PARTY MERGERS in MYANMAR a New Development
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Important Facts About the 2015 General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation - Emref
Important Facts about the 2015 Myanmar General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation (EMReF) 2015 October Important Facts about the 2015 General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation - EMReF 1 Important Facts about the 2015 General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation - EMReF ENLIGHTENED MYANMAR RESEARCH ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ABSTRACT FOUNDATION (EMReF) This report is a product of the Information Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation EMReF is an accredited non-profit research Strategies for Societies in Transition program. (EMReF has been carrying out political-oriented organization dedicated to socioeconomic and This program is supported by United States studies since 2012. In 2013, EMReF published the political studies in order to provide information Agency for International Development Fact Book of Political Parties in Myanmar (2010- and evidence-based recommendations for (USAID), Microsoft, the Bill & Melinda Gates 2012). Recently, EMReF studied The Record different stakeholders. EMReF has been Foundation, and the Tableau Foundation.The Keeping and Information Sharing System of extending its role in promoting evidence-based program is housed in the University of Pyithu Hluttaw (the People’s Parliament) and policy making, enhancing political awareness Washington's Henry M. Jackson School of shared the report to all stakeholders and the and participation for citizens and CSOs through International Studies and is run in collaboration public. Currently, EMReF has been regularly providing reliable and trustworthy information with the Technology & Social Change Group collecting some important data and information on political parties and elections, parliamentary (TASCHA) in the University of Washington’s on the elections and political parties. performances, and essential development Information School, and two partner policy issues. -
Queries Raised and Replied, Proposal Submitted, Approval Sought
Established 1914 Volume XVIII, Number 338 6th Waning of Tabaung 1372 ME Friday, 25 March, 2011 Root cause of splits The root causes that underlay the rise of fractious sectarianism and the proliferation of splits are found to be the incentives that the colonialists provided to expand their sphere of influence, the wedges of instigation and incitement that they drove in a wellplanned manner among colleagues, the arrogance born of overestimating oneself, personal rivalries and underestimating others, jealousies, suspicions and grudges. Some parties looked to foreign countries for guidance and inspiration, followed the imported ideologies and directives irrationally under foreign influence and carried out purges against fellow party members, which inevitably led to their demise. There were also many others that brought misery on themselves by aping the practices of countries with divergent development and dissimilar backgrounds. Senior General Than Shwe Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services (From speech delivered at the parade of 64th Anniversary Armed Forces Day) Senior General Than Shwe sends Four political objectives * Stability of the State, community peace and tranquil- lity, prevalence of law and order * National reconsolidation felicitations to President of Hellenic Republic * Emergence of a new enduring State Constitution * Building of a new modern developed nation in accord NAY P YI T AW, 25 March—Senior General Than Shwe, Chairman of the State Peace and with the new State Constitution Development Council of the Union of Myanmar, has sent a message of felicitations to His Four economic objectives Excellency Mr. Karolos Papoulias, President of the Hellenic Republic, on the occasion of the * Development of agriculture as the base and all-round devel- opment of other sectors of the economy as well National Day of the Hellenic Republic, which falls on 25 March 2011. -
Myanmar's Spring Revolution
EUROPEAN POLICY BRIEF MYANMAR ’S SPRING REVOLUTION : A PEOPLE ’S REVOLUTION Myanmar’s Spring Revolution is a grassroots, bottom-to-top nationwide resistance against the military ruling class that retook state power in February 2021. It is unprecedented in scale, fascinating in form and shows a profound societal change within the country. Michal Lubina , April 2021 INTRODUCTION A People’s revolution Myanmar’s Spring Revolution is a grassroots, bottom-to-top nationwide resistance against the military ruling class that retook state power in February 2021. It is unprecedented in scale, fascinating in form and shows a profound societal change within the country. EVIDENCE AND ANALYSIS The end of hermit country Burma has traditionally been called a hermit country 1 – a designation not uncommon in Asia (Bhutan and especially Korea were similarly named), yet very fitting in the case of Myanmar. Precolonial Burmese kingdoms were generally inward-looking, with periods of sometimes spectacular external expeditions being exceptions rather than the rule. Some believed Burma’s isolation was due to economic self-sufficiency, others ascribed it to geography. Still others looked for explanations in the cultural realm, believing - like Aung San Suu Kyi in her early writings 2 - that Buddhism made Burmese uninterested in foreign ideas. Whatever the reasons, it was only the colonial period that brought Burma into the global, capitalist world, however imperfectly: “Burma had been thrown open to the world, but the world had not been opened up to Burma.” 3 This forceful incursion inflicted wounds that never healed. That is why after the creative and chaotic decade of the 1950s (somewhat similar to the last ten years), Burma reverted to self-isolation after the 1962 1 Gustaaf Houtman, Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics: Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy, ISLCAA Tokyo 1999, p. -
