To hear these songs and many more the WMC performed on their tour of Great Britain, listen to The Famous Waiata Maori Choir, Kiwi Archive Record (Wellington: A. H. and A. W. Reed, 1937). Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 26 WHS Journal 2008

MORE HEROES OF THE FAITH* Minarapa Te Rangi-hatu-ake and TeAro Pa, 1839-1841 Gary Clover * This is the second of three articles intended to be published under the general heading of “More Heroes of the Faith’ The first article, published in the WHS Journal 2011, Proceedings 93, December 2011, pp.5-12, told the story of two Methodist Maori missionaries martyred near Mangataipa in the Hokianga on 22 January 1837. A third article, on Taawao, the first missionary to Port Levy, Banks Peninsula, is hoped to be published in 2014. The story of Minarapa Te Rangi-hatu-ake 1810?- 1893?— his name means “Minarapa of the foreign or strange god” — also known as Minarapa Te Atua-Ke, and Taapu Minarapa,1 is a story that is interwoven with the founding of the Wakefield settlement at Whanganui-a-Tara, Port Nicholson (Wellington) on 22 January 1840. The Wellington area had long been a staging post for tribes migrating to the South Island. The first permanent settlers were Ngai Tara people of the Kurahaupo canoe.2 They were followed by Waitaha of the Uruao canoe, then Ngati Mamoe and Ngai Tahu heading for the South Island. Later for a time came Ngati Kuhungunu (of Wairarapa and Hawkes Bay) and Rangitane (from the Manawatu). From the early 1700s to the musket wars of the early nineteenth century, Ngati Ira were the dominant tribe. But from the late 1820s Te Atiawa of Taranaki, driven south by Ngapuhi and Waikato musket raids, conquered and drove the remnants of Ngati Ira into the Wairarapa and took ahi kaa (home fire) possession of the land around Te Whanganui-a-Tara. They had hardly settled in when the Wakefield colonists began to arrive. First was the New Zealand Company’s Tory on 21 September 1839 carrying Company officials to negotiate for the land they were already selling in England to prospective settlers. Next to arrive in January 1840 were the Cuba bearing the Company’s surveyors, then on 22 January the Aurora bearing the first settlers, and the Oriental and the Duke of Roxburgh.

1 eg, George I. Laurenson, Te Hahi Weteriana; Three Half Centuries of the Methodist Maori Missions 1822-1972, WHS Proceeding, VQI.27, Nos.l & 2, 1972, p.55; &, H.E.M. Fildes, Advent of the Church; a contribution to the founding of Methodism, [Wellington, Blundell Bros print, 1921], p.10. His name if spelt “Te Rangi-hatu-ake” encourages correct pronunciation. 2 The best short account of the successive tribal invasions & the impact on Te Atiawa Maori of the first years of the Wellington settlement is by Rev. John Roberts’, in, “TeAro Pa; Its Significance”, (Notes for a 1989 Waitangi Day bi-cultural focus), [Wellington, 6? February 1989], passim. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 27 WHS Journal 2008

Unfortunately for Te Aro Maori, they were not present or represented when on 27 September 1839 Te Wharepouri and Te Puni, Te Atiawa, chiefs of Ngauranga and the Hutt Valley, helped Colonel William Wakefield negotiate an acquisition of the entire region and distribute £400 worth of blankets, axes, muskets, cartridges, gunpowder, and a dozen umbrellas and some sticks of sealing wax for the land. Te Aro Maori were at Waikanae engaged in a serious conflict with Ngati Raukawa (from lower Rangitikei). However, later some did accept from Te Warepouri and Te Puni a small portion of the distribution which rather muddied their insistence that they had never agreed to sell Te Aro Pa.3

Te Aro Pa scene, by W. Mein Smith, 1842. Alexander Turnbull Library print. Attributed to Edmund Nonnan, in: Nga lkpuna O Te Whanganui-a-Tara II, 2003, [by Sandra Clarke, Lotofoa Flu, & Ann Reweti, et.all, Wellington, The City Council & The Wellington Tenths Trust p.10.

Te Atiawa continually and vigorously denied that their land and dwellings at Te Aro (or “Taranaki”) Pa and the nearby swampland had been sold. They put up strong resistance to the Company’s surveyors, at night pulling up their stakes and obliterating their surveys which were marking out roads and sections through the pa, its gardens, and urupa (cemetery). Colonel Wakefield’s response was to arm the surveyors and

3 ibid, Roberts, pp.5-6. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 28 WHS Journal 2008 enforce the New Zealand Company’s claim to the extent that Te Mo people began leaving the area. In 1840 the greater Wellington Maori population was estimated to be 800. By 1874 it had dropped to 161. 4 Shortly after the Treaty of Waitangi was signed and British sovereignty proclaimed, Governor Hobson despatched Willoughby Shortland the Colonial Secretary and Chief Magistrate, and a party of troops and mounted police, to Wellington to enforce the Crown’s authority and to deal with the land disputes. Hobson himself arrived in Wellington on 19 August 1840. He refused to ratify the Company’s purchases or grant Crown title until he had held an enquiry into Maori land grievances. William Spain was appointed Land Commissioner and began hearings on 16 May 1842. When Richard Barrett, the early Wellington whaler and entrepreneur, with the assistance of Reihana Te Kamo fl. 1839-1845? also known as Te Karoro, the CMS teacher at Pipitea Pa, proved that Maori of Pipitea and Te Aro had never agreed to sell, and Barrett had informed Wakefield of this, the New Zealand Company’s claims to both pa collapsed.5 Evidently, only two out of Te Mo’s six elders had accepted their portion of Te Wharepouri‘s payment for Te Aro Pa. Wakefield then stirred up settlers to harass and force Maori out. At Te Mo a settler began building a house in a Maori’s garden but was evicted. Word quickly spread and armed settlers soon surrounded Te Mo Maori. In 1842 the Native Protector George Clarke reported:6 In the course of my visit to the different cultivations I found that white settlers did just as they liked, pulled down the Maoris’ fences and drove the cattle through the potatoes. This is the systematic robbery by which the Company’s settlers deprived the natives of the plantations ... and it requires my very utmost energies to keep the Europeans in check and the natives from adopting violent measures in self-defence. In March 1845 Commissioner Spain made his awards. The New Zealand Company was allocated title to 71,900 acres around Wellington and in the Hutt Valley. Maori retained their pa, burial places, gardens, and were to receive thirty nine reserves of 100 acres each, plus 110 town acres, and compensation of £1,500. Spain’s awards greatly angered and were never accepted by the New Zealand Company which successfully agitated to have Governor Fitzroy removed and the Crown awards overturned.

4 ibid, pp.5-6, & 16. 5 ibid,p.8. 6 ibid, p.9-10. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 29 WHS Journal 2008

Some place names of Te Whanganui-a-Tara. Map by N. Harris, for the Waitangi Tribunal, in: Nga Tupuna II, 2003, p.8. Source photo by the author, 30 May 2011, converted to graphic. (Square around Te Aro shows approximate area in detailed graphic/map below.) The new Governor George Grey appointed Lieutenant Colonel William Anson Cleverty to renegotiate Fitzroy’s grants. In 1847, he found that the extent of Maori cultivations was 639 acres of which 528 acres had been adequately sold. He estimated 1,200 acres would be required in compensation and allocated to each pa in part compensation 40 acres of the Town Belt. Other suitable land amounting to nearly 40 acres around the town was purchased for Maori cultivations.7 But Te Aro Maori had had enough. By 1866 Te Aro Pa was abandoned.

