Coalition in the Archives a perspective from the papers of Frances Josephy

The papers of the Liberal activist Frances Josephy, held at LSE Archives, have recently been catalogued.1 The collection has much of interest to those studying Liberal history in the inter-war years.2 It is particularly useful as Josephy was a woman of forthright views which she was not afraid of expressing. Although she did not make it to parliament, her central role on the National League of Young Liberals (NLYL) is another reason to study these papers. Indeed, one of the stories of the or this paper the archive Andrews University and Newnham has been used to ask two College, Cambridge. By the mid- inter-war period is the questions regarding 1920s, Miss Josephy was already an her views, mainly for active member of the NLYL, speak- ever-growing number the period from around ing at events across the country and of Liberal activists who 1925–35.F First, does she have any moving resolutions at the League’s opinions on working with other annual meetings. Her speeches from did not become MPs. parties? Second, what views does 1925 were on various aspects of she express about the National industrial policy, but by the end of Nick White uses the Government, particularly in rela- the decade the range of topics wid- archives to tell the story tion to the Liberal Party? ens, from the need for free trade to Frances Louise Josephy was her defence of Liberalism. Josephy of Frances Josephy. born in 1900 and was educated at St also wrote articles, especially for

52 Journal of Liberal History 72 Autumn 2011 Coalition in the Archives a perspective from the papers of Frances Josephy

the Young Liberals’ newspaper, the of the papers relate to her European she had spoken at a women’s meet- Forward View. Her organisational work. However, ten boxes of mate- ing in Yatton on ‘F. M.’s [Frank skills were not wasted either, as rial do relate to Josephy’s political Murrell’s] work in parliament.’4 In she arranged conferences and other career from the 1920s through to the June 1925, there is a typescript ver- events for the Young Liberals and fifties. The political papers consist sion of an article Josephy wrote the International Young Liberals. of material such as: for the Weekly Westminster called, Josephy did not limit her involve- • Draft speeches (some are very ‘What is wrong with the Liberal ment in politics to the NLYL. In the rough notes, and others are more Party’.5 In it, she does point out mid-1920s, Josephy was also secre- detailed); that the party had started the reor- tary of the Parliamentary Radical • Press cuttings containing reports ganisation which was necessary for Group. The Manchester Evening News of speeches made by Josephy or any return to power. However, she (2 December 1926) reports that this on events attended by her; noted that there were other defi- was an ‘exacting’ position, ‘being • Typescript draft articles (many ciencies in the party, particularly responsible for much of the informa- annotated) on a variety of top- in relation to internal divisions. She tion which enables members of the ics, especially relating to politics, claims the party still had too many group to ask pertinent questions in industrial policy and interna- Tory sympathisers in it, and that the House of Commons and to make tional relations; pacts with the Conservatives at con- speeches supported by facts and fig- • Cuttings of published articles by stituency level were a sign of inher- ures.’3 She was secretary to Frank Josephy; ent weakness. This fear that some Murrell (Liberal MP for Weston- • Election ephemera, such as fly- Liberals were too close to the Tories super-Mare, 1923–24). She was also a ers, leaflets and posters; is a theme which Josephy frequently member of the Eighty Club and the • Liberal pamphlets and other returns to. League of Nations Union. publications, including speak- In the general election of May In 1929, she contested her first elec- ers’ notes published by the 1929, candidates from all three tion by standing as a Liberal candi- Liberal Publication Department main parties fought Winchester. date in Winchester during that year’s (1920s–30s). The Conservative candidate, Sir general election. She was to fight – In terms of its limitations, the George Hennessey, eventually won unsuccessfully – in various constitu- archive has little private material with 44 per cent of the vote; Labour encies, in all the general elections up such as correspondence or fam- came second (36 per cent); and Miss to, and including, 1951. However, ily papers. This means that there is Josephy came third with 18 per from the 1940s onwards, Josephy limited information on Josephy’s cent.6 focused more on European relations private life and family background. The views of several unsuccess- than Liberal politics. She was on the Also, most of the material was ful Liberal candidates in that elec- Federal Union Executive Committee meant to be made public, such as tion were aired during a discussion for over twenty years from February speeches and articles (or drafts of at the Liberal Summer School held 1940. She was also active in the them). So, for example, there is lit- at Cambridge later that year. On European Union of Federalists and tle about her private thoughts or Saturday 3 August, three women the European Movement. She died on about her personal links with other candidates (described as the 6 January 1985. Liberal politicians. ‘Three Graces’ by one admiring In total, her archive consists of Josephy’s political papers start Left: Election reporter7) addressed the conference over fifty boxes of documents. Most with a note that on 16 October 1924 leaflet, 1929 on the theme of ‘Young people

Journal of Liberal History 72 Autumn 2011 53 coalition in the archives: a perspective from the papers of frances josephy and the progressive parties’. One from her thoughts. She states that over policy. However, it could be of these unsuccessful candidates she has no liking for the three-party counter-argued that the influence was Josephy, who complained system but believes the Labour Liberals had on the minority Labour that campaigning in a three-party Party will split, leaving two great government was itself limited. political system was like fight- parties and a small ‘fanatical tail’ of Labour politicians would have been ing with an eel. She claimed that socialists. She says that the name of aware that Liberals were as unlikely younger voters were apt to go to the Liberal Party should be changed to want an election as themselves. the extremes of socialism or con- to encourage non-socialist Labour In August 1931, the National servatism: ‘Our difficulty, under politicians and voters away from the Government was formed. A gen- the three-party system, is that Labour Party: eral election was soon called and people cannot see the top peak for Josephy contested Basingstoke. I would rather see the Party that looking at the bottom two.’ In her election leaflet, Josephy stands for Liberalism called by During this address, Josephy claims to be the only ‘real’ National some other name – Radical, if argues that the Liberal Party must Government candidate. In another you like, or Progressive – than, for change and that activists should bold phrase, she makes it clear also the sake of a name, force the coun- work for the return to two-party that she is the ‘Free Trade’ National try to an eternal choice between politics. She states that a party could Government candidate. This sug- Conservatism and Socialism… be created if those two-thirds of the gests she sensed that the public were and personally I can see no other Liberal Party who were progres- in favour of some sort of coalition future for the Liberal Party than sives joined forces with the three- government to get the country as a body representing the radical- quarters in the Labour Party who out of its economic predicament. minded, non-Socialist alternative were moderates. This would leave However, she claims that the elec- to Conservatism.9 hardcore socialists as a ‘small fag- tion itself was unnecessary and was end … which does not count one In the first issue ofThe Liberal Whip called by Conservatives for purely way or another.’ She does not say (October 1929), a newsletter issued party political reasons, so they what the other third of the Liberal by the Winchester Division Liberal could impose protectionist meas- Party would do, nor does she pro- Association, Josephy writes about ures.12 Her electioneering did not vide details on how this party could the role of the small band of Liberal persuade the voters of Basingstoke be formed. She was clear, however, MPs. She claims that they have an and the Tory candidate won secur- that the Labour Party must come influence greater than their num- ing nearly 70 per cent of the poll. ‘our way; we are not going theirs.’ bers would suggest (she says fifty- In this three-way contest, Miss The Forward View article, makes eight10), for ‘unless the Government Josephy did at least manage to come it clear that Josephy’s opinions were have the Liberals on their side they second.13 not favourably received by all of the can do nothing.’ She adds that She calls for Josephy writes about her expe- delegates. In the discussion which MacDonald and his Cabinet: these Radical riences of the 1931 campaign in a followed the addresses she was sub- typescript article for Forward View are very well aware that only such jected to ‘sundry attacks’ and she felt called, ‘Unborn tomorrow and dead progressive measures as are in Remnants it was necessary to make a further yesterday’. In her article, written accordance with Liberal principles statement clarifying her position: within a month of the election, she will ever get through this House to rename writes: I do not want to suggest that we of Commons. In Parliament the should join Labour, or co-operate Liberal Party stands between themselves, ‘Le roi est mort! Vive le roi.’ The with Labour, or that there is any the country and out-and-out old Liberal Party is dead. Long question of alliance with Labour Socialism. In the country the to make it live the Radical Remnants! If in Parliament. What I did suggest Liberal Party gives to the elector- the mountain will not leave was that we should get rid of this ate the opportunity of expressing clear to vot- Mahomet, Mahomet must leave artificiality in politics. It should be at the same time their dislike of ers that they the mountain.14 made easier for those who think Conservatism and their distrust She calls for these Radical the same to work together. I want of Socialism. Undoubtedly the had nothing Remnants to rename themselves, to see that we do not fall at the Liberal Party is still a national to make it clear to voters that they fence of a name.8 necessity … in common had nothing in common with the Liberalism cannot die, nor the In this statement, Josephy makes Liberal Nationals or other Liberals Liberal Party, for it must exist as it clear that she does not want any with the Lib- with Conservative and protec- the national watch-dog to guard closer involvement with the minor- tionist leanings. Otherwise she the national interests, [and] pre- ity Labour government. Also, it eral Nation- predicted that at the next election vent revolutionary or reactionary can be deduced from her speech ‘the aforementioned apostates will legislation …11 als or other that Josephy would not be too hang like a millstone round our comfortable in a coalition with the In articles written before the Liberals with necks.’ She points out that even in Conservative Party. collapse of the Labour govern- the 1929 election Liberal candidates Her views on working with the ment in August 1931, Josephy Conservative had to answer ‘devastating ques- Labour Party are further clarified writes that any imminent elec- tions’ about the divisions within in an article written by her for the tion should be avoided as she pre- and pro- their party. She predicts that if the November 1929 issue of Forward dicted such a contest would result Radical Remnants did not take View. Josephy makes it clear that a in a strong Conservative govern- tectionist ‘a new title’, arguments over who merger between the Liberal and the ment. In that scenario, she believes, were the true Liberals would domi- Labour parties could not be further Liberals would have no influence leanings. nate the next election.

54 Journal of Liberal History 72 Autumn 2011 coalition in the archives: a perspective from the papers of frances josephy

Government, despite the fact that those circumstances, be only to glad she was a free trader. She believed to come in.’15 that by the time of the election, the Her hope that National Labour National Government had not yet and Baldwinian Tories could join firmly committed itself to protec- forces with progressive Liberals to tion, as MacDonald had called for create a Radical Party was not to an impartial inquiry into the matter. be. There appear to be many rea- Such an inquiry, Josephy thought, sons for this – one was that political would be on the side of free trade if momentum for the progressive vote really impartial. However, her sup- was still with Labour despite their port for the National Government setback in 1931. Another was that was questioned during the election the National Government did not campaign, as many voters believed split to the extent that Josephy had that the government was protec- predicted: although the Liberals did tionist and that that was what the leave the government, the mass of election was about. Conservative MPs and the Liberal Josephy also makes it clear Nationals stayed with it. Finally, in her article that she thinks the the Liberals themselves remained National Government is not a true deeply divided. coalition because it is overwhelm- In March 1932, a resolution ingly composed of Conservative calling for Liberal ministers to MPs. ‘The country voted resign from the government over National (as it thought) and has the issue of free trade was passed got a predominantly Conservative at the NLYL’s annual conference Government … and Conservatism at Bradford. The resolution was we shall get.’ However, as in supported by Josephy, who stated many of her pronouncements, that, ‘Opposition is the only way Josephy maintains her optimis- to rebuild the Liberal fortunes and tic outlook. She claims that this to give a sadder and wiser elector- Conservative domination would ate, who distrust the Socialists split the National Government, as and have found out the Tories, an the protectionists would see their opportunity for voting for a real opportunity to get their way with- party.’16 According to the Yorkshire out an impartial enquiry. Such an Observer, Josephy also attacked attempt, she predicted, would cre- Lloyd George in the speech by ate a split. Even Baldwin, ‘honest describing him as a liability inside man that he is, will come out of the the party and a danger outside the Government if the Tory Tariffists party.17 force Protection without an impar- Evidence in her writings sug- tial inquiry, having, as he says, gests that her view that the National no mandate from the country. So Government was really only a may Mr Macdonald. So – at least Conservative government do not we confidently expect so – will Sir change. Even when the Liberals Herbert Samuel.’ were part of that government, Josephy states that these lead- Josephy feels that they had no ers and their followers could form influence over it. For example, in the ‘nucleus of the new Radical ‘Seen from the gallery’ (May 1932), Opposition.’ However, ‘National Josephy writes of the futility of About the 1931 election cam- Election leaflets, Labour, Baldwinian Tory have no Sir Herbert Samuel’s speech in the paign itself, Josephy writes, ‘What 1931 and 1935 real organisation of their own.’ House of Commons in support of a dirty Election this has been.’ It elections. On There would need to be a party free trade. In fact, she points out, seems the Basingstoke campaign the 1935 election, structure behind it and, ‘That is his freedom to oppose protection was not fought in a friendly manner someone – where the Radical Remnants come was actually limited because he was by the two candidates who repre- presumably in, and there, I am convinced, is a minister in that government.18 sented parties who were both part writing rather where the National League must Josephy writes about her thank- of the same National Government. later – has take the lead.’ It is interesting to fulness when Liberal ministers do She states that she was beaten in crossed out note that Josephy believed it was the finally see the light and resign from her constituency ‘by three things ‘Peace and National League of Young Liberals the government in September 1932: (in the reverse order): – organisa- reconstruction’ who would provide this role rather ‘let us go ahead now and show the tion, intimidation, and misrepre- and written ‘and than the Liberal Party itself. As she people of this country that there is sentation.’ She does believe that full Beveridge’. says, ‘We have an organisation, we at any rate one party to which they some voters had been intimidated have always maintained our inde- can turn when the Hungry Thirties by landlords into voting Tory. She pendence from party headquarters have taught their bitter lesson.’19 states, however, that her greatest – now split from top to bottom – we In 1935, Josephy contested difficulty was in persuading voters have men within our ranks who can Devizes in Wiltshire. This time it that she did support the National lead, and more outside would, in was a straight fight with the sitting

Journal of Liberal History 72 Autumn 2011 55 coalition in the archives: a perspective from the papers of frances josephy

MP, Sir Percy Hurd (grandfather In the two local branches. Despite this, In the event though, a National of the future , Josephy and her colleagues man- Government was formed instead. ). The election leaf- mid-1920s, aged to hold seventy-two meet- Even though the Liberals were ini- lets for both candidates reveal a lot ings during the twelve days of the tially within this government, she about the difficulties Liberals had Josephy was campaign. All but one was well was convinced that in reality it was when contesting National candi- attended. She also records a visit so dominated by the Conservatives dates. Sir Percy’s leaflet proclaims stating that to the constituency from Sir John that it could not be considered a true he is the National Government can- Simon, who was campaigning in coalition. She believed the Tories didate: there is nothing on it which many Liber- support of Hurd. On the platform were very effectively using the label states that he is a Conservative. with him were all the Liberal can- ‘National’ to deceive the public Instead it highlights his coalition- als were didates who had fought in Devizes into believing that the government ist credentials, with brief state- too close since the war (excluding one). was acting in a non-partisan way. ments of support from Baldwin, She must surely have been bitter, She argued that Liberals had no Ramsay Macdonald and two erst- to the Con- although in her article the occasion influence on such a government, as while Liberals – Sir John Simon and is humorously dismissed by her not- proved by the passing of Tory pro- Sir James Currie (an ‘ex-President servatives – ing that a poster announcing that tectionist measures. Indeed, worse of the Devizes Division Liberal she was winning had been pinned than that, the Liberal Party suf- Association’). In his statement, whereas she up ‘in triumph just outside the Corn fered when it was part of that gov- Simon encourages electors to vote Exchange where everyone going ernment, as it could not effectively National, as the only possible alter- wanted the in to the Tory meeting must see oppose such legislation. Josephy native government would be an it.’23 So although Liberal National was one of the Young Liberals extreme socialist one. Meanwhile, Liberal Party candidates did not fight Liberals who called for Liberals to leave the Currie claimed that Hurd’s record in many seats in this election National Government at the NLYL in parliament since 1931 had showed to be the (except in two constituencies24), it annual conference in March 1932 clearly that he had abstained from is clear that Liberal Nationals were (less than six months after the 1931 partisan politics. Currie felt confi- non-socialist actively campaigning against the general election). dent that the majority of voters in ‘Samuelite’ Liberals. Josephy initially thought the for- the area would take the line he pro- opponent of The papers of Frances Josephy mation of the National Government posed to do – and vote for Hurd.20 are useful as they provide an indi- might be positive for progres- In her own leaflets, Josephy the Conserv- vidual perspective to add to the sive Liberals like her. For a start, highlights her view that the national and parliamentary view- some of the Conservative-leaning National Government is really a ative Party. point. In the mid-1920s, Josephy Liberals whom she had complained Conservative one, but under a dif- was stating that many Liberals about since the mid-1920s had now ferent name. She points out that the were too close to the Conservatives become Liberal Nationals. In addi- government is a threat to liberty – whereas she wanted the Liberal tion, she thought protectionists and is ‘moving along the road lead- Party to be the non-socialist oppo- would overplay their hand and split ing to dictatorship.’ This was partly nent of the Conservative Party. It the government. However, she did due to the huge majority it received is also apparent that activists such not believe the Liberal Party would in 1931: ‘A swollen majority, such as as Josephy realised by the end of benefit from that split as they were that given to the last Government, the 1920s that the party would need far too divided. Instead she hoped leads to stagnation and is the first to change if it was ever to form a that the Young Liberals could form step in the downfall of democracy.’ government again. At this time, the core of a radical party which Josephy claims that the National Liberals were considering how could challenge the Conservatives Government’s methods, too, were best to respond to the new real- for power. This was not to be, an attack on Liberalism. For exam- ity of three-party politics. Josephy mainly because Conservatives and ple, she points out that legislation thought the best outcome for the Liberal Nationals remained loyal to was often forced through without Liberal Party would be a return to the government. I think it is fair to adequate discussion. To Josephy, the two-party system. She thought say that from our vantage point, the these were hardly the actions of a this would come about because the creation of a Young Liberal-led rad- government who could justly claim Labour Party would split between ical or progressive party at that time to be Liberal.21 However, Josephy its socialists and moderates. She seems highly improbable. Without did not convince the electors of believed the latter grouping could more Liberals with the vision, opti- Devizes of the need to vote for her. join with Liberals to form the main mism and energy of activists like Yet again, the Conservative was party to oppose the Conservatives Josephy, surely it was impossible. victorious, and Sir Percy Hurd held – even if this meant changing the I will leave the final words of this on to the seat with almost 60 per Liberal Party’s name. article to Josephy, who writes about cent of the vote (down slightly from Josephy believed the Liberals how divided Liberals were in the 66 per cent in 1931).22 held some leverage over the second mid-1930s. In an article from 1937 There is some insight into minority Labour government, as it entitled ‘The insolence of office’, Josephy’s own views on the election could not function without Liberal she writes that the split between the campaign in a short typescript arti- support. However, Josephy pre- Liberals and Liberal Nationals: cle by her entitled, ‘Devizes’. She dicted that the next election would … is confusing in the extreme to notes that until the campaign there bring the Conservatives to power the ordinary man in the street and had been little organisation in the with a large majority. She thought heart-breaking to Liberal organ- constituency, with only a ‘W.L.A.’ that the Liberals would have little isers. In many constituencies the (Women’s Liberal Association) and influence on such a government.

56 Journal of Liberal History 72 Autumn 2011 coalition in the archives: a perspective from the papers of frances josephy

associations are genuinely reporter added that Miss Jose- (JOSEPHY/14/6). Nick White is Assistant Archivist phy ‘is a whirlwind of energy’ 15 Ibid. Liberal but feel bound in at the London School of Economics loyalty to their Simonite (JOSEPHY/17/1). 16 News Chronicle, Manches- and Political Science. He is currently 8 Forward View, September 1929 ter edition, 28 March 1932 Members. In others the offi- cataloguing the William Beveridge (JOSEPHY/17/1). (JOSEPHY/17/5). cial associations are no more papers. 9 ‘A reply to Mr Bernays’, type- 17 Yorkshire Observer, 28 March 1932 Liberal than their Members, script article for the For- (JOSEPHY/17/5). and such real Liberals as 1 The catalogue is available online ward View, November 1929 18 Typescript article for Forward survive in the division are at http://archives.lse.ac.uk (JOSEPHY/14/6). View, May 1932 (JOSEPHY/14/6). forced to seek political salva- 2 For a survey of papers held at 10 Fifty nine Liberal MPs were 19 ‘The real meaning of Ottawa’, elected in the 1929 general election. typescript article for For- tion in the League of Young LSE Archives relating to Liberals in the inter-war years see http:// However, one Liberal, William ward View, November 1932 Liberals or to start opposi- Jowitt resigned his seat (Preston) (JOSEPHY/14/6). tion associations for them- www2.lse.ac.uk/library/archive/ leaflets/liberal_party_1918_39. when he was appointed Attorney 20 Sir Percy Hurd’s election leaflet, selves. The worst cases are pdf General in the Labour govern- 1935 (JOSEPHY/13/4). those in which genuinely 3 LSE Archives, JOSEPHY/17/1 ment. Jowitt retained his seat as the 21 Frances Josephy’s election leaflet, Liberal associations are dom- 4 JOSEPHY/17/1 Labour candidate in the subsequent 1935, (JOSEPHY/13/4). inated by Simonite officers, 5 JOSEPHY/14/6 by-election on 31 July 1929. 22 Craig, Election Results, p. 496. 6 Liberals did not contest the seat 11 ‘The national watchdog’, in 23 ‘Devizes’, undated typescript and Liberalism is being lost the Liberal Whip, October 1929 (JOSEPHY/14/6). in a welter of Tory propa- again until 1964. Figures from F. W. S. Craig (ed.), British Par- (JOSEPHY/13/2). 24 Chris Cook, A Short History Of ganda. For the Simonite, liamentary Election Results 1918– 12 Frances Josephy’s general election The Liberal Party (7th edn., Pal- though he still finds virtue 1949 (3rd edition, Parliamentary leaflet, 1931 (JOSEPHY/13/3). grave Macmillan, 2010), p. 121. in the name Liberal, is quite Research Services, 1983), p. 368. 13 Craig, Election Results, p. 364. 25 Undated typescript article, c.1937 indistinguishable from his 7 ‘Crusader Junior’ in the Yorkshire 14 Typescript article for For- (JOSEPHY/14/6). ward View, November 1931 Conservative colleague.25 Evening News, 5 August 1929. The RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65) went from being the party of government to the third party of politics. Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in This research will use a wide range of sources, including surviving private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK Liberal Party constituency minute books and local press to contextualise and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of the national decline of the party with the reality of the situation on the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ the ground. The thesis will focus on three geographic regions (Home projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Counties, Midlands and the North West) in order to explore the situation Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. the Liberals found themselves in nationally. Research for University of Leicester. Supervisor: Dr Stuart Ball. Gavin Freeman ; [email protected]. The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and ‘Economic Liberalism’ and the Liberal (Democrat) Party, 1937–2004 Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston A study of the role of ‘economic liberalism’ in the Liberal Party and the Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a Liberal Democrats. Of particular interest would be any private papers friend of Jeremy Bentham and a supporter of free trade and reform, relating to 1937’s Ownership For All report and the activities of the and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Unservile State Group. Oral history submissions also welcome. Matthew and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or Francis; [email protected]. references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected]. The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 Liberal Unionists Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. A study of the Liberal Unionist party as a discrete political entity. Help with Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral identifying party records before 1903 particularly welcome. Ian Cawood, campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Messeleka-Boyer, 12 bis chemin Vaysse, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; [email protected]. 81150 Terssac, France; +33 6 10 09 72 46; [email protected].

Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16 The political career of David Steel, Lord Steel of Aikwood Andrew Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; David Steel was one of the longest-serving leaders of the Liberal Party [email protected]. and an important figure in the realignment debate of the 1970s and ‘80s that led to the formation of the Liberal Democrats. Author would like to Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 hear from anyone with pertinent or entertaining anecdotes relating to Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an Steel’s life and times, particularly his leadership, or who can point me understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include towards any relevant source material. David Torrance; davidtorrance@ personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of hotmail.com . the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. The Lib-Lab Pact The period of political co-operation which took place in Britain between Beyond Westminster: Grassroots Liberalism 1910–1929 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff University.Jonny Kirkup, 29 A study of the Liberal Party at its grassroots during the period in which it Mount Earl, Bridgend, Bridgend County CF31 3EY; [email protected].

Journal of Liberal History 72 Autumn 2011 57