The Third Force in Myanmar
The Third Force and the Architecture of Civil Society -State Relations in the Transition in Myanmar, 2008-2017 The Third Force and the Architecture of Civil Society -State Relations in the Transition in Myanmar, 2008-2017 ___________________________ Mael Raynaud Independent Analyst [email protected] Abstract Myanmar has embarked on a political transition in 2011, a transition better described here as a transition to a hybrid system, with elements of democracy and elements of a military rule. Building on the existing literature on transitions, political crises, civil society, and political influence, the present article attempts to define what the role of civil society has been in this process. Using the author ‘s concepts of a social stupa, in Myanmar, and of the "architecture of civil society-state relations", observed through various "points วารสาร สิทธิและสันติศึกษา ปีที่ 4 ฉบับที่ 2 of contacts" between the two, the author sets an argument that political influence is stronger in the points of contact at the top of the social stupa where the civil society elite meets political elite. In that sense, civil society leaders can be seen as groups that organically channel the voice of civil society to those in power. This perspective explains the strategy behind the Third Force, a group of civil society leaders that gained influence in the wake of cyclone Nargis in 2008 and had a significant impact on the political process, and officially or semi-officially became advisors to President U Thein Sein from 2011 to 2016. The article then argues that the NLD government has cut much of these ties, but that civil society-state relations have nevertheless been profoundly re-shaped in the last decade. -
Q&A on Elections in BURMA
Q&A ON ELECTIONS IN BURMA PHOTOGRapHS BY PLATON Q&A ON ELECTIONS IN BuRma INTRODUCTION PHOTOGRapHS BY PLATON Burma will hold multi-party elections on November 7, 2010, the first in 20 years. Some contend the elections could spark a gradual process of democratization and the opening of civil society space in Burma. Human Rights Watch believes that the elections must be seen in the context of the Burmese military government’s carefully manufactured electoral process over many years that is designed to ensure continued military rule, albeit with a civilian façade. The generals’ “Road Map to Disciplined Democracy” has been a path filled with human rights violations: the brutal crackdown on peaceful protesters in 2007, the doubling of the number of political prisoners in Burma since then to more than 2000, the marginalization of WIN MIN, CIVIL RIGHTS LEADER ethnic minority communities in border areas, a rewritten constitution that A medical student at the time, Win undermines rights and guarantees continued military rule, and carefully Min became a leader of the 1988 constructed electoral laws that subtly bar the main opposition candidates. pro-democracy demonstrations in Burma. After years fighting in the jungle, Win Min has become one of the This political repression takes place in an environment that already sharply restricts most articulate intellectuals in exile. freedom of association, assembly, and expression. Burma’s media is tightly controlled Educated at Harvard University, he is by the authorities, and many media outlets trying to report on the elections have been now one of the driving forces behind an innovative collective called the Vahu (in reduced to reporting on official announcements’ and interviews with party leaders: no Burmese: Plural) Development Institute, public opinion or opposition is permitted. -
The Muslim Brotherhood Fol- Lowing the “25 Janu- Ary Revolution”
Maria Dolores Algora Weber CEU San Pablo University THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD FOL- LOWING THE “25 JANU- ARY REVOLUTION”: FROM THE IDEALS OF THE PAST TO THE POLITICAL CHAL- LENGES OF THE PRESENT In the framework of the Arab Spring, as the wave of social mobilisation of 2011 has come to be known, the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt marked the beginning of a process which has deeply transformed the re- ality of many countries in the Arab World. In Egypt, the events that took place in Tahrir Square not only put an end to President Mubarak's dic- tatorship, but also paved the way for new political actors, among which the Muslim Brotherhood has played a key role. During the subsequent transition, the Brotherhood gained control of the National Assembly and positioned their leader, Mohamed Mursi, as the new President. The present debate is focused on the true democratic vocation of this move- ment and its relationship with the other social forces inside Egypt and beyond. This article intends to address these issues. To that end, it begins with an explanation as to the ideological and political evolution of the Muslim Brotherhood and its internal changes brought about by the end of the previous regime, closing with an analysis of its transnational influ- ence and the possible international aftermaths. Islam, Islamism, Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt, Arab Spring 181 INTRODUCTION n 2011, a wave of social mobilisations took place in various Arab countries and which came to be known as the “Arab Spring”. This name is undoubtedly an at- tempt to draw a comparison between the historic process that unfolded in Europe Iin the mid-nineteenth century and the events that have taken place in the Arab World. -
