"# South African Youth Congress A Launched '*-•' kMn Mm l/e^j W [** [&r> •*w*te '• Li e- IN THIS ISSUE «SSG IT M White Election Duduza's iE3liS^r Civil War 5- *S *5 , *4 iJ Maternity Benefits " *<*V* J for Metal Workers *v3 L^rts PAC Trial South Africa is a complex society, difficult to analyse, sometimes impossible to understand. Take, for example, the general election planned for 6 Hay. It appears to be an event no progressive-minded person or opposition organisation Mould have anything to do with. It is racially exclusive, held under state of emergency regulations which favour the ruling National Party, and has the purpose of voting in candidates for one chamber of the discredited tricameral parliament. In addition, the outcome of voting seems both irrelevant and a foregone conclusion. But closer scrutiny of the election suggests that its outcome may decide the sort of white power bloc the African National Congress and its allies will ultimately sit down with to discuss the dismantling of apartheid and a transfer of power. The issue of Bantu Education bears similar scrutiny. Since the early 1980s, the sort of education imposed by this system has been analysed as not only inferior to white education, but actually distorting of African students1 development. Some have even argued that Bantu Education conceptually deforms its subjects, and that much has to be unlearnt before a Bantu Education product can start afresh. In this context support for the massive school boycotts of the past few years seemed not only logical, but politically wise. The slogan 'liberation now, education later1 accurately reflected this attitude. But now clearly progressive forces - the NECC, civic and community leaders, and even parents and students themselves - have pushed for a return to school in that cradle of resistance, the Eastern Cape. A respected leader in the region has argued that 'pupils can only claim their right to speak as students as long as they remain within the walls of the classrooms1. And, in urging pupils to go back to school he said that 'the commnity was forced to decide whether it was better to be educated, even if by the hated Bantu Education systems, than to be uneducated1. If opposition political tactics and strategies are always in a state of flux, precisely because the society they seek to alter is also changing, then there is little room for dogma and inflexibility. The development of new ways of seeing old problems is the mark of a developing and maturing political culture which should be welcomed. ***** Controversy has followed the recent debate in these columns concerning the relationship between COSATU, Inkatha and UWUSA. In particular, the editors have been criticised for both the manner in which they published the response by 'COSATU official1, and the subsequent attack launched on this official by another contributor. Having accepted an anonymous contribution from 'COSATU official1, the editors were at fault in publishing the subsequent attack on his/her anonymity. The editors apologise for this, and are currently setting up guidelines to ensure that similar incidents do not occur in the future. In addition, the editors have been asked to point out that the article on this debate in WIP 46, 'COSATU Strategy in Natal', was written by Geoff Schreiner. Only the brief introductory comment on the anonymity of 'COSATU official1 was by Hike Morris. Finally, the editors did not intended to present any of the articles in this debate as official COSATU policy. It is regretted if any headline gave this impression. All articles reflected the opinions of individual authors. WORK IN PROGRESS 47 - APRIL 1987 Cover drawing by Jonathan Shapiro 2 New National Youth Congress Launched Emergency Forces New Forms of Organisation The state of emergency severely hampered progressive organisation. But it also challenged activists to find new ways of operating. DAVID NIDDRIE of Agenda Press argues that the recently-launched South African Youth Congress (SAYCO) has adopted a new response to emergency conditions- underground organisation of a mass-based youth movement. The formation of any political legally. But the state has forced us to organisation claiming slgned-up organise underground', said Rapu membership of between 600 000 and Molekane. 