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From Political Activism to Democratic Change in the Arab World May 12-13, 2011
Program on Arab Reform and Democracy From Political Activism to Democratic Change in the Arab World May 12-13, 2011 Bios of Participants Christopher Alexander Christopher Alexander is Associate Dean for International Programs and Director of the Dean Rusk International Studies Program at Davidson College. He also teaches Middle East politics in Davidson’s Department of Political Science. His publications on political and economic development in North Africa include Tunisia: Stability and Reform in the Modern Maghreb (Routledge, 2010). Maryam Alkhawaja Maryam Alkhawaja currently serves as the head of the foreign relations office at the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights. Due to threats of arrest during a crackdown on activists, Maryam was forced to leave Bahrain in September 2010 due to threat of arrest, but she returned on the 10th of February to document and report on human rights violations during the uprising planned to begin on the 14th. Since then, Maryam has been a leading activist in speaking to the international media and reporting to international organizations about the situation in Bahrain. Prior to arriving in the US, Maryam traveled to Geneva to speak at the UN Human Rights Council. Due to her activism, she has been subjected to defamation, harassment, and death threats; and now is not able to return to Bahrain due to being targeted. Her father, uncle and two brothers in law are currently in under arrest, their whereabouts unknown. Amer Bani Amer Dr. Bani Amer has been the founder and general Director of Al-Hayat Center since May 2006 and has been a young leader activist since 1994. -
THE MODERN MIDDLE EAST Fall 2008 Tuesday 6:00 -- 9:00 Pm, Old Library Classroom Bldg
1 Political Science 5125-101 Readings and Research in Comparative Politics: THE MODERN MIDDLE EAST Fall 2008 Tuesday 6:00 -- 9:00 pm, Old Library Classroom Bldg. 13 Dr. Ryan Office: OLCB 2055 Phone: 262-6348 E-mail: [email protected] Office hours: Tues. 3-5:00 p.m., Wed. 10:00-11:45 a.m., and by appointment Course Description The course examines key issues and scholarly works in the study of modern Middle East politics. We will focus largely on works examining the comparative politics and international relations of the Middle East. But since Middle East Studies -- like all regional studies -- is an inherently inter-disciplinary field, we will be reading not only the work of political scientists, but also historians, religious studies scholars, and others. During the semester, we will be reading and discussing the entire gamut of hot topics, including: the Western impact on the creation of the modern Middle East, the politics of state-building and national identity, Islam and politics, women’s rights, the Arab-Israeli conflict, Islamist and jihadist movements, the crisis of Afghanistan, questions of democracy and authoritarianism, and the international relations and foreign policies of key Middle East states, such as Israel, Turkey, Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Syria. Required Books R. Stephen Humphreys, Between Memory and Desire: The Middle East in a Troubled Age (University of California Press, 1999). James L. Gelvin, The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War (Cambridge University Press, 2005). John L. Esposito, Unholy War: Terror in the Name of Islam (Oxford University Press, 2002). -
Jordan Parliamentary Elections, 20 September
European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election 20 September 2016 Final Report European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election 20 September 2016 Final Report European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election, 20 September 2016 Final Report, 13 November 2016 THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN Parliamentary Election, 20 September 2016 EUROPEAN UNION ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION FINAL REPORT Table of Contents Page 1 Key Abbreviations Page 3 1. Executive Summary Page 4 2. Introduction and Acknowledgements Page 7 3. Political Context Page 8 4. Legal Framework Page 10 4.1 Applicability of International Human Rights Law 4.2 Constitution 4.3 Electoral Legislation 4.4 Right to Vote 4.5 Right to Stand 4.6 Right to Appeal 4.7 Electoral Districts 4.8 Electoral System 5. Election Administration Page 22 5.1 Election Administration Bodies 5.2 Voter Registration 5.3 Candidate Registration 5.4 Voter Education and Information 5.5 Institutional Communication 6 Campaign Page 28 6.1 Campaign 6.2 Campaign Funding 7. Media Page 30 7.1 Media Landscape 7.2 Freedom of the Media 7.3 Legal Framework 7.4 Media Violations 7.5 Coverage of the Election 8. Electoral Offences, Disputes and Appeals Page 35 9. Participation of Women, Minorities and Persons with Disabilities Page 38 __________________________________________________________________________________________ While this Final Report is translated in Arabic, the English version remains the only original Page 1 of 131 European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election, 20 September 2016 Final Report, 13 November 2016 9.1 Participation of Women 9.2 Participation of Minorities 9.3 Participation of Persons with Disabilities 10. -