7 ibid, p.10. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 30 WHS Journal 2008

Map showing Te Aro Pa adjacent to 1840 Wellington Shoreline, & the old Market Reserve (now Te Aro Park), in: Wellington Tenths Trust, GIS Map Book, Rita Hailwood & Neville Gilmore, compilers, 1st ed, Wellington Tenths Trust, Wellington City Council, Greater Wellington Regional Council, & Massey University, 2004. Source photo by the author 30 May 2011, converted to graphic. Over the years the “Native” reserves passed into the control of the Maori Trustee as part of the estate of the “North Island Tenths”. Today, Parliament Buildings, Wellington Hospital, Athletic Park, and City Council housing projects, are all built on this Maori land. They are currently subject to Treaty of Waitangi claims for Crown redress. Such is the background to our story of Minarapa Te Rangihatuake. He played a key role in bringing Methodism to Wellington which predated European settlement. In notes for a 1989 Waitangi Day event entitled, “Te Aro Pa, Its Significance”, Rev. John Roberts writes:8

8 ibid, p.12; & “Minarapa Rangihatuake 1820?-1893?”, (biographical article), in Nga Tupuna o Te Whanganui-a-Tara II, [by Sandra Clarke, Lotofoa Fiu, & Ann Reweti], Wellington, The City Council & The Wellington Tenths Trust, 2003, p.1 1; &, John H. Roberts, “Rangihatuake, Minarapa” (Biography), from DNZB online, Te Ara Encyclopedia of New Zealand, updated 1 Sept 2010, URL:http://.TeAra.govt.nz/en/biographies/1r1/1. (This biographical article was not published in DNZB, Vol.1 or Vol.2.) Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 31 WHS Journal 2008

“Minarapa’s role in this beginning of the Methodist Church has long been neglected. It has been usual for the credit to be given to the two Wesleyan Missionaries, the Revs John Hobbs and John Bumby. This is reflected in the wording of the kohatu (Memorial stone) erected in ... Te Aro Park on the occasion of the centennial of Methodist beginnings in Poneke or Port Nicholson. Reliance on the journals of these two men has resulted in their being given the credit for the primary role.”

Plan of Te Aro Pa sections & owners, in: Nga Tupuna O Te Whanganui-a-Tara, [Volume 1], 2001, p.[55]. Source photo by the author, 30 May 2011. Mentally rotate to match shoreline in Map, above.) However, we are fortunate in having two manuscripts which give Minarapa’s account of how it began. These provide a different perspective enabling us to see the story from another viewpoint.

Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 32 WHS Journal 2008

These two manuscripts9 are, firstly, a long, meandering, but at times eloquent, recollection of Minarapa’s role in the land dealings and founding of the Methodist Church at Te Aro Pa which ends abruptly at the end of June 1839 when the first church in Wellington, a raupo thatched chapel, was about to be built. This “Statement 1839” was translated and dated 8 May 1893 at Opunake, by Rev. T. G. Hammond the Methodist Maori Missioner in South Taranaki. However, the original manuscript in Maori may indeed date back to about 1840.

A page of Minarapa Te Rangihatuake’s “8 May 1893 Letter” to Rev. John Aldred telling of his bringing the Christian faith to Te Aro Pa with Revs John Bumby & John Hobbs, accompanied by Reihana Te Kamo at Pipitea Pa, his building of the first chapel at Te Aro, and acquiring of the land by Te Aro Stream for the Wesleyan Mission. From: “Wiremu Kingi Matakatea’s Story”, p.30 in: John White, “Miscellaneous Manuscripts Relating To His ‘Ancient History of the Maori”, Elsdon Best Notebook, 1895, no. 4, Folder 23, Polynesian Society: Records MS-Group-0677, “MS-Papers-I 187-023”, MS-Copy-Micro-0755-23, Alexander Tumbull Library, Wellington. Underlining of key words by the author.

9 Minarapa Rangihatuake, “Statement 1839”, translation by T.G. Hammond 8 May 1893, [4] p T/s & [13]p M/s, folder, MS-Papers-0385, & Rangihatuake, “Letter to Rev. J Aldred, 6 May 1893 “, translation by Elsdon Best, “Notebook no.4”, leather bound volume l2p, Access.33077, 1930, MS 1650, in “Mantell Collection 091”, in Alexander Turnbull Library. Also: “Minarapa Rangihatuake, ‘Letter to Rev. I Aidred re the Wesleyan Purchase of lands at Te Aro’, 1893. Translation by Elsdon Best”, 6p, photocopy of MS- 1650, Turnbull Library, in Maori Collection, 279.3141 RAN, Wellington City Library. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 33 WHS Journal 2008

The second manuscript is a letter dated 6 May 1893 when Minarapa was aged over 80, nearly blind and very frail. It is addressed in Maori, to “Hatarete “, Rev. John Aldred, the first European Wesleyan missionary resident in Wellington. He arrived there on 23 December 1839 on the barque Magnet to minister to both Maori and settlers. This letter was translated by the late nineteenth and early twentieth century ethnographer Elsdon Best from an original written down at Rahotu near Cape Egmont by Te Kahui, whom Best identifies as Minarapa’s oldest son Wiremu Kararehe Te Kahui who lived from 1846-1904. Minarapa appears also in Otaki Maori Land Court records as playing an important role in “Te Kuititanga” the October 1839 clash between Te Atiawa and their allies, and Ngati Raukawa, near Waikanae. His letter of 1893 records that after he had been “seven months” in Wellington his people called on him as a Christian minister to negotiate with Ngati Raukawa at Otaki for the peaceful release of Te Atiawa prisoners that Ngati Raukawa held. He was unsuccessful in either releasing the prisoners or stopping the looming war, barely escaping from Ngati Raukawa with his life. 10 There is also an 1851 letter of which Minarapa was one of three signatories. It detailed for Donald McLean, Governor Grey’s Maori Land Purchase Officer, Te Atiawa’s land claims around Queen Charlotte Sound and on Arapawa Island.11 Minarapa was born around 1810 in the rohe (territory) of Ngati Mahunga a hapu of the Taranaki tribe in the area around Warea near Cape Egmont. As a young man, possibly in the 1831 battle at Pukerangiora (near New Plymouth), he was captured and enslaved by Waikato, then later marched further north by Ngapuhi raiders to the Hokianga. In due course around 1834 under missionary influence he became a Christian and was released from slavery. At Mangungu, among the Mission Maori who were appointed as lay preachers, Minarapa was made “principal preacher” and “minister for Ngapuhi”. For his work he