700 000, and a support base of two The 250 delegates and observers to million, la significant. the founding congress were well on their But the 28 March launch of the South way home before the first murmurs of the African Youth Congress la unusually launch reached even sympathetic Important. For SAYCO Is the first journalists. national youth grouping set up since the In the paat six months, ten regional banning of COSAS. And, given the youth congresses have met and been circumstances under which SAYCO launched In conditions of equal secrecy. organises, it Is surprising that the Most of these congresses exist in areas launch took place at all. where security is far tighter than it is SAYCO has done little to avoid in the Western Cape. immediate and harsh state reaction. The Regional congresses exist in the symbols chosen as its public face Southern, Northern and Eastern include the slogan 'Freedom or death - Transvaal, the Southern, Western and victory is certain'; organisational Northern Cape, Border, the Eastern colours of black, green, gold and red; Cape, Natal and the Orange Free State. and a fiat holding a red flag as its When the Southern Transvaal (STYCO) logo. and Northern Transvaal (NTYCO) In addition, SAYCO's launching congresses were set up, it took two congress elected the much-detained ex- weeks before their existence waa known Robben Island prisoner, Peter Makoba, as by anyone other than those involved in president. Other members of the national the launches. executive arei Vice President Mzlmasl But the leadership speaks with Hangcotywa; General Secretary Rapu confidence of a signed-up membership of Molekane: Publicity Secretary Simon more than half a million, and believes Ntombela; Education Officer Ephraim this will continue to grow. And they Nkoe; and Treasurer Fawcet Kathebe. believe that through the numeroua youth To some extent, SAYCO recognises the congresses active in the last year, they Inevitability that It will become a command the support of about two million target of government action. By young South Africans. following in COSAS's footsteps as the cutting edge of popular resistance, It can hardly avoid the wrath of the state. LESSONS FROM THE EMERGENCY LAUNCHING SAYCO UNDERGROUND Equally important is the fact that leadership is able to speak at all after nine months under a state of emergency. The decision to step forward as a 'We learnt some hard lessons in the national organisation Is baaed largely first emergency', said General Secretary on SAYCO's confidence that It can Rapu Molekane some weeks before the survive virtually anything the state can national launch. 'Many of us were hit in throw at It. the first wave of detentions. But by the The youth congress was born in time 12 June (the second emergency) complete secrecy in Cape Town on came, we had adjusted'• 28 March after three rapid, last-minute, The major thrust of local youth changes of venue. This followed an congress activity switched from high- apparently carefully-planned profile, mass recruitment rallies to a disinformation campaign which identified system comparable to street committees. Durban as the site of the launch. Living permanently underground, SAYCO leaders believe the organisation organisers established communication represents a new form of opposition channels sufficiently strong, despite politics In South Africa, combining mass the emergency crackdown, to hold membership with an underground form of regional structures together. organisation* The Northern Transvaal Youth Congress 'We are a legal organisation operating launch in December linked up 150 local WIP congresses - 40 la Sekhukhuneland alone the basis of the anger and frustration - over an area stretching from just remained Bantu Education, and the north of Pretoria to the far northern perceived restrictions it imposed on Transvaal* entry Into the economy. SAYCO's militancy cannot be dismissed The black youth of 1976 had only as passing youthful enthusiasm. Almost experienced 'gutter education'. But they 11 years have gone by since the 1976 were better educated than any previous student revolt. The youth of 1976 has generation, and expected far greater spent much of its time since then In the access to benefits the economy had to streets. And experience and economic offer. crisis have The economic combined to : : &t£>#0!%$ recession which give township : 'M continued through the youth a far 1970s, crushed those clearer idea expectations. The than before of the burning rage of 1976 was then directed, not limitations of surprisingly, at the existing education system which political and had promised so much economic and delivered so institutions little. In meeting A decade later, the their needs. education system Since 1976, remains a major bone many have of contention - and persisted in for many young black seeing South Africans is students and youth as part still one of the major of the same reasons for their social disadvantage. But organised category. As a student groupings have result, the more general increasingly handed demands made over political by youth have Initiative to been under- organisations emphasised in operating outside the favour of school yards and off students' the campuses. educational The National struggles. But First SAYCO President Education Crisis there has, in Peter Kakoba Committee Initiatives those 11 years, been an Increasing of 1985 and 1986 divergence of interests and demands showed the beginning of this trend. between youth and students. Black students are not about to quit the political area - either as part of a student-youth overlap, or in their own right. But the shortcomings of a schoolyard-based, but nationally- STUDENTS LEAD RESISTANCE targetted, political 'struggle' demanded resolution.