A Bakhtinian Reading of Contemporary Jordanian Political Humour
Carnivalesque politics and popular resistance: A Bakhtinian reading of contemporary Jordanian political humour Yousef Barahmeh Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth School of Area Studies, History, Politics and Literature February 2020 i Abstract This thesis examines contemporary Jordanian political humour in the context of the political history of Jordan and the 2011 Arab Spring revolutions. It applies Mikhail Bakhtin’s mid-20th century theory of carnival and the carnivalesque (folk humour) as a framework for thinking about Jordanian politics and political humour in social media spaces following the Arab Spring. The Bakhtinian approach to humour has predominantly focused on the role of humour as a revolutionary impulse that aims to attack and expose the shortcomings of established political power, as well as to highlight public attitudes towards that power. The analysis undertaken here of Jordanian politics and political humour in Jordanian social media spaces after the Arab Spring found that Bakhtin’s ‘marketplace’ is no longer the streets and material public spaces, but rather the social media spaces. The nature of the carnivals in social media spaces is in many ways just as carnivalesque as the ‘marketplace’ of Bakhtin’s Medieval France, characterised by polyphony, the overturning of social hierarchies and the presence of dialogism (and monologism) and the grotesque. To more fully address the relevance – and some of the limitations – of application of Bakhtin’s ideas about carnival to the Jordanian socio- political context after the Arab Spring, this thesis analyses key political cartoons, satirical articles, comedy sketches, politically satirical videos and internet memes produced by Jordanians from the start of the Arab ii Spring to early 2019. -
Gender Portrayal in the Jordanian Media Content
Gender Portrayal in the Jordanian Media Content An assessment study that aims to fostering gender balance in the media content Analysis of news and current affairs based on UNESCO’s Gender-Sensitive Indicators for Media Supported by findings of a round-table for editors and managers of media organizations, media experts and policy-makers June 2018 1 The designations employed and presentation of material throughout this study do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNESCO concerning the legal status of any country, city or area or its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The ideas and opinions expressed in this study are those of the researchers; they are not necessarily those of UNESCO and do not commit the Organization. Dates of research: December 2017 – March 2018 Research team: Senior researcher: Sawsan Zaideh Research assistants: Hadil Al-Biss, Mohammad Omar, Dana Al-Sheikh Illustrations and design: Maya Amer Acknowledgement: The assessment study has been produced by 7iber in close collaboration with UNESCO Amman Office and with the support of the International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC). The IPDC is the only multilateral forum in the UN system designed to mobilize the international community to discuss and promote media development in developing countries. The Programme not only provides support for media projects but also seeks an accord to secure a healthy environment for the growth of free and pluralistic media in developing countries. Please send comments to the email: [email protected] 2 Table of Contents 1. Executive Summary 4 2. -
The Arab Peace Initiative: a Primer and Future Prospects
Joshua Teitelbaum The Arab Peace Initiative: A Primer and Future Prospects המרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs Joshua Teitelbaum The Arab Peace Initiative: A Primer and Future Prospects המרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs © 2009 Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs 13 Tel-Hai St., Jerusalem, Israel Tel. 972-2-561-9281 | Fax. 972-2-561-9112 Email: [email protected] | www.jcpa.org ISBN 978-965-218-071-1 Producon Coordinator: Odelia Zaguri Graphic Design: Gama Design Pictures Credits: AP Photo Cover photo: Arab leaders pose at the Arab League Summit in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, March 28, 2007. All photos are from AP and used with permission. The Arab Peace Initiative: A Primer and Future Prospects Joshua Teitelbaum • In the wake of the terrorist aacks on September 11, 2001, Saudi Arabia was under intense scruny since fi een of the nineteen 9/11 hijackers had proved to be Saudis. In February 2002, Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia gave an interview to New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman in which he proposed to Israel “full withdrawal from all the occupied territories, in accord with UN resoluons, including in Jerusalem, for full normalizaon of relaons.” • In a flash, Abdullah had transformed the discourse: Instead of focusing on Saudi involvement in terrorism, the Western press was now talking about Saudi peacemaking. However, by the me the Abdullah trial balloon reached the Arab summit in Beirut in March 2002, the iniave had been modified and its terms hardened. • “Full normalizaon” became “normal relaons” (which sll marks significant progress over the Arab League formulaon in Khartoum of 1967: “no peace, no recognion, no negoaons”). -