10 “The Minutes of the Otaki sitting of the Maori Land Court, held in Foxton (Manawatu) on the 25th November 1872”, Google search, http://horowhenua.kete.net.nz/site/topics/ show/124-25th-nov-1872, Parliamentary Library; S. Percy Smith, History and Traditions of the Maoris of the West Coast, North Island of New Zealand, Prior to 1840, Memoir of the Polynesian Society, Vol.1, New Plymouth, 1910, pp.254-255; &, Wiremu Kararehe Te Kahui,, “Life of Wiremu Kingi Matakatea and other notes”, MS-Papers-1187-077, in: “John White Miscellaneous Manuscripts relating to his ‘Ancient History of the Maori”, Series 10, Ethnological MS Collection, “Te Matakatea”, MS-Copy-Micro-0755-23, Tumbull Library, Wellington. Also refer: G. Clover, “Te Putakarua, Te Awaroa, Te Matoe, and Te Hau Maringi...”, in: WHS Journal 2010, Proceedings 92, December 2010, section on, “Civil War at Waikanae”, pp.6-7. 11 Letter from Heremaia, Minarapa, and Piripi to McLean”, Te Uruhi, 19 May 1851, in, “Sir Donald McLean Papers”, 1820-1877 (MS-Group-1551), “Inward Letters in Maori”, MSPapers-0032-0675D, Folder 0675 D Reel 104/482-3. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 34 WHS Journal 2008 was paid £1 a month, plus four white shirts. After Rev. John Bumby reached Mangungu in March 1839, until May when they sailed for Port Nicholson, in his 1893 letter Minarapa states that “as his boy permanently” he lived with Bumby in his house at the Wesleyan Mission station. He also claims it was he who persuaded the Wesleyans to go to Wellington. “When I had been a minister for five years we came to Wellington; it was I who induced them to come to Wellington.12 Minarapa had been anxious to return to his own people who were now settled at Port Nicholson and expressed his desire to take the Gospel to them. The Wesleyan missionaries for their part were anxious to extend their Mission’s influence southward to counter the influence of the New Zealand Company and its settlers. On 18 May 1839 the missionaries Bumby and Hobbs sailed from Russell on the Hokianga a small coastal trader, accompanied by twenty Taranaki Maori, including Minarapa, George, Paora, and Hemi. Sailing with them was Reihana Te Kamo.13 He was of Te Atiawa and had been enslaved by Ngapuhi but had been a CMS pupil at Paihia and Waimate. In Port Nicholson he settled at Pipitea Pa and obtained two acres of land for a CMS mission there. In November 1839 Rev. Henry Williams arrived on the CMS ship Columbine to secure Reihana’s purchase. Williams appointed Reihana as the CMS minister to Pipitea Pa. Like Minarapa, Reihana vigorously opposed Wakefield’s land claims. In April 1840 as “Reweti Reihana” he signed the Treaty of Waitangi. In August 1842 he built and launched a twelve ton schooner to trade for flax called the Maori Davis. It apparently sank in 1845, after which there is no further record of Reihana who may have gone down with it. Meanwhile, at noon on 7 June 1839 (Minarapa records June 1)14 the Wesleyan missionary party landed at Port Nicholson. On arrival, Minarapa visited his Atiawa relatives at Pipitea Pa where he paved the way for the European missionaries. Later that day, he presented to them Bumby and Hobbs who preached of the benefits of peace that Christianity would bring and urged the people to, “Turn all of you to the faith, cease from killing men.” A chief responded, “... if the faith is life very well.” On 9 June Minarapa went to Te Aro Pa. A relative, Hina Karoraina (Carolina) or Hina Ka Ro Rama, wife of Wiremu Kingi Wairarapa an important chief from Okahu

12 Minarapa, “Letter to I Aldred, 6 May 1893”, Best translation, p.2; &, Roberts, “Te Aro Pa”, pp.12 -14. Also: Laurenson, Te Hahi Weteriana, p.58; T. M. I. Williment, John Hobbs 1800-1883; Wesleyan missionary to the Ngapuhi tribe of Northern New Zealand, Wellington, Govt. Print, 1985, pp.133-135; &, H. Fildes, Advent of The Church, p.3-4. 13 Reihana Te Kamo, Alive 1839-1845”, in, Nga Tupuna, vol.3, 2005, p.11. 14 Roberts, Te Aro Pa, p.1 2; Minarapa Rangihatuake, “Statement 1839”, translation by T. G. Hammond 8 May 1893, p.[l]. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 35 WHS Journal 2008 in Taranaki, greeted him, having recognised him the previous day at Pipitea. There was much “tangi-ing” (weeping) at Minarapa’s coming among them and recalling of the dead. He told them: “I stand before you as a preacher. I have been appointed to lift up the faith and my reason for coming to you is that you should all turn to the faith.” After some debate the people at Te Aro Pa agreed to accept the faith. On 11 June a feast was held, worship took place at which Bumby preached and Hobbs translated. Bumby concluded by saying to the people: “Minarapa shall remain with you. I will leave him here a preacher for you all.” Next Minarapa asked for a small site on which to build a Christian chapel along the western side of the Wai-ma-pihi (later, Te Aro) Stream. Three acres were set aside. Bumby defined their boundaries by striding them out. Minarapa states that, “they gave them 80 blankets, a box of shirts, white shirts, 200 [twists of] tobacco and 1 cask [of gun] powder in payment for that piece of land as a site for the church.” But no formal written deed of sale was drawn up. This was the origin of what became known after 1840 at Te Aro as the “Wesleyan Reserve”. As the Wesleyan preacher at Te Aro Pa, Minarapa was paid in advance in goods, garments, tobacco and money. According to Minarapa, Bumby’s departing exhortation to him was: 15 “Be energetic in upholding Christianity and in impressing it upon your people; take care of your people do not allow dissensions to arise, be energetic in impressing such things”. Horace Fildes,16 a Wellington writer of the 1920s, states that, “several of the other native Christian youths were retained as teachers until two European missionaries could be sent. They were equipped with books, slates and pencils.” George, Paora (Paul), and Hemi (James), who had sailed from Kororareka (Russell) with Minarapa and Reihana, were probably some of these teachers. After Bumby and Hobbs departed for Mangungu on 14 June 1839, Minarapa rallied the people to build the church, helped by Taranaki people living at Waikanae. Before the end of June they built a simple raupo chapel they named “Te Arai Te Uru” after “a fabulous female taniwha” said to live in the deep waters of the harbour, and were using it for worship. This was Wellington’s first church. It may have been burnt down on 9 February 1842 when half of the pa was destroyed by an exploding barrel of gunpowder.

15 Roberts, TeAro Pa, .l3-l4 &, “Statement 1839”, p.[31]. 16 Fildes, Advent of the Church, p.6ff. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 36 WHS Journal 2008

During his return journey north, on 26 June John Bumby was drowned off Whangaparaoa in the Hauraki Gulf when his canoe was swamped. With Te Aro chiefs Te Ngahuru and Wi Tako, Minarapa journeyed to Mangungu to attend Bumby’s funeral. He was away for eighteen months altogether. In 1842 his relatives in Taranaki called for him to return to them. Minarapa appointed Wi Upo or Ipu,17 who had arrived with Henry Williams on the Columbine in November 1839, to act as lay preacher in his stead. His full name was Wi Omere Te Ipu or Rangiwahia, of the Kaitangata hapu of Atiawa. His base in Wellington was at Otari (today between the suburbs of Wadestown and Wilton). Early in 1842 Minarapa returned to his Taranaki relatives to live for the rest of his life at Te Uruhi, a pa near Rahotu, only once visiting Wellington again briefly in 1850. It is thought he introduced to the Bible and taught both Tohu Kakahi and Te Whiti O Rongomai before they were students of Rev. Johann Riemenschneider a Lutheran missionary employed from 1846 by the Wesleyans at nearby Warea. Minarapa continued to preach until the First Taranaki War of March 1860 when Riemenschneider abandoned his station and semi-retired to Otago. Minarapa married Ripeka (Rebecca) Marere-awhi-turi. He died at an advanced age around 1893 at Rahotu and is buried at Mahau Whero urupa (cemetery).18 His “Statement 1839” in full, as translated by Rev. T. G. Hammond about 8 May 1893, is as follows:19 “The following is a copy of statements of Minarapa Rangihatuake in relation to the (first) church built at ‘Te Mo’ Wellington and promoted by him and his European missionaries the Revs Bumby and Hobbs. This is the statement at length. In the year 1839 in the month of May they (Minarapa & Revs Bumby & Hobbs) started by ship from Kororareka to see the Maoris residing at Wellington of the Taranaki, Ngatiruanui and Ngatiawa tribes. This was the proposal of Minarapa for him and his Pakehas (Europeans) to go and see his relations among these tribes and also to carry the gospel to them. The greater number of the days of May were spent in visiting settlements of Ngapuhi and Kaipara, in preaching the gospel, visiting the people, and confirming them in the faith. After which they went straight to Wellington, arriving there on the first [sic] of June. On arrival Minarapa went to the other side to a large settlement of the Ngatiawa Maoris. Arriving, these Ngatiawa did not know him, they were all strangers to him, but a certain woman on coming to see him said, ‘It is Rangituake,’ and welcomed him weeping with him and he with her. When Ngatiawa saw the two weeping