1 Political Parties and Religion in Myanmar Kristian
Political parties and religion in Myanmar Kristian Stokke Department of Sociology and Human Geography, University of Oslo Myanmar is characterized by a puzzling paradox when it comes to the relationship between religions and political parties: While religions, especially Theravada Buddhism, are omnipresent in society and frame politics in multiple and contentious ways, the reintroduction of electoral politics has not been followed by the formation of religious parties or major party- driven politicisation of religious identities and interests. Although religious beliefs and belongings are parts of politics in a broad sense, the links between religions and political parties seem relatively weak and are difficult to discern. Myanmar is a multi-ethnic country that officially recognises eight ‘national races’: Bamar, Chin, Kachin, Kayah (Karenni), Kayin (Karen), Mon, Rakhine (Arakan) and Shan. Bamar comprise approximately two thirds of the population. The Union of Myanmar is territorially organised in seven Bamar-dominated regions in the central parts of the country and seven ethnic states along Myanmar’s borders (Figure 1). Myanmar is also a multi-religious country where the large majority are identified as Buddhist, but there are also important Christian, Muslim and Hindu minorities, and some of these are prominent in particular areas (Carstens, 2018; Fink, 2018). Whereas Buddhism is the dominant religion and has fundamentally shaped Myanmar’s cultural and political history, Islam has also had a long history in the country and Christianity is a major religion among ethnic nationalities (especially Chin, Kayah, Kachin and Kayin) (Gravers & Ytzen, 2014). Animist traditions and worship of nat spirits and Hindu gods are also common, including as part of Buddhism. -
Frontier Capitalism and Politics of Dispossession in Myanmar: the Case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) Nickel Mine in Chin State Einzenberger, Rainer
www.ssoar.info Frontier Capitalism and Politics of Dispossession in Myanmar: the Case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) Nickel Mine in Chin State Einzenberger, Rainer Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Einzenberger, R. (2018). Frontier Capitalism and Politics of Dispossession in Myanmar: the Case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) Nickel Mine in Chin State. ASEAS - Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 11(1), 13-34. https:// doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2018.1-2 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/deed.de Aktuelle Südostasienforschung Current Research on Southeast Asia Frontier Capitalism and Politics of Dispossession in Myanmar: The Case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) Nickel Mine in Chin State Rainer Einzenberger ► Einzenberger, R. (2018). Frontier capitalism and politics of dispossession in Myanmar: The case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) nickel mine in Chin State. Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 11(1), 13-34. Since 2010, Myanmar has experienced unprecedented political and economic changes described in the literature as democratic transition or metamorphosis. The aim of this paper is to analyze the strategy of accumulation by dispossession in the frontier areas as a precondition and persistent element of Myanmar’s transition. -
Burma's Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions
Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions Michael F. Martin Specialist in Asian Affairs September 15, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R42363 c11173008 . Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions Summary The release of all Burma’s political prisoners is one of the fundamental goals of U.S. policy. Several of the laws imposing sanctions on Burma—including the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 (P.L. 108-61) and the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE (Junta’s Anti- Democratic Efforts) Act of 2008 (P.L. 110-286)—require the release of all political prisoners before the sanctions can be terminated. The Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2014 (P.L. 113- 76) requires the Department of State and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to “support programs for former political prisoners” in Burma, as well as “monitor the number of political prisoners in Burma.” Burma’s President Thein Sein pledged during a July 2013 trip to the United Kingdom to release all “prisoners of conscience” in his country by the end of the year. Since his announcement, he granted amnesties or pardons on seven occasions. While President Thein Sein has asserted that all political prisoners have been freed, several Burmese organizations maintain that dozens of political prisoners remain in jail and that new political prisoners continue to be arrested and sentenced. Hopes for a democratic government and national reconciliation in Burma depend on the release of prisoners, including those associated with the country’s ethnic groups. Several ethnic-based political parties have stated they will not participate in parliamentary elections until their members are released. -