Subnational Governance in Jordan
THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES IMES CAPSTONE PAPER SERIES CENTRALIZED DECENTRALIZATION: SUBNATIONAL GOVERNANCE IN JORDAN GRACE ELLIOTT MATT CIESIELSKI REBECCA BIRKHOLZ MAY 2018 THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES THE ELLIOTT SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY © OF GRACE ELLIOTT, MATT CIESIELSKI, REBECCA BIRKHOLZ, 2018 Table of Contents Introduction 1 Literature Review: Decentralization and 3 Authoritarian Upgrading Methodology 7 Local Governance in Jordan 9 Political Economy and Reform 12 Decentralization in Jordan 15 Decentralization as a Development Initiative 20 Political Rhetoric 28 Opportunities and Challenges 31 Conclusion 35 Works Cited 37 Appendix 41 1 Introduction Jordan is one of the last bastions of stability in an otherwise volatile region. However, its stability is threatened by a continuing economic crisis. In a survey conducted across all twelve governorates in 2017, only 22% of citizens view Jordan’s overall economic condition as “good” or “very good” compared to 49% two years ago.1 Against this backdrop of economic frustration, Jordan is embarking on a decentralization process at the local level in an attempt to bring decision-making closer to the citizen. In 2015, Jordan passed its first Decentralization Law, which continued calls from King Abdullah II dating back to 2005 to “enhance our democratic march and to continue the process of political, economic, social and administrative reform” by encouraging local participation in the provision of services and investment priorities.2 This is the latest in a series of small steps taken by the central government intended to improve governance at the local level and secure long-term stability in the Kingdom. -
Rhetoric Vs. Reality
ISSUE BRIEF 09.04.18 Post-2011 Pluralism and Inclusion in Jordan: Rhetoric vs. Reality Marwan Muasher, Ph.D., Carnegie Endowment for International Peace In many ways, Jordan is the model for though they were hardly sufficient. A what a successful Arab Spring could have royal committee produced a new, more looked like. Governed by a monarchy that is proportional and inclusive electoral law, accepted as legitimate by the overwhelming only for it to be immediately shelved. majority of the population—and as a Constitutional amendments were also necessary unifying force for the country's introduced, most notably the establishment different ethnic groups—as well as a of a constitutional court, though these relatively benign, if authoritarian, political changes were largely procedural and system, Jordan possessed all the elements certainly did not result in a more balanced for a successful and smooth transition distribution of power among the executive, to a more pluralistic political system. But legislative, and judicial authorities. this potential has not been realized. King By 2013, efforts to establish a more Abdullah II started his reign in 1999 with inclusive political system in Jordan had much hope for creating a more pluralistic yet again been abandoned by the regime political system and an inclusive social once public pressure for reforms subsided. framework. But by the start of the Arab Protests died down as the populace feared uprisings, rhetoric had supplanted any the country might face a similar fate as serious reform process. The status quo Syria, Yemen, or Egypt, and the regime forces—best exemplified by the Security mistakenly took the absence of protests Services—had by then successfully resisted as a carte blanche to resume business as the king's last serious effort to introduce usual. -
DGAP Policy Brief
www.ssoar.info Jordan's Socio-Economic Woes and Foreign Policy: Employment, Trade, and International Cooperation - Policy Briefs from the Region and Europe Fakoussa, Dina (Ed.); Kabis-Kechrid, Laura Lale (Ed.) Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Sammelwerk / collection Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Fakoussa, D., & Kabis-Kechrid, L. L. (Eds.). (2020). Jordan's Socio-Economic Woes and Foreign Policy: Employment, Trade, and International Cooperation - Policy Briefs from the Region and Europe (DGAP Report, 5). Berlin: Forschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik e.V. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168- ssoar-67087-2 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de German Council on Foreign Relations No. 5 January 2020 – first published REPORT in July 2019 Edited Volume Jordan’s Socio-Economic Woes and Foreign Policy Employment, Trade, and International Cooperation – Policy Briefs from the Region and Europe Edited by Dina Fakoussa and Laura Lale Kabis-Kechrid 2 No. 5 | January 2020 – first published in July 2019 Jordan’s Socio-Economic Woes and Foreign Policy REPORT The following papers were written by participants of the workshop “Promotion of Think Tank Work on Socio-Economic Reforms and Jordan’s Foreign Policy” organized by the German Council on Foreign Rela- tions’ Middle East and North Africa Program in the spring and summer of 2019 in cooperation with the West Asia-North Africa (WANA) Institute and the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung in Amman. -
EDUCATION for CITIZENSHIP in the ARAB WORLD Key to the Future
EDUCATION FOR CITIZENSHIP IN THE ARAB WORLD Key to the Future Muhammad Faour and Marwan Muasher OCTOBER 2011 EDUCATIoN FoR CITIZENSHIP IN THE ARAB WoRLD Key to the Future Muhammad Faour and Marwan Muasher OCToBER 2011 © 2011 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved. The Carnegie Endowment does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented here are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Endowment, its staff, or its trustees. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without written permission from the Carnegie Endowment. Please direct inquiries to: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Publications Department 1779 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20036 Tel. +1 202-483-7600 Fax: +1 202-483-1840 www.CarnegieEndowment.org This publication can be downloaded at no cost at www.CarnegieEndowment.org/pubs. CMEC 27 Contents Summary 1 Introduction 3 Education Reform in Arab Countries: The Failure So Far 4 Citizenship Education: Concepts and Definitions 7 Citizenship Education: A Key Element of Education Reform 9 Status of Citizenship Education in Some Arab Countries 11 Challenges to Citizenship Education in Arab Countries 13 Educational Systems 13 Context 14 Funding 16 The Way Forward 17 Conclusion 19 Notes 21 About the Authors 27 Carnegie Middle East Center 28 Summary Any romantic notions in the West that the 2011 Arab uprisings could create instantaneous democracy in countries that have succeeded at toppling their leaders are already shattering. In the absence of strong political parties and viable civil society structures in most of the Arab world, these uprisings are proving to be only the first step in a process that will not follow a clear path and will take years to unfold. -
Eleven Years to the Arab Peace Initiative: Time for an Israeli Regional Strategy
Eleven Years to the Arab Peace Initiative: Time for an Israeli Regional Strategy Ilai Alon and Gilead Sher The Arab-Israeli conflict is, or must be, a high priority on the agenda of the new Israeli government. As such, the government must engage in a smart and ongoing process that includes negotiations for a permanent settlement, interim agreements, regional dialogue, and constructive unilateral steps that will lead to a reality of two states for two peoples. In such a process, which would be overseen by the United States and/ or the Quartet, there would be a clear advantage to relying on existing official international frameworks: the Clinton parameters, the Roadmap, and the Arab Peace Initiative. Much has been written about the initiative since it was launched.1 This article focuses on significant trends related to the initiative and considerations for and against an announcement by Israel that it is prepared to open a multilateral channel and use the initiative as a basis for negotiations. We contend that Israel should recognize the Arab Peace Initiative as a regional-international platform for multilateral dialogue with the Arab world and a basis for engagement with any of the Arab League member states, provided that this is in parallel with progress in the negotiations toward a political settlement with the Palestinians. Mere recognition of the initiative as a single, isolated step does nothing. In combination with negotiations for an Israeli-Palestinian agreement, however, it is a sound, realistic way to ensure Israel’s national interests, first and foremost, outlining the borders of Israel as the secure, democratic state of the Jewish people. -
Prevent Breakdown, Prepare for Breakthrough How President Obama Can Promote Israeli-Palestinian Peace
Prevent Breakdown, Prepare for Breakthrough How President Obama Can Promote Israeli-Palestinian Peace David Pollock, Editor Policy Focus #90 | December 2008 Prevent Breakdown, Prepare for Breakthrough How President Obama Can Promote Israeli-Palestinian Peace David Pollock, Editor Policy Focus #90 | December 2008 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2008 by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 2008 in the United States of America by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Design by Daniel Kohan, Sensical Design and Communication Front cover: U.S. president-elect Barack Obama examines the remains of a rocket during a visit to Sderot, southern Israel, with Israeli defense minister Ehud Barak, July 2008. (AP Photo/Jack Guez, Pool) Contents Acknowledgments . v Contributors. vii Introduction / Robert Satloff. ix Part I: The Obama Transition 1. The Near-Term Focus for Israeli-Palestinian Peacemaking / Dennis Ross . 3 2. Israeli-Palestinian Breakdown Scenarios / Samuel Lewis . 6 3. Playing for the Breaks / Harvey Sicherman . 10 Part II: How to Handle Hamas 4. Rules for Engagement in Palestinian Political Affairs / Mohammad Yaghi . 15 5. Setting U.S. Policy toward Hamas / Barry Rubin. 19 Part III: What Role for the Region? 6. Jordan’s Role in Israeli-Palestinian Peacemaking / Hassan Barari . 25 7. The Arab Peace Initiative: A Place to Start / Wendy Chamberlin.