17 ibid, p. 10ff; &, “Minarapa Rangihatuake 1820?- 1893?”, in Nga Tupuna, p.11. 18 ibid, p.11; &, Fildes, p.11. 19 The author has added punctuation & italicized the spoken words in the “Statement 1839“ to aid reading. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 37 WHS Journal 2008

together they knew the visitor was of the Taranaki tribe because of the bitterness of the weeping of the woman whose name was Hina Karoama,’ the wife of Wiremu Kingi Wairarapa, she was of the Taranaki tribe, and from Okahu of the Ngatiheke-rangi hapu. Then the woman’s son Te Wharepouri, and her husband Wairarapa, whose home was Pipitea, came and welcomed Minarapa and said, ‘Are you from Taranaki?’ and he replied, ‘No I come from Ngapuhi, that is my ship standing yonder and on her are my European missionaries and my Maori friends. I am a missionary (or Christian). I have been living away among the Ngapuhi tribe and they have all turned to the faith, even as far as Hauraki (Thames). I am come that you may all turn also to the faith and cease from killing me. This is the life for men, the faith in God.’ He (Minarapa) then asked Wi Kingi Wairarapa where was the fortification for Taranaki and Ngatiruanui and he pointed to Te Aro. He then said to Wairarapa, ‘All this people shall be made one by me in the faith. Let not one of the tribes prove hard. For Taranaki came from thence in fear of the weapon of Waikato. I also was taken captive to Waikato. Marua (?) was taken and Taranaki slain, and from Waikato I went to Ngapuhi. When the missionaries came to Ngapuhi all the chiefs and their mokais (slaves) consented to lift up (or accept) the faith. Maoris were appointed as lay preachers. I was appointed a preacher and Reihana (?) Te Karoro also from Taranaki was appointed.’ He further said to Wairarapa and the other chiefs and the people, ‘I am going to bring my Europeans here.’ And they replied, ‘Bring them.’ Minarapa then returned to the ship and told his Europeans what had taken place and they all went [together?] to the settlement and sat down. It was now towards evening. Mr Bumby soon stood up to greet the people and went on to say, ‘Turn all of you to the faith, cease from killing men and eating men. Let the people have but one thought to the faith which is the life for men.’ Then rose up Wairarapa and delivered his thoughts about Maori fighting and said, ‘If the faith is life very well. ‘ And in like manner others among them spoke. The Rev. Hobbs, Aramaka Karaka & Te Wharepouri who resided at Ngauranga. It was arranged here that Reihau [sic, Reihana] should go to Pipitea as there were many of his relatives residing there and he should be a teacher for Ngatiawa. They then returned to the ship. The next morning Minarapa went to visit Te Mo, having sent on a messenger to prepare the people. On his arrival at Te Mo the woman (before mentioned) welcomed him and all the tribe wept with him. The weeping being ended then rose his relatives of Taranaki to greet him and to speak of the members of the tribe killed by Waikato. The chiefs (who spoke) were Te Ngahuru, Mohi Ngaponga, Te, Teira Whatakore, Hemi Parae [sic., Parai], Wi Upo, Hon Ngapaka, Marangai of Ngatitupaia, Pomare [of] Ngati Mutunga — and this ended the greeting for him. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 38 WHS Journal 2008

Hemi Parai or Parae, of Ngati Haumia hapu of Te iwi Taranaki, died 1877?, a mid- 19th century chief of Te Aro Pa. Left Photo from: Rangihatuake, Minarapa “Letter to Rev. J. Aldred, 6 May 1893”, Translation by Elsdon Best, “Notebook no.4”, leather bound volume 12p, Access.33077, 1930, in: “Mantell Collection 091”, MS 1650, Alexander Turnbull Library, p.[13]. Photo by the author, 30 May 2011.

Right photo from Nga Tupuna O Te Whanganui-a-Tara, [Volume 1], 2001, p.22. Photo by the author, 30 May 2011.

Mohi Ngaponga, of Ngati Haumia hapu of Te iwi Taranaki, 1796? — 9 December 1871, a chief of Te Aro Pa.

Photo in: Nga Tupuna O Te Whanganui-a-Tara, [Volume 1], 2001, p.14. Photo by the author.

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Then Minarapa (in return) greeted his people (speaking) of the afflictions and troubles that they had passed through, and revealed his proposals, saying ‘Listen to me all of you I stand before you as a preacher. I have been appointed to lifi up the faith and my reason for coming to you is that you should all turn to the faith. Let not one jump outside. My Europeans are on the ship. Tomorrow they both shall come and sit here. I have already met you but tomorrow shall be our day. ‘And they all consented. Minarapa then returned to the ship to acquaint Messrs Bumby and Hobbs with the result and the next morning they all went to the settlement Te Aro, were greeted with the usual welcome and when seated the chief men greeted them, among whom were some persons from Pipitea who were there to listen to the speeches. Mr Bumby rose to reply and greeted the tribes in a very important speech. He proceeded also to say to Taranaki and Ngatiruanui, ‘This great possession is for you, the faith in God. Let the people live, let the killing of men cease, cease also from eating men.’ When Mr Bumby had spoken all the people assembled consented to his proposals. Mr Hobbs followed showing how the heart of man could be made firm by faith and how they could also secure health of the flesh and spirit, urged them to also to secure this great possession, the faith, and further speaking said, ‘There are many of us ministers going among the Maoris of New Zealand to carry everywhere the faith to put an end to man-eating, to make the people one, to cause them to love one another and one tribe to love another tribe.’ Mr Hobbs having ended his speech, the chiefs and the elder men of the tribes of Te Aro consented to these proposals, saying ‘Yes, we agree to what you have said. The people will lift up (accept) the faith.’ Then Minarapa rose to express his joy at the agreement of Taranaki and Ngatiruanui to accept the faith and to agree to the words of his Europeans and added, ‘Give now a piece of land, a site for a house of worship.’ They then proceeded to describe the boundaries of the land[:] Beside the Te Aro stream (or river) on the other side near the settlement going to where the sea ceases, then to the ridge of the hills, including the end of the swamp a valley at the open land below the hills and ridges. This [for] Minarapa and his Europeans. The land passed over to them [was] a ‘whenua tuturu’ (settled land) for a site for a house of worship for the Weleyans church. Three acres, more perhaps. It was not surveyed but described only in this manner[:] ‘Going by this side of the river Te Aro to where the river breaks into the sea, by the seaside, to the broken hills of the land, and turning upward along the ridges and spurs turning to a valley and swamp and falling down into the river Te Aro.’ There were more than three acres or perhaps less. They climbed up on the hills to Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 40 WHS Journal 2008

see how the land lay extending to the sea. After viewing the land, they returned to the settlement, and Mr Bumby stated to the people that they the relatives of Minarapa had passed over to them this land as a site for a house of worship, and that the next day they should arrange the compensation to be given them for the piece of land. The chiefs then all agreed that this land in question was the property of Pomare. The next morning they [the missionaries] returned to the settlement and sat down and the people proceeded to lay out the food for them. Before noon the feast was prepared, great quantities of food from the salt water and also foods from inland. All this food was given to Minarapa and his Europeans, a token of respect to the ‘faith’. Then Minarapa stood up to give thanks for the food and to greet the assembled people. This ended, the food was distributed and they all partook of it. Messers Hobbs and Bumby went to distribute the fish upon the baskets of food and lay them before the people also to offer prayer to God. The food being disposed of Mr Bumby opened the book and commenced to worship, and Mr Hobbs also stood up to worship, and Minarapa engaged in prayer. The worship over, Mr Bumby rose and said to the people, ‘Take hold of the faith, this faith is a great possession handed down by the generations to us. The Ngapuhi tribe has accepted the faith, the chiefs, the strangers and the slaves. This man Minarapa was the first preacher appointed for Ngapuhi. One of the strangers of those parts, he is from the Taranaki tribe. It was his strong desire to come here to you, a loving desire on his part to turn you all to the faith. I know Mr Ironside is here to make you one people in the faith and great indeed is my joy, O people, at the respect you show to the faith and to God. Minarapa shall remain with you. I will leave him here a local preacher for you.’ Mr Bumby then desired Minarapa to arrange for some persons to accompany them to the ship and there went with them, Te Ngahuru, Mohi Ngaponga, Hemi Parai, Ahapene [sic., Ahipane] Marangai, Wi Upo, Te Manu, Te Teira, & Hori Ngapaka. On arrival at the ship the goods of Mmarapa’and his Europeans were laid out and taken to the courtyard of the settlement and Mr Bumby rose and said to the chiefs and people, ‘Look at these goods, they are our payment this piece of land, a site for a house of worship, for the church.’ There were blankets, shirts, white shirts, coats, ministers coats. There were one hundred more or less of these garments. Blankets, rugs with yellow spots, coats, white shirts, not to mention Tobacco. Two hundred tobaccos, Pipes and a cask of powder not a very large one. But the powder was given in a different manner (from the other goods) to Minarapa by Messers Bumby and Hobbs. The payment by the Europeans to Minarapa was one pound per week payment for his ministrations paid in blankets, white shirts, coats, tobacco, Pipes, this blankets

