Explaining Boston's Irish and Their Politics

Thomas H. O'Connor. The Boston Irish: A Political History. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1995. xix + 363 pp. $30.00, library, ISBN 978-1-55553-220-8. Reviewed by John M. Allswang Published on H-Pol (June, 1998) Thomas O'Connor's study seeks to describe O'Connor starts with colonial Irish immigra‐ and explain the development of Boston Irish tion, noting that, even though the immigrants Catholic politics from its origins to the present were overwhelmingly Protestant, they encoun‐ day. His central thesis is that the Boston experi‐ tered strong animosity from the Yankee leader‐ ence was unique, quite different from what hap‐ ship of New England. Over time, the Irish Protes‐ pened in Irish-American politics in other cities, tants did assimilate into colonial society, but the and that this was due, essentially, to the interplay small minority of Irish Roman Catholics never of Yankee Protestant and Irish Catholic culture had that option. Anti-Catholic measures were and ambitions. While not entirely persuasive, common in the colonies, although this was some‐ O'Connor does make a good argument for his the‐ what meliorated by common cause in the revolu‐ sis, and in the process provides a valuable addi‐ tionary and constitutional periods. The very small tion to our understanding of Irish politics in number of Irish Catholics made the problem less American cities generally. grave than might otherwise have been the case The book differs from earlier studies (such as (here, as elsewhere, the book suffers from vague‐ William Shannon's The American Irish and Ed‐ ness: rarely are actual numbers given). ward Levine's The Irish and Irish Politicians) in The Irish Catholics at the start of the nine‐ its effort to fully develop the effects of culture on teenth century were in many ways ill-prepared to political life: one-third of the book focuses on the deal with a Yankee aristocracy, or to participate development of Boston Irish culture and mores successfully in politics, according to O'Connor. But before the group actually became politically ac‐ the very forces that limited their power--provin‐ tive. This is one of the most informative sections ciality, strong ethnic identity, an oral rather than of the book and establishes the peculiar Yankee- written tradition, religiosity, and reluctance to Irish relationship that O'Connor sees as central to change--also contributed to group cohesion, the development of Boston Irish politics. which would later be important in politics. H-Net Reviews By