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American Indian Ethnic Renewal: Politics and the Resurgence of Identity Author(S): Joane Nagel Source: American Sociological Review, Vol

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American Indian Ethnic Renewal: Politics and the Resurgence of Identity Author(S): Joane Nagel Source: American Sociological Review, Vol American Indian Ethnic Renewal: Politics and the Resurgence of Identity Author(s): Joane Nagel Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 60, No. 6 (Dec., 1995), pp. 947-965 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096434 . Accessed: 13/05/2011 11:08 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asa. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Sociological Review. http://www.jstor.org AMERICAN INDIAN ETHNIC RENEWAL: POLITICS AND THE RESURGENCE OF IDENTITY* Joane Nagel University of Kansas Ethnic renewal is the reconstructionof one's ethnic identity by reclaiming a discarded identity, replacing or amending an identity in an existing ethnic identity repertoire,orfilling a personal ethnic void. Between 1960 and 1990, the numberof Americans reportingan AmericanIndian race in the U.S. Cen- sus more than tripled. This increase cannot be accountedfor by simple popu- lation growth (increased births, decreased deaths, immigration), or by changing enumeration definitions or techniques. Researchers have con- cluded that much of this growth in the American Indian population results from "ethnic switching," where individuals who previously identified them- selves as "non-Indian"changed their race to "Indian" in a later census. The question posed here is: Whydoes such ethnic switching occur? Drawing on historical analyses and interview data, I argue that this growth in the AmericanIndian population is one instance of ethnic renewal. I identifythree factors promoting individual ethnic renewal: (1) federal Indian policy, (2) American ethnic politics, and (3) American Indian political activism. These three political factors raised American Indian ethnic consciousness and en- couraged individuals to claim or reclaim their Native American ancestry, contributing to the observed Indian census population increase. American Indian ethnic renewal contributes to our general understandingof how eth- nicity is socially constructed. his paper examines the phenomenon of change their racial identity.1 Between 1960 Ethnic identity change and the role of and 1990, the number of Americans report- politics in prompting the reconstruction of ing American Indian as their race in the U.S. individual ethnicity. Specifically, I examine Census more than tripled, growing from recent demographic trends in the American 523,591 to 1,878,285. This increase cannot Indian population to understand the condi- be accounted for by the usual explanations tions and factors that lead individuals to of population growth (e.g., increased births, decreased deaths). Researchers have con- cluded that much of this population growth *Address all correspondence to Joane Nagel, Department of Sociology, 716 Fraser Hall, Uni- versity of Kansas, Lawrence, KS 66045 (Internet: 1 Consistent with the usage of native and non- NAGEL@ FALCON.CC.UKANS.EDU). This research was native scholars, I use the terms "American In- supported in part by the National Science Foun- dian," "Indian,""Native American" and "native" dation (grant SES-8108314) and by a 1994/95 interchangeably to refer to the descendants of the Jensen Lectureship sponsored by Duke Univer- aboriginal inhabitants of North America. I also sity and the American Sociological Association. use the terms "race"and "ethnicity" somewhat in- My thanks to Karl Eschbach and Leif Jensen for terchangeably, although I view ethnicity as the their generous technical assistance with this and broaderconcept subsuming race, which generally related work, and to Duane Champagne, Steven refers to visible (often skin color) distinctions Cornell, Karl Eschbach, John W. Meyer, C. Mat- among populations. Ethnicity can refer not only thew Snipp, Norman Yetman, Carol A. B. War- to somatic or physical differences, but also to dif- ren for their helpful comments on this and earlier ferences in language, religion, or culture. I ac- drafts. [The reviewers acknowledged by the au- knowledge the importance, some would say pre- thor include Gary D. Sandefur and Charles Tilly. eminence, of race in historical and contemporary -ED.] American ethnic relations. American Sociological Review, 1995, Vol. 60 (December:947-965) 947 948 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW must have resulted from "ethnic switching," individuals, American Indian ethnicity has where individuals who identified their race been more optional than for those living on as non-Indian (e.g., White) in an earlier cen- reservations. Changes in American political sus, switched to "Indian"race in a later cen- culture brought about by the ethnic politics sus. Why are more and more Americans re- of the civil rights movement created an at- porting their race as American Indian? mosphere that increased ethnic conscious- My research draws on historical analyses ness, ethnic pride, and ethnic mobilization and interview data, and combines a social among all ethnic groups, including American constructionist model of ethnic identity with Indians. The resulting "Red Power" Indian a social structuralapproach to ethnic change. political activist movement of the 1960s and I argue that the increase in American Indian 1970s started a tidal wave of ethnic renewal ethnic identification reflected in the U.S. that surged across reservation and urban In- Census is an instance of "ethnic renewal." dian communities, instilling ethnic pride and Ethnic renewal refers to both individual and encouraging individuals to claim and assert collective processes. Individual ethnic re- their "Indianness." newal occurs when an individual acquires or Below I provide a constructionist concep- asserts a new ethnic identity by reclaiming a tual framework for interpreting ethnic iden- discarded identity, replacing or amending an tity generally; review the demographic evi- identity in an existing ethnic repertoire, or dence and explanations for increases in the filling a personal ethnic void. Reclaiming a American Indian population; outline the role discarded identity might entail resuming re- of structural factors, such as political poli- ligious observances or "retraditionalization" cies, ethnic politics, and ethnic political ac- (e.g., the return to orthodoxy by American tivism in prompting or strengthening Indian Jews). Replacing an identity in an existing ethnic identification; and explore the mean- ethnic repertoire might involve religious ing and consequences of activism for Ameri- conversion (e.g., the conversion to Islam by can Indian ethnic renewal. Christian African Americans); amending an existing ethnic repertoire might involve ex- ploring a new side of one's family tree and BACKGROUND including that nationality or ethnicity among Negotiating and Changing Individual and ethnic the tak- one's working identities (e.g., Collective Identities ing on of Armenian ethnicity by an Irish Ar- menian American already involved in Irish In the past 30 years, our understanding of American ethnic life). Filling a personal eth- ethnicity has increasingly stressed the so- nic void might entail adopting a new ethnic cially constructed characterof ethnicity. The identity for the first time (e.g., Americans re- pioneering work of Fredrik Barth (1969), connecting with their ethnic "roots"and join- shows ethnicity to be situational and vari- ing ethnic social, political, or religious orga- able. Many studies have followed that have nizations). Collective ethnic renewal in- found ethnicity to be more emergent than pri- volves the reconstruction of an ethnic com- mordial, ethnic group boundaries to be more munity by current or new community mem- fluid than fixed, ethnic conflicts to arise bers who build or rebuild institutions, cul- more from clashes of contemporaryinterests ture, history, and traditions (Nagel 1994, than from ancient animosities, ethnic history forthcoming). and culture to be routinely revised and even My thesis is that ethnic renewal among the invented, and the central essence of ethnic- American Indian population has been ity-ethnic identity-to be multifaceted, ne- brought about by three political forces: (1) gotiable, and changeable (see Conzen, Ger- federal Indian policy, (2) American ethnic ber, Morawska, Pozzetta, and Vecoli 1992; politics, and (3) American Indian political Sollors 1989). activism. Federal Indian policies have con- It is this last assertion-that one ethnic tributedto the creation of an urban,intermar- identity can be exchanged for another-that ried, bicultural American
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