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laid up with the owner of the land, also eighteen white shirts and coats, one hundred was the manner of payment and not money passed over to him. There were fifty of his tobacco. His work of the ministry extended to the third year. But the principal part of the goods was from the Europeans — the blankets, white shirts, coats & one hundred tobacco. Then said Mr Bumby to the people, ‘Do you indeed agree to these goods in payment for the piece of land passed over to us as a site for the house of worship for the church.’ And the people are agreed saying, ‘Yes.’ Then Mr Bumby took leave of them saying, ‘Be firm in the faith. Mr Hobbs and I will return to Ngapuhi. I shall come again and see you. Minarapa will remain as your teacher, he will direct you to quickly build a house for worship.’ And they also wished goodbye to Minarapa. Then rose Te Ngahuru to say farewell saying, ‘Go return to your people of Ngapuhi[.] Taranaki, Ngatiruanui and Ngatiawa were taken as slaves in the wars of that people (Ngapuhi). There are my brethren my fathers & my mothers at Waikato at Ngapuhi and at Hauraki. It is well that you have come to bring this possession the faith to us. My heart is joyful because you leave here your companion as a preacher for us. If you had all returned who would have held up the faith after you were gone, who would know how to worship, I should have killed men after you were gone, I should not have ceased to eat men or the people have ceased from war But now perhaps these things will cease as you have come and brought the faith. But Mr Bumby I have yet a question to put to you. If after you are gone a people shall turn to fight against me, that is those of us who have turned to the faith, what are we to do?’ Mr Bumby replied, ‘First give them the Law of God and f they will not respect that then fightibut let your thoughts be towards God and be firm in the faith, by your faith you shall prevail over your enemies. And when your enemies fall on the battlefield do not eat them but bury them in the ground. Minarapa knows what is right and will direct you how to act. It was right for you to put the question to me.’ Then rose Marangai and said, ‘There are three things upon which we have agreed. The faith, the setting a part of this piece of land for the goods heaped here, and Minarapa a preacher for us. Yes, I will finish the house of worship of which you have spoken. It shall be finished quickly after you are gone. The word of Te Ngahuru to you was clear and your reply was also clear The people you see here is from Taranaki. They killed the people who lived on this land, destroyed them and took the land. Return to you people in bondage at Ngapuhi and Waikato. There the men of Taranaki are in heaps.’ Then rose Mohi Ngaponga saying, ‘Ihave nothing to say but what has been said by Te Ngahuru and Marangai, words of respect to you both, to you who have brought the possession life for men. You are peacemakers between men. There is

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in the vicinity of Wellington a missionary Mr Ironside. That missionary has had many arguments with this people in the sea of Wellington extending to those peoples of Kapiti but we did not listen to him, some few listened but the majority did not. But now we listen to you but that is because our relative perhaps (Minarapa). We look to him and see that he has become equal to this yourselves, therefore we know this possession the faith is right. It has become a great thing faith in Ngapuhi. Listen the church shall be finished after you are gone upon the site passed over to the Church the payment for which lies before us.’ Te Ngahuru rose again and said, ‘[T]he house of worship shall be completed after you are gone. You have set this land apart. When the church and faith is established in this settlement then all my relatives in this side of Wellington extending as far as Kapiti shall come and work at this house of worship, and this people also living at Waikanae of the Taranaki tribe.’ Then rose Hemi Parae to say farewell to the Europeans and express his pleasure at the great possession the faith. ‘We have caught hold of this faith, we have also caught hold [of] the possessions, payment for the land we have them. We say nothing about Minarapa. Our great desire is goods, the tobacco, the cask of powder to shoot birds not to shoot men, but should men turn to kill us, then the cask of powder will bite those men.’ Messers Bumby and Hobbs laughed and this ended the speechmaking and Hemi Parae went forward to shake hands and all the people shook hands with both of them and they returned to the ship and sailed away, but there is much left unsaid. There remained the choosing out the goods by Te Ngahuru and the people, and when that was finished he delivered the goods to Pomare and Pomare distributed them to the whole of the people by Te Ngahuni, Mohi Ngaponga, Marangai, and Hemi Parae. This was the first transaction of the kind the first sale of the land at Te Aro Wellington by Messers Bumby and Hobbs and their man Minarapa. Subsequently Wellington was purchased by Wakefield bought for blankets and what and what. Wakefield did not buy with money. The reason why Te Wharepouri and other chiefs sold the land was the purchase of the site at Te Aro, the desire also of the people to possess goods, blankets, tobacco, shirts, coats, gun powder and what and what and all the people had heard at Wellington, Porirua, Kapiti, and Waikanae of the selling to the Wesleyan ministers. The people now turned to prepare timber and gather nikau for the house of worship, and when it was ready to erect all the men of the Taranaki tribe came from Waikanae to Te Aro. Te Wekepiri Kamanuiarangi and his tribe. The many workers quickly .... [Manuscript ends here] The status of Te Aro and the land the Wesleyans had purchased was the subject of much dispute with Colonel Wakefield and the New Zealand Company. Minarapa and Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 43 WHS Journal 2008

Reihana both strongly opposed Wakefield’s and the Company’s claims. Wakefield accused them of being jealous of the authority of the chiefs who had sold him the land and that the teachers wished to overthrow them. But Minarapa and Reihana were merely standing with their people in their land disputes with Wakefield. The Kaipara missionary Rev. James Buller was directed by the Wesleyan’s 1839 New Zealand District Meeting to go to Wellington to investigate the status of the Mission’s Te Aro purchase. Buller set out to walk overland on 27 November and arrived on 21 January 1840 in time to greet the first European immigrants the next day. On the Aurora off Pito-one (Petone) beach on 26 January he conducted the first English Methodist service in Wellington. But of the land, he found much confusion. A native chapel was built and services were being held on land which appeared in the New Zealand Company’s town plan as a “Market Reserve”.20 In 1847 the Wesleyan Mission reluctantly accepted that their “Wesleyan Reserve” at Te Aro was gone and received smaller parcels of land in Manners Street, on The Terrace, and in the Town Belt in what is now part of the Botanical Gardens, as compensation. This resource was subsequently used for the benefit of the settler Church in Wellington, not Te Aro Maori.21 For over fifty years Minarapa continued to pursue the fate of ”my church” and the three acres he had acquired for the Wesleyan Mission at Te Aro. His 1893 letter to Rev. John Aldred records that Minarapa visited Wellington in 1850 to pursue his people’s land claims. By this time European settlers had occupied all the land on the western side of Te Aro Stream which the Wesleyans had bought in 1839, “and it was covered with their buildings where [the Mission’s] church and school had stood”. Minarapa asked Mohi Ngaponga, Hemi Parai, and Te Teira Whatakore, Ngatiawa elders at Te Aro, “How came they to acquire it?” They replied, “We know not.”22 In 1888 Minarapa wrote to the Governor asking him to consider the matter of the loss of his Te Aro land. T. W. Lewis the Maori Secretary replied saying, “... there is no piece of land at Te Aro. Enough said.” Minarapa wrote back but received no answer. Again in 1890, when Minarapa was over eighty, Hon Marangai, formerly a chief at Te Aro but by then an elder at Parihaka, urged Minarapa to go to Wellington to discuss the loss of the land obtained for his “church”. He recorded, “I did not go [or] consented to his request because I had become very old. ... I have no document for that piece of land”. When Wakefield arrived “we were at Waikanae.” But “Williams

