The Economic Thought of Shōji Kōki and the Tenpō Reforms in Saga Domain

THE ECONOMIC THOUGHT OF SHŌJI KŌKI AND THE TENPŌ REFORMS IN SAGA DOMAIN

Jan Sýkora*

In the first part of the nineteenth century the Tokugawa regime was confronted with both political and economic crises that resulted in political and social disorder. Moreover, the foreign threat stemming from the concerted activities of the Western powers, whose ships fre- quently appeared offshore in unprecedented numbers, was an unmis- takable omen of the coming crises of shogunal foreign policy. The series of attempts undertaken in the early 1840s by both shogunate and individual domains to stabilize the political, economic, and social systems and strengthen military capabilities did not produce satisfac- tory results. Compared to both the shogunate government and the majority of domains, however, Saga domain coped with the problems in a relatively successful way. The reforms that had been implemented by the young domain lord (hanshu), Nabeshima Naomasa 鍋島直正 (1814–1871), since 1835 contributed to economic stabilization and became a platform for constructing and operating the first reverbera- tory furnace (hansharo 反射炉) in Japan in 1850. New technology for mobilizing and managing economic resources became necessary for successful manufacturing of heavy artillery and for opening the door for implementing the policy of “the rich country with the strong army” in the early Meiji period. Although the leading role in sketching and elaborating these plans was played by a group of domainal intellectu- als of samurai origin, with Naomasa’s advisor Koga Kokudō 古賀穀堂 (1776–1836) as the central figure, one cannot omit the partial role of the commoners represented by the wealthy merchant from Arita, Shōji Kōki 正司考祺 (1793–1857). In this chapter I will focus on three main topics: first, analysis of the broader intellectual and social net- work through which Kōki introduced his main economic ideas to the representatives of Saga domain; second, part of his economic thought

* I greatfully acknowledge the helpful comments on this essay by participants of the Economic Thought in Early Modern Japan conferences held at Tübingen Univer- sity (May 29–June 1, 2008) and Columbia University (June 26–27, 2009). 158 jan sýkora concerning the main causes of the economic stagnation in Saga domain in the first quarter of the nineteenth century; and third, how much of his practical advice was actually implemented in the Tenpō Reforms in Saga domain. Although no one disputes Japan’s fascinating economic development during most of the twentieth century, there has been less agree- ment about the degree and ingenuity of the intellectual modernization that accompanied it.1 Part of the assessment problem stems from the general difficulties inherent in any intellectual history: the scope of new ideas in the given intellectual milieu is actually to some extent formed and limited by the intellectual heritage from which these ideas spring. In this respect, the Meiji Restoration should be viewed as a culmination of broad intellectual discourse on political and economic issues rather than as the mere starting point of modernization. Such a view, generally accepted in the realm of political thought, has been uncommon in the realm of economic thought. In the study of the history of economic thought in the last quarter of the Tokugawa period, research efforts have been focused primar- ily on the narrative about how the main schools and leading persons viewed, discussed, and reflected the crucial economic problems of the Tokugawa regime.2 The huge number of academic studies published during the last two decades in both Japanese and in Western languages has, however, proved that the intellectual ferment of Tokugawa society (particularly in its last stage of development) was more complex, com- prising many local scholars who were active on the periphery.3

1 Sugihara 1998, p. xi. 2 A general overview of the history of economic thought in Western languages can be found, for example, in Honjō 1965; Najita 1987; Morris-Suzuki 1989; or Komuro 1998. 3 The masterful analyses of the patterns of local economic history provided by Philip C. Brown, Mark Ravina, Luke S. Roberts, and other historians represent the new line of approach to the economic thought and political economy of early modern Japan. For comprehensive discussion on the formation of local autonomy, see Brown 1993; Roberts 1998; and Ravina 1999. One cannot omit the pathbreaking, eight-volume series Nihon keizaishi (The Economic History of Japan, 1988–1989), the abridged English version of which has been appearing since 2004 under the title Economic History of Japan 1600–1990. The economic issues of early modern Japan are discussed in the first volume: Hayami et al. 2004, Emergence of Economic Society in Japan 1600–1859. Although this work is focused mainly on economic history, its significance for the study of economic thought is obvious.