Norway's Constructive Engagement in Myanmar
Master’s Thesis 2016 30 ECTS Department of International Environment and Development Studies (Noragric) Norway’s Constructive Engagement in Myanmar. A small state as norm entrepreneur. Birgitte Moe Olsen Master of Science in International Relations I The Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Noragric, is the international gateway for the Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU). Eight departments, associated research institutions and the Norwegian College of Veterinary Medicine in Oslo. Established in 1986, Noragric’s contribution to international development lies in the interface between research, education (Bachelor, Master and PhD programmes) and assignments. The Noragric Master thesis are the final theses submitted by students in order to fulfil the requirements under the Noragric Master programme “International Environmental Studies”, “International Development Studies” and “International Relations”. The findings in this thesis do not necessarily reflect the views of Noragric. Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the author and on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation contact Noragric. © Birgitte Moe Olsen, December 2016 [email protected] Noragric Department of International Environment and Development Studies P.O. Box 5003 N-1432 Ås Norway Tel.: +47 64 96 52 00 Fax: +47 64 96 52 01 Internet: http://www.nmbu.no/noragric II Declaration I, Birgitte Moe Olsen, declare that this thesis is a result of my research investigations and findings. Sources of information other than my own have been acknowledged and a reference list has been appended. This work has not been previously submitted to any other university for award of any type of academic degree. -
Moving Beyond Hermit Kingdoms. Korea in Burma's Foreign Policy
XII: 2015 nr 3 Michał Lubina MOVING BEYOND HERMIT KINGDOMS. KOREA IN BURMA’S FOREIGN POLICY Burma (Myanmar)1 has been called the Hermit Kingdom. Korea (more recently North Korea) has been labeled similarly. This is correct to some extend, given the fact that in both countries hermits played an important role in the political culture. It is interesting, therefore, to ask whether these similar cultural patters have had any effect on their relations. Has Korea been important to Burma? What place have Koreans had in Burma’s foreign policy? Introduction This article traces the most important aspects of Korea-Burma relations. It starts with the conceptual introduction by showing the ideological spectrum of the Bur- mese elites’ political thinking. Then it describes the “hermit” cultural similarity between Burma and Korea. In its most important part this paper is intended to present the contemporary political relations between Koreas and Burma from the 1 The name of this country invokes many controversies. In June 1989, the State Law and Restoration Council (the new junta) changed the offi cial international designation of the country from “Burma” to “Myanmar” (“Myanmar” is the autonym of the ethnic majority since ancient times and has always been used internally). The usage of the country’s name has been politically controversial since then. Personally, I consider this question highly political and, given the fact that BOTH names – Burma and Myanmar – are of Burmese origin, quite ridiculous. I follow traditional naming in English and therefore use Burma throughout the article. 162 MICHAŁ LUBINA failed assassination of Chun Doo Hwan to the recent dynamics. -
Ethnic Politics and the 2015 Elections in Myanmar
MYANMAR POLICY BRIEFING | 16 | September 2015 Ethnic Politics and the 2015 Elections in Myanmar RECOMMENDATIONS • The 2015 general election presents an important opportunity to give political voice to Myanmar’s diverse ethnic nationality communities and empower them to pursue their aspirations, provided that it is genuinely free and fair. • If successfully held, the general election is likely to mark another key step in the process of national transition from decades of military rule. However the achievement of nationwide peace and further constitutional reform are still needed to guarantee the democratic rights, representation and participation of all peoples in determining the country’s future. • Although nationality parties are likely to win many seats in the polls, the impact of identity politics and vote-splitting along ethnic and party lines may see electoral success falling short of expectations. This can be addressed through political cooperation and reform. It is essential for peace and stability that the democratic process offers real hope to nationality communities that they can have greater control over their destiny. • Inequitable distribution of political and economic rights has long driven mistrust and conflict in Myanmar. The 2015 general election must mark a new era of political inclusion, not division, in national politics. After the elections, it is vital that an inclusive political dialogue moves forward at the national level to unite parliamentary processes and ethnic ceasefire talks as a political roadmap for all citizens. ideas into movement Introduction Myanmar/Burma1 is heading to the polls in November 2015, in what will be a closely watched election. Provided that they are free and fair, the polls are likely to have a major influence over the future political direction of the country, with an expected shift in power from the old elite to the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD).