The Chinese Dream” in a Holistic Nexus
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Xi Jinping's Address to the Central Conference On
Xi Jinping’s Address to the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs: Assessing and Advancing Major- Power Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics Michael D. Swaine* Xi Jinping’s speech before the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs—held November 28–29, 2014, in Beijing—marks the most comprehensive expression yet of the current Chinese leadership’s more activist and security-oriented approach to PRC diplomacy. Through this speech and others, Xi has taken many long-standing Chinese assessments of the international and regional order, as well as the increased influence on and exposure of China to that order, and redefined and expanded the function of Chinese diplomacy. Xi, along with many authoritative and non-authoritative Chinese observers, presents diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of an ambitious, long-term, and more strategic foreign policy agenda. Ultimately, this suggests that Beijing will increasingly attempt to alter some of the foreign policy processes and power relationships that have defined the political, military, and economic environment in the Asia- Pacific region. How the United States chooses to respond to this challenge will determine the Asian strategic landscape for decades to come. On November 28 and 29, 2014, the Central Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership convened its fourth Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs (中央外事工作会)—the first since August 2006.1 The meeting, presided over by Premier Li Keqiang, included the entire Politburo Standing Committee, an unprecedented number of central and local Chinese civilian and military officials, nearly every Chinese ambassador and consul-general with ambassadorial rank posted overseas, and commissioners of the Foreign Ministry to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Macao Special Administrative Region. -
2015 Military Reform in the People's Republic of China
BELFER CENTER PAPER 2015 Military Reform in the People’s Republic of China Defense, Foreign and Domestic Policy Issues Andrei A. Kokoshin PAPER OCTOBER 2016 Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Harvard Kennedy School 79 JFK Street Cambridge, MA 02138 www.belfercenter.org Translated from Russian by Kirill Leonov Edited by Mari Dugas Design & Layout by Andrew Facini Cover image: A Chinese military band conductor leads the band at the end of the opening session of the annual National People’s Congress in Beijing’s Great Hall of the People, Saturday, March 5, 2016. (AP Photo/Ng Han Guan) Statements and views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author and do not imply endorsement by Harvard University, Harvard Kennedy School, or the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. Copyright 2016, President and Fellows of Harvard College Printed in the United States of America BELFER CENTER PAPER 2015 Military Reform in the People’s Republic of China Defense, Foreign and Domestic Policy Issues Andrei A. Kokoshin PAPER OCTOBER 2016 About the Author Andrei Kokoshin is a member of the Russian Academy of Sciences and dean of Moscow State University’s Faculty of World Politics. He has served as Russia’s first deputy defense minister, secretary of the Defense Council and secretary of the Security Council. Dr. Kokoshin has also served as chairman of the State Duma’s Committee on the Commonwealth of Independent States and as first deputy chairman of the Duma’s Committee on Science and High Technology. iv 2015 Military Reform in the People’s Republic of China: Defense, Foreign and Domestic Policy Issues Table of Contents Synopsis of the Study .............................................................vi Introduction ............................................................................. -
Beijing Consensus
Review China in Africa: the Washington Consensus versus the Beijing Consensus Ronald I. McKinnon Professor of International Economics Stanford University 9 August, 2010 _______________________________________________________________________ Deborah Brautigam, The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009 Vivien Foster, William Butterfield, Chuan Chen, Natalyia Pushak: Building Bridges: China’s Growing Role as Infrastructure Financier for Sub-Saharan Africa. Washington: The World Bank, PPIAF, 2009. Stephan Halper, The Beijing Consensus: How China’s Authoritarian Model Will Dominate the Twenty-First Century. New York, Basic Books, 2010. These three books complement each other in describing the truly astonishing growth of China’s aid, investment, and trade in Sub-Saharan Africa since 2000. For China, foreign aid, investment, and trade are not really distinct categories. As Deborah Brautigam emphasizes, these parts are bound together by intricate financial arrangements under China’s Export-Import Bank with other commercial arrangements orchestrated by the Ministry of Commerce, within which the Department of Foreign Aid is nested. Foster, Butterfield, Chen and Pushak are World Bank economists who bring additional data to bear on aid by China compared to Western sources. Stephan Halper focuses more on the political implications of the remarkable rise of China, and worries about the decline of the United States and its “Washington Consensus” as a model for developing countries. In contrast to China’s, foreign aid agencies of the mature capitalist countries in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) are typically lodged in ministries of foreign affairs, which decide on worthy poor recipients. The U.S. -
Halper, S. (2010). the Beijing Consensus: How China's Authoritarian