20 Roberts, “Te Aro Pa”, pp. 14-15 21 ibid, pp.16-17. 22 Rangihatuake, “Letter to Rev. J Aldred, 6 May 1893”, pp. 1ff. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 44 WHS Journal 2008

[a son of Henry Williams and native interpreter at Patea] knows about the church, he was a youngster at the time.”23 He also stated that he had discussed the matter with “Rev. T. G. Hammond, Wesleyan minister, who comes to visit me.” Elson Best’s translation of Minarapa’s 1893 letter to John Aldred finishes with:24 “O friend Aldred I am trying to ascertain if it was sold by the Maori to the Govt or to some other European in as much as that church was still standing in 1850 ..., it fell into decay between 1850 and 1860, the natives took the timbers to the pa and they used them in building another church at Te Aro . . . [leaving] the plot of land unoccupied. . . This was the third that I send to you, to Aldred, minister. Well that is all from your affectionate friend. From Minarapa his mark + Written by Te Kahui” Then follows a plaintive personal comment by Minarapa: “O friend Aldred, my eyes are dimmed and I am lying in the house, our God is preserving me, may we survive, may the Lord protect us.” Clearly, Minarapa Te Rangihatuake did play a vital role in the establishment of the Methodist Church in Wellingtdn. Thanks to an initiative by members of Ngati Poneke rohe of Te Taha Maori, his name is now recorded in an inscription in Maori on the 1939 Methodist centennial memorial stone (or kohatu) which stands within “Te Aro Park”. On the night of 14 June 1991, according to a small report in The Dominion newspaper,25 the memorial stone, with the inscription about Minarapa now added, was “re-instated ... and re-dedicated at a ceremony at the park attended by about 50 people, many of them descendants of Minarapa.” However, that he departed for Mangungu to attend John Bumby’s funeral within a month of being appointed the Wesleyan preacher at Te Aro Pa, only returned briefly in 1842 and 1850, and for the rest of his life, from 1842 lived at Te Uruhi or Rahotu in Taranaki, suggests that to Reihana Te Kamo his CMS colleague at Pipitea should be accorded most of the credit for the establishment of Christianity at Port Nicholson. Furthermore, Minarapa’s on-going concern for, and lobbying about, the fate of his Te Aro land and church, was mainly expressed from far off Taranaki. To Reihana and others fell the main burden of defending Te Atiawa’s land interests in early 1840s colonial Wellington.

23 ibid,p.10-12. 24 ibid, p.12. 25 The Dominion, Monday, 17 June 1991, photocopy extract, [np.], in, Wellington Public Library. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 45 WHS Journal 2008

The land on which once stood Te Aro Pa remains a subject of controversy and conflicting claims between Maori and Pakeha. The 1855 earthquake raised the level of the land, in 1857 enabling Te Aro swamp to be drained. With suitable flat building space at a premium, the “Market Reserve” was soon encroached on by civic buildings. Also, over time the reserve took on the colloquial name of “Pigeon Park” and became a popular lunch time refuge for office workers. It, too, remains the subject of a Treaty of Waitangi claim.26

Fish-eye lens view of Te Aro Park from above the Shona Rapira Davis redesign, completed in 1991, showing her taaniko weave design & layout of the park. Image from: Janine Clover Mitchell, “Notes and Analysis” of Te Aro Park, 11 July 2008, Design assignment for ARCH 482, VUW, in, her private “Architectural Notebook, Book 3”,[ n.p.]. Photo by the author, 30 May 2011. The 1939 Methodist centennial memorial Stone (or kohatu) is circled in the centre, the upraised canoe prow is on the far lower right.

26 Roberts “Te Aro Pa”, pp.16-17, & private email to G. Clover, 4 July 2011. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 46 WHS Journal 2008

In 1982 the Wellington City Council agreed to upgrade and re-design what remained of the old “Maraket Reserve”. In 1987 the Maori artist Shona Rapira Davis was commissioned to redesign the layout. Her design, according to John Roberts,27 embraces the spirituality of Papatuanuku (earth mother). At its eastern point, using brightly coloured glazed tiles, she erected a prow of an upraised waka (canoe) to represent the former pa and the history of the many tribal migrations that preceded Te Atiawa’s settlement. Using rough cast tiles laid out in a design based on taaniko weaving to represent outlines of Maori women, she created a series of inter-weaving tiled pools and foot paths where people walk and sit. Along one path the tiles bear the names of tipuna (past elders) of Te Aro Pa. Because they are able to be walked on, the tiles represent the disrespect with which the elders have historically been treated by early Wellington settlers up to the present day. They are also intended to cause everyone who in ignorance of Maori culture walk on them today to continue the insult!

The 1939 Methodist centennial memorial stone (or kohatu) in “Te Aro Park”, Wellington, looking east past Shona Rapira Davis’s upraised waka (canoe) prow towards Courtney Place. Photo by the author, 29 May 2011.

27 ibid, Roberts, pp.1 6-17; &, Janine Clover Mitchell, “Notes and Analysis” of Te Aro Park, 11 July2008, Design assignment for ARCH 482, Victoria University of Wellington, in her private “Architectural Notebook, Book 3”. (Mitchell is the author’s oldest sister.) Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 47 WHS Journal 2008

Detail of one of Shona Rapira Davis’s tiled footpaths in Te Aro Park showing some of the names of nineteenth century tipuna (elders) of Te Aro Pa intentionally placed where they may be walked on today by people unaware of the continuing offence they thereby commit against Maori protocol. Photo by the author, 29 May 2011. A huge public controversy erupted when what her design represents and its cost over- runs were revealed. Nevertheless, in 1991, shortly after the 1939 kohatu was re- instated, as a result of persuasive and impassioned representations by Poneke Rohe of Te Taha Maori through their kauipatua, Mange Tautari, city councillors over-rode staff advice and officially named the reserve “Te Aro Park”. By 2012 plaques which so name the reserve had been erected. Some of the original Maori heritage of Te Aro Pa is also today on show. Just north east of the Manners and Taranaki streets’ corner, part of Te Aro Pa was uncovered while foundations were being excavated for the National Mutual building. During office hours, the public may enter a ground floor room fronting Taranaki Street and through glass cases view under the floor remains of the pa. They are left just as archaeologists excavated them.

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Original wording on top of the 1939 Methodist centennial memorial (or kohatu) in “Te Aro Park”. Photo by the author, 29 May 2011.

Inscription in Maori added to the 1939 stone Methodist centennial memorial stone (or kohatu) in “Te Aro Park” in June 1991 by Ngati Poneke rohe of Te Taha Maori. Photo by the author, 29 May 2011. The inscription reads in part: “Minarapa Rangihatuake of Ngati Haupoto in Taranaki thc first Minister of the Methodist Church. Re Aro Pa, 1839.” Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 49 WHS Journal 2008

Minarapa of Puniho Pa, of Nga Mahanga hapu of Te iwi Taranaki, tohunga & guardian of Toka-a- Rauhotu the sacred rock of Mt Taranaki. He lived Ca. 1820- 1 October 1902. Mistakenly thought to be Te Rangihatuake by Fildes & others.28 From: S. Percy Smith, History and Traditions of the Maoris of the West Coast. North Island of New Zealand Prior to 1840, Memoir of the Polynesian Society Vol.1, New Plymouth, 1910, Plate No.3, opp. p.33.

28 H. E. Fildes & others following mistakenly thought the image of Minarapa of Puniho, in S. Percy Smith, History and Traditions of the Maoris of the West Coast, North Island of New Zealand, Prior to 1840, Memoir of the Polynesian Society, Vol.1, New Plymouth, 1910, Plate No.3, opp.p.33, was a photo of Minarapa Te Rangihatuake of Te Aro & Te Uruhi Pa, Taranaki. But this cannot be Te Rangihatuake because from January 1841 to 1842 Minarapa of Puniho travelled to the UK just when Minarapa Te Rangihatuake was at Mangungu mouming John Bumby’s drowning, & at Te Uruhi, Taranaki, thereafter. Refer: Brian Scanlan, Taranaki: People and Places, New Plymouth, Thomas Avery & Sons, 1985, p.40-42; &, H.E.M. Fildes, Advent of the Church, p.4. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 50 WHS Journal 2008

BOOK REVIEWS SCRIM — the man with a mike Author: William Renwick Publisher: Victoria University Press, 2011 Reviewer: Barry Jones The measure of a good biography is twofold. One, that it presents an accurate portrait of the subject, and two, that it gives a comprehensive cover of the subject’s life, character and work. William Renwick’s biography of Cohn Srimgeour, for me admirably succeeds on both counts. He recounts the life story of one of New Zealand’s iconic figures who emerged from the ravaging years of the economic depression of the 1920s — 1930s. The book tells the story of the rise of ‘Uncle Scrim’ who through his weekly radio broadcasts “Man in the street” offered hope and comfort to the tens of thousands of people who were impoverished and out of work. It recounts Scrim’s ambition to become involved in commercial radio and his eventual appointment in 1936 by Prime Minister Michael Joseph Savage as controller of the National Commercial Broadcasting Service (NCBS). But the life story of Scrim is not only of his rise but also his fall. While Controller of the NCBS, Scrim continued his weekly “Man in the Street” broadcasts. When Scrim began to use these sessions to attack newspapers which criticized him, and to make negative comments about the National Party and then about the ruling Labour Government, support for him began to wane. Prime Minister Savage died in 1940 and Scrim lost his most powerful political supporter. In June 1943 the Cabinet revoked Scrim’s appointment as Controller of NCBS with immediate effect. “Scrim was the only permanent head of a government department ever to be dismissed from the New Zealand public service.” Renwick divides his portrayal of Scrim into three parts; Finding a vocation, Blowing it, and Creating the myth.

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In the section “Finding a vocation” Renwick highlights the people and factors that help to influence Scrim’s career choices. His foreman in the Gisborne Freezing Works, Jack Bean introduced him to the radical ideas of Leo Tolstoy. The famous Russian author was deeply impressed with Jesus’ Sermon on the Mount. This was Scrim’s first introduction to revolutionary ideas of Jesus. He was particularly impressed with the story of Jesus driving the money lenders from the temple. The teaching of Jesus helped to shape his ideas about the need for monetary reform. While at the freezing works he was elected as a Union delegate and that forced him to know more and more about the pay and working conditions of his fellow workers. This ability to empathise with people facing tough times was to later feature in his social services ministry in Auckland and his “Man in the street” talks on Radio 1ZR and 1ZB. Scrim described himself as ‘an accidental Methodist.” His association with the Methodist Church began when he was working on his uncle’s farm at Paraparaumu. He met the local Methodist Minister, Rev. Watson and began attending services. Rev. Watson encouraged him to take dp lay preaching. He applied to become a “Home Missionary” and when accepted had three appointments; Putararu, Kaitangita and Bay of Islands. Late in 1926 Scrim received a telegram from Rev. A. J. Seamer, Superintendent of the Home and Maori Mission Department. Seamer informed him that he had been appointed to establish a Social Services Centre based on the Airedale Church property in the heart of Auckland. Renwick observes that for Scrim, “To see that something should be done, was for him to do something about it.” Scrim served seven years in the appointment. Features of Scrim’s Social Services work were: The creation of the Auckland Businessmen’s Relief Service. Free supply of meat for Auckland’s poor. Scrim persuaded the Auckland Farmers’ Union to adopt the scheme whereby farmer members would donate animals. Meat works agreed to kill the animals and dispatch the trimmed carcasses to distribution points around Auckland, all free of charge! A boot exchange for unemployed workers. Men doing relief work couldn’t afford to buy new boots nor have their old ones repaired. Scrim got the Auckland Businessmen’s Association to support the scheme. As the economic depression continued on into the 1930s Scrim realised that providing charity for the poor was not enough. Social change was needed to address the root causes of poverty. Renwick noted that over the years he (Scrim) preached the same moral message. “Society as organized is immoral. I wasn’t preaching any brand of politics other than the socialism of Jesus’ However, it was through the medium of the radio that Scrim was to make his most significant impact on those who were suffering through the depression. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 52 WHS Journal 2008

Scrim made his broadcasting debut sometime in 1930. He participated in the children’s session that Tom Garland, a fellow Methodist, conducted over 1YA. Radio broadcasting was one of the marvels introduced in the 1920’s along with talking movies. By the time Scrim arrived in Auckland in 1927 public enthusiasm for radio was growing rapidly. Of the 60,000 New Zealanders who had a radio license, half lived in Auckland, which was home to six of the country’s thirty or more radio stations. 1ZR was the broadcasting venture of Lewis Eady Ltd, the big Queen Street music store. Lewis Eady was a member of the Congregational Church and he expected the station to reflect a religious tone. 1ZR was the first radio station in Auckland to broadcast daily devotional sessions at 10.00am, Monday to Friday. A roster of clergymen from various protestant dominations conducted the sessions. Scrim was on the roster from the beginning. He quickly became a popular broadcaster. Gordon McLean of the Auckland paper “Observer” analysed the secret of Scrim’s popularity with listeners: It was a mixture of voice and manner. Scrim‘s excellent phrasing and enunciation set him apart from most radio speakers. His voice has no traces of affectation, stiltedness, detachment and condescension. He had the gift of the common tough. His personality puts him close to every listener as one man to another. At the end of 1932 Scrim resigned from the Auckland Methodist Social Services to become 1ZR’s station director. He had asked the Methodist Church to engage in public broadcasting, but it declined. Under Scrim’s leadership the station became known as ‘The fellowship of the Friendly Road.” Features of this ‘radio evangelism’ were: It would not be a church in the usual sense, as it was not an organized body. It did not have doctrines that members were expected to subscribe to. It accepted that there would be a wide range of belief and unbelief among its listeners. It welcomed Catholic and Jews as warmly as it welcomed Protestants. Poverty would not rule anyone out. Wealth could not buy a place. Renwick notes that Scrim had “the uncanny ability to take everyday occurrences as his starting point and transform them into parables in the telling. He talked about things that people could easily relate to. His stories illustrated the importance of kindness and sympathy, or the courage that enabled people to live through moments of adversity and of hope for the future. His voice was unobtrusive and quietly compelling.

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Listeners felt that he was talking to them personally. They listened and were won over.” Scrim’s broadcasting mantra was: Be kind and helpful to others. Be positive even when the going is tough. Believe that good times are coming. Support for ‘The Fellowship of the Friendly Road’ can be quantified. Lewis Eady had sold 1ZR to the Government, which in turn decided to close the station down as it was losing money each year. When members of the 1ZR Radio club heard that the station was to cease broadcasting on Saturday 2 December 1933 it organized a public meeting to be held in the Town Hall on Sunday 3 December. It was estimated that over 7,000 enthusiastic people packed the Town Hall, the Concert Chamber, and the nearby Civic and Regent theatres. People had come in cars and buses from as far away as Whangarei, Dargaville and Hamilton. Renwick’s excellent biography of Scrim is a commentary on the debilitating effects of the economic depression on the lives of so many New Zealanders. It is a portrait of a man who recognized the potential of radio as a medium of bringing hope and cheer to those for whom the economic system had failed. But the portrait is more than that. The book catalogues Scrim’s fascination with commercial radio and how he used his privileged position within radio 1ZB to propagate his own political agenda — a tactic that led to his eventual downfall. In the end his friends within the Federation of Labour could not support his vitriolic attacks on Prime Minister Peter Fraser. Renwick concludes his book with the sobering final sentence, “A career in broadcasting which began with great promise came to end ultimately through his domineering personality.” Scrim — the man with a mike is a fascinating read. The author has, as an appendix, notes for each of the book’s fifteen chapters. There is also a comprehensive index.

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A New Church for a New Century: East City Wesleyan’s Early Story Author: Richard Waugh Publisher: Auckland: East City Wesleyan Church and Craig’s Design and Print, 2010 pp 156 Reviewer: Stuart Lange Richard Waugh’s book is the story of the first ten years of a new church, East City Wesleyan, which he established in Howick in the year 2000. East City Wesleyan is the dynamic flagship church of a new Protestant denomination in New Zealand, the Wesleyan Methodist Church, which broke away from the Methodist Church in New Zealand in that same year, 2000. East City Wesleyan was initially made up of the ministers and most of the congregation of Trinity Methodist Church, a large and predominately evangelical-charismatic church in Howick. On 3 Sept. 2000 most of them walked out of Trinity en masse and the next week began East City Wesleyan in a school hail. So the book is in part the inside story of the leading church in New Zealand’s most significant church schism in recent decades. Others have told the story of the denominational split from a mainstream Methodist perspective (Douglas Pratt here in religious studies at this university has written two articles in Colloquium, and Terry Wall wrote an MCD D.Min. dissertation)1, but this is the local story of the schism told by a key participant. Waugh has also written the matter up in his own D.Min. thesis.2 As Waugh sees it, the Methodist Church of New Zealand from the 1930s abandoned its evangelical roots and progressively moved in a theologically liberal direction, and in the late 1990s many Methodist conservative evangelicals felt that as a matter of biblical conscience they had no option but to leave

1 Douglas Pratt, “An Ecciesial Dilemma: Homosexual Affirmation and Church Process”, Colloquium (39:1) 2007: 35-57; Douglas Pratt, “Homosexuality and the Theological Crisis: A Doctrinal Critique” Colloquium (2008): 75-95; Terry Wall. Managing Conflict in Methodism: Why Did They Leave? Listening to Their Voices. D.Min.Studs thesis, MCD, 2005. 2 Richard Waugh, Discover Your Wesleyan DNA: A Curriculum for the Wesleyan Methodist Church of New Zealand. D.Min. thesis, Asbuiy Theological Seminary, 2010. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 55 WHS Journal 2008 and start a new denomination. Pratt claims the Methodist Church “both subverted its own doctrinal standards and transgressed its own governing law”; Waugh claims the Methodist Church committed a “huge ecclesial injustice”. The new Wesleyan Methodist denomination would be emphatically Wesleyan in its theology, but definitely not liberal; it would claim the label evangelical, not fundamentalist; it would be traditionally Protestant in some respects, but it would also be very strongly missional in emphasis, and thus adopted a contemporary, innovative style — at least in Howick. How missional and contemporary the new denomination was and is in some of its other congregations may be another question. Histories of local churches characteristically have a number of faults: they lack a sense of wider societal and ecclesiastical context; they lack critical detachment; they fail to distinguish between the significant and the insignificant; they are often somewhere between boring and very boring in presentation, style and content. Richard Waugh’s book largely escapes those faults. It is a glossy, visually-busy book, with a myriad of colour photographs and text boxes and sidebars. The text boxes include lots of personal stories. Those planning to write a parish history would do well to look at it. Waugh makes a commendable effort to place the ne church and denomination in their societal, theological and ecclesial contexts. But his is not an academic book as such — it is at semi-popular level — so the analysis can go only so deep. The book conveys both the pain of schism and the excitement of planning and implementing a new denomination. My critique: I felt like most parish histories it was often a bit too detailed for outside readers. It sometimes seemed less than modest about how excellent East City Wesleyan is, and it sometimes lacked critical detachment. All of those features are also perhaps characteristic of insider histories. But I suggest the book is way better — and much more interesting — than most parish histories, not least because of the considerable significance of its subject.

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For Others With Love — A Story of Early Sisters and Methodist Deaconesses Author: Marcia Baker Publisher: Baker Family Publishing, Christchurch 2007 pp 317 Reviewer: Jill Richards For Others With Love is a wonderful collection of stories, the biographies of more than 160 women involved with the Deaconess Order, put together by Marcia Baker as part of the celebration in 2007, of the official recognition of the Order in New Zealand. The book traces the history of the movement, its coming to New Zealand, and then relates the varied ministries of these dedicated and courageous women who served the Church and their communities selflessly during the one hundred years of the story. As Marcia says in her introduction, “there were many emotions as I wrote, joy, sadness, humility wonderment, thanksgiving and challenge. I laughed, and I cried.” As I read the accounts of the difficulties and challenges faced, and overcome, I was glad that these stories are recorded for the present, and future generations as a reminder of the often forgotten service that is quietly and selflessly given by so many women, in so many ways. Marcia reminds us of the financial pressures faced and she quotes from correspondence from Jack Penman, “I was responsible for paying the Deaconesses in Maori work, and attending to their car business. What a burden, finding money from the sale of clothes to finance travel!” A reminder to us today that many organisations are still struggling to keep going with no secure income base. This is a delightful, easy to read, and inspiring book. Anyone interested in the histories of pioneers and workers in our Church, will find much to ponder and celebrate, and recall perhaps occasions on which these women have been part of their lives and experience. Some familiar names are Rita Snowden, Airini Hobbs, Rona Taylor, Dorothy Pointon, Lucy Money, Grace Clement, Rona Collins, Beverley Taylor, Joan Wedding and Shirley Ungemuth ... and there is a complete listing where more names are recorded. Wesley Historical Society Publication #95 Page 57 WHS Journal 2008

Marcia was herself a deaconess and has done a superb job of putting together the material for the book and I thoroughly recommend it.

Devonport Methodist Church and Centre. Facade metal sculpture.

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1913 100th Anniversaries (Centenaries) 1 January NZ Methodism separated from Australia 4 January Frankton Junction Church opened 29 January Richmond (Nelson) stonelaying 6 February NZ Methodist Union Declaration signed 2 April Foxton Church stonelaying 19 April Russell Church opened 1 May Papanui brick Church opened 2 June Richmond Nelson new Church opened 12 June Enfield stonelaying 28June Roslyn enlarged school opened 29 June Foxton Church opened 1 July Supernumerary Fund Board Inc. 8 July Penrose Church opened 27 August Wyndham Church stonelaying 6 September New Brighton Church stonelaying 18 September Puriri Church opened 3 October Methodist Union Act passed 16 October Ohoka parsonage opened 19 October Taikorea Church removed from Awahuri reopened 26 October Eltham new school opened 26 October Hataitai Church reopened after removal 27 October Kensington Saltwater Creek stonelaying 13 December New Brighton Church opened 20 December Mount Albert Orphanage opened 22 December Oamaru new organ opened. 1914 100th Anniversaries (Centenaries) 11 January Greenpark Church reopened after alterations 2 February Tauranga Church built in a day 11 March Cambridge parsonage opened 13 March Moerangi native Church opened 29 March Invercargill Jubilee Hall opened 1 April Tahuna (Morrinsville) foundation block laid 9 April Tai Tapu Memorial windows unveiled 24 April South Island Methodist Orphanage opened 10 May Waihi enlarged Church opened 22 May Murchison Church opened 10 June Tahuna new Church opened 21 June Hamilton enlarged Church reopened 14 August Ngaruawahia first Quarterly Meeting 9 October Enfield Church opened 4 November Te Awamutu Church stonelaying 7 NovemberCaversham Church stonelaying 18 NovemberDominion Road stonelaying.

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