THE Halper, S. (2010). The Beijing consensus: How China's authoritarian model will dominate the 2r' century. New York: Basic Books. INTRODUCTIOH SECRETARY OF STATE HILLARY CLINTON'S decision to visit China within weeks of assuming office in 2009 provided evi• dence of the importance Washington now attached to Sino- American cooperation.' CUnton called for a "deeper" and "broader" U.S.-China partnership, saying that cooperation be• tween the United States and China on global issues such as the economy was "imperative."^ In similar tones;Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao told former U.S. President Jimmy Carter shortly before Clinton's arrival that the only path for China and the United States was to "strengthen mutual trust and cooperation, and pass through the difficulties together."^ Wen's words were a perfect iteration of the so-called new China that we've seen emerging on the world stage over the last decade. Long gone are the ideological crusades of the 1960s—crusades that took Maoism to Africa, spread revolution in Southeast Asia, and sought to overthrow the great powers of the West. On the contrary, capitalism is now a global phenomenon—with China among its greatest champions. And since this new incarnation has embraced the capitalist road, the country has come to rely on international markets, global institutions, and free trade to achieve economic growth. This 2 The Beijing Consensus Introduction 3 has allowed living standards to rise, contributing to poHtical economic power; meanwhile, today's emerging markets are stabihty at home. In the process, China has progressively en• increasingly drawn to a new and compelling doctrine of state- gaged with the international community it once spurned, show• managed capitalism. -
Bremer-Hukou-System Lesson Plan
Sarah Bremer The Hukou System April 2019 L E S S O N P L A N The Hukou (Household Registration) System Sarah Bremer Bishop O’Dowd High school Essential/Central Question: How does the hukou system impact the ability of individuals to achieve the “Chinese dream”? Lesson Summary: Through a role play based on members of a family featured in Rob Schmitz’s book Street of Eternal Happiness, students explore the ways that the household registration system, or “hukou” has affected the lives of a family from the rural province of Shandong. Implemented in 1958, this system requires every citizen of China to be registered with either a rural or urban hukou. Today, millions of Chinese citizens with rural hukou registration live as migrants in cities like Shanghai. Their hukou status, which is passed down through families and nearly impossible to change, prevents them from accessing public education, healthcare, pensions, and other services in the cities in which they live and work. Grade levels and Courses: This lesson was designed for a high school (9-12 grade) course in world history or AP Human Geography. It can also be adapted for English Language Arts classes. Duration: One 80-minute block period or two 45 minute periods Step-by-step Description: Materials: Handout 1 (cut into strips), Handout 2 (video note sheet), Handout 3 (role play cards), projector and computer Warm Up: 1. Cut up Handout 1: Timeline of the Hukou system into strips separated by date. Give each student or pair of students a date and description. Be sure that the strips are not in order. -
5 China Dreaming
5 China Dreaming Representing the Perfect Present, Anticipating the Rosy Future Stefan Landsberger Abstract As China has developed into a relatively well-offf, increasingly urbanized nation, educating the people has become more urgent than ever. Rais- ing (human) quality (素质) has become a major concern for educators and intellectuals who see moral education as a major task of the state. The visual exhortations in public spaces aimed at moral education are dominated by dreaming about a nation that has risen and needs to be taken seriously. The visualization of these dreams resembles commercial advertising, mixing elements like the Great Wall or the Tiananmen Gate building with modern or futuristic images. This chapter focuses on posters, looking at the changes in contents and representation of government visuals in an increasingly urbanized and media-literate society. Keywords: visual propaganda; governmentality; normative propaganda; Chinese Dream; Beijing Olympics 2008 Sometimes one still encounters hand-painted faded slogans in the coun- tryside urging those working in agriculture to learn from Dazhai, or to energetically study Mao Zedong Thought. By and large, political messages and the images they use have disappeared from Chinese public spaces, in particular in urban areas. Yet, the production of these images, of what we would call propaganda, has not stopped; the government remains com- mitted to educating the people, as it has over the millennia. Compared to the fijirst three decades of the People’s Republic, the messages have shifted to moral and normative topics, and their visualization has become much more sophisticated than in the earlier periods. This is partly because they Valjakka, Minna & Wang, Meiqin (eds.), Visual Arts, Representations and Interventions in Contemporary China: Urbanized Interface. -
White Cat, Black Cat Or Good Cat: the Beijing Consensus As an Alternative Philosophy for Policy Deliberation? the Case of China
DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL POLICY AND INTERVENTION BARNETT PAPERS IN SOCIAL RESEARCH White Cat, Black Cat or Good Cat: The Beijing Consensus as an Alternative Philosophy for Policy Deliberation? The Case of China Reza Hasmath WORKING PAPER 14-02 November 2014 Editor: Erzsébet Bukodi Department of Social Policy and Intervention University of Oxford Barnett House 32 Wellington Square Oxford, OX1 2ER [email protected] White Cat, Black Cat or Good Cat: The Beijing Consensus as an Alternative Philosophy for Policy Deliberation? The Case of China Reza Hasmath School of Interdisciplinary Area Studies, University of Oxford Email: [email protected] Abstract This paper argues that the Beijing Consensus represents a philosophical movement towards an ultra-pragmatic view of conducting policy deliberation. Contrary to models of development which provide a subset of policy prescriptions for the policymakers’ disposal or a fundamentalist adherence to a particular economic tradition, the philosophical intentionality of the Beijing Consensus is reflected in the infamous words of Deng Xiaoping “I do not care if it is a white cat or a black cat … It is a good cat so long as it catches mice”. That is, the Beijing Consensus inherently recognises that each development scenario has a potential set of challenges that may require unique and/or experimental solutions factoring the current political, social and economic environment. This ultra-pragmatism will require the policymaker to engage in greater policy experimentation, and to have a larger risk-elasticity. Further, this philosophy is most aptly demonstrated by looking at the aggregation of practices and lessons learned using the recent policy experiences of China. -
Socioterritorial Fractures in China: the Unachievable “Harmonious Society”?
China Perspectives 2007/3 | 2007 Creating a Harmonious Society Socioterritorial Fractures in China: The Unachievable “Harmonious Society”? Guillaume Giroir Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/2073 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.2073 ISSN : 1996-4617 Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 septembre 2007 ISSN : 2070-3449 Référence électronique Guillaume Giroir, « Socioterritorial Fractures in China: The Unachievable “Harmonious Society”? », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2007/3 | 2007, mis en ligne le 01 septembre 2010, consulté le 28 octobre 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/2073 ; DOI : 10.4000/ chinaperspectives.2073 © All rights reserved Special feature s e Socioterritorial Fractures v i a t c n i in China: The Unachievable e h p s c “Harmonious Society”? r e p GUILLAUME GIROIR This article offers an inventory of the social and territorial fractures in Hu Jintao’s China. It shows the unarguable but ambiguous emergence of a middle class, the successes and failures in the battle against poverty and the spectacular enrichment of a wealthy few. It asks whether the Confucian ideal of a “harmonious society,” which the authorities have been promoting since the early 2000s, is compatible with a market economy. With an eye to the future, it outlines two possible scenarios on how socioterritorial fractures in China may evolve. he need for a “more harmonious society” was raised 1978, Chinese society has effectively ceased to be founded for the first time in 2002 at the Sixteenth Congress on egalitarianism; spatial disparities are to be seen on the T of the Communist Party of China (CPC). -
HU Jintao Hú Jǐntāo 胡锦涛 B
◀ HU Die Comprehensive index starts in volume 5, page 2667. HU Jintao Hú Jǐntāo 胡锦涛 b. 1942 President of China (2002– present) Hu Jintao is the current President of the Peo- of Guizhou Province (July 1985–November 1988), and the ple’s Republic of China. During his two terms party secretary of the Tibet Autonomous Region (De- in office he has faced several crises, with vary- cember 1988–January 1991). Currently Hu serves as presi- ing degrees of success. His handling of the dent of the PRC, as well as general secretary of CCP’s Central Committee, and chairman of the CCP’s Military 2008 Sichuan earthquake was initially praised Affairs Committee. for his break from previous government se- Since his succession to Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao has crecy but later criticized outside China after taken an active role in developing China’s foreign rela- widespread media censorship of the event be- tions. The first developments were the introduction of came apparent. He has been very active in pro- the concepts “harmonious society” and “peaceful rise,” moting development at home and improving the latter of which was proposed in 2003 by Chairman foreign relations, notably with Taiwan. of the China Reform Forum Zheng Bijian. Peaceful rise, later termed the peaceful development path by Hu, was touted as a path of economic development that could raise “China’s population out of a state of underdevelopment” orn in Shanghai in December 1942, with ances- (Glaser & Medeiros 2007, 295) while working coopera- tral roots in Anhui Province, Hu Jintao gradu- tively with other countries to promote national security ated in 1965 from China’s Qinghua University, and world peace. -
Democratic Centralism and Administration in China
This is the accepted version of the chapter published in: F Hualing, J Gillespie, P Nicholson and W Partlett (eds), Socialist Law in Socialist East Asia, Cambridge University Press (2018) Democratic Centralism and Administration in China Sarah BiddulphP0F 1 1. INTRODUCTION The decision issued by the fourth plenary session of the 18th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP, or Party) in 2014 on Some Major Questions in Comprehensively Promoting Governing the Country According to Law (the ‘Fourth Plenum Decision’) reiterated the Party’s determination to build a ‘socialist rule of law system with Chinese characteristics’.P1F 2P What does this proclamation of the ‘socialist’ nature of China’s version of rule of law mean, if anything? Development of a notion of socialist rule of law in China has included many apparently competing and often mutually inconsistent narratives and trends. So, in searching for indicia of socialism in China’s legal system it is necessary at the outset to acknowledge that what we identify as socialist may be overlaid with other important influences, including at least China’s long history of centralised, bureaucratic governance, Maoist forms of ‘adaptive’ governanceP2F 3P and Western ideological, legal and institutional imports, outside of Marxism–Leninism. In fact, what the Chinese party-state labels ‘socialist’ has already departed from the original ideals of European socialists. This chapter does not engage in a critique of whether Chinese versions of socialism are really ‘socialist’. Instead it examines the influence on China’s legal system of democratic centralism, often attributed to Lenin, but more significantly for this book project firmly embraced by the party-state as a core element of ‘Chinese socialism’. -
Securing the Belt and Road Initiative: China's Evolving Military
the national bureau of asian research nbr special report #80 | september 2019 securing the belt and road initiative China’s Evolving Military Engagement Along the Silk Roads Edited by Nadège Rolland cover 2 NBR Board of Directors John V. Rindlaub Kurt Glaubitz Matt Salmon (Chairman) Global Media Relations Manager Vice President of Government Affairs Senior Managing Director and Chevron Corporation Arizona State University Head of Pacific Northwest Market East West Bank Mark Jones Scott Stoll Co-head of Macro, Corporate & (Treasurer) Thomas W. Albrecht Investment Bank, Wells Fargo Securities Partner (Ret.) Partner (Ret.) Wells Fargo & Company Ernst & Young LLP Sidley Austin LLP Ryo Kubota Mitchell B. Waldman Dennis Blair Chairman, President, and CEO Executive Vice President, Government Chairman Acucela Inc. and Customer Relations Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Huntington Ingalls Industries, Inc. U.S. Navy (Ret.) Quentin W. Kuhrau Chief Executive Officer Charles W. Brady Unico Properties LLC Honorary Directors Chairman Emeritus Lawrence W. Clarkson Melody Meyer Invesco LLC Senior Vice President (Ret.) President The Boeing Company Maria Livanos Cattaui Melody Meyer Energy LLC Secretary General (Ret.) Thomas E. Fisher Long Nguyen International Chamber of Commerce Senior Vice President (Ret.) Chairman, President, and CEO Unocal Corporation George Davidson Pragmatics, Inc. (Vice Chairman) Joachim Kempin Kenneth B. Pyle Vice Chairman, M&A, Asia-Pacific (Ret.) Senior Vice President (Ret.) Professor, University of Washington HSBC Holdings plc Microsoft Corporation Founding President, NBR Norman D. Dicks Clark S. Kinlin Jonathan Roberts Senior Policy Advisor President and Chief Executive Officer Founder and Partner Van Ness Feldman LLP Corning Cable Systems Ignition Partners Corning Incorporated Richard J. -
A “China Model” for the “New Era”
Centro de Estudios y Documentación InternacionalesCentro de Barcelona E-ISSN 2014-0843 B-8438-2012 D.L.: opinión A “CHINA MODEL” FOR THE 503 “NEW ERA” OCTOBER 2017 Sean Golden, Associate Senior Researcher he “extraordinary elevation” of Xi Jinping -Donald Trump’s description of the result of 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC)- echoes the extraordinary rise of China as a geoeconomic super- powerT after Deng Xiaoping inaugurated the “reform and opening up” policy in 1978. Geoeconomic power tends to become geopolitical power. This is Xi Jinping’s mid- to long-term objective. He has divided the history of the socialist revolu- tion in China into three 30-year periods: the first dominated by “Mao Zedong Thought”, the second dominated by “Deng Xiaoping Theory”, and the new pe- riod to be dominated by “Xi Jinping Thought” on “socialism with Chinese char- acteristics for the New Era”. The “West” characterises China as an “emerging” economy. In historical terms China is re-emerging. It is returning to the pre-em- inent position it held in the world economy before being subjected to Western imperial aggression in the 19th century. This is the essence of Xi’s “China Dream”. He defines it as the “rejuvenation” of China. In traditional Chinese terms, this means the consolidation of wealth and military power, two of the major themes of his political report to the National Congress. The first priority is to consolidate and maintain the CPC’s control of the political system. The second is to improve the people’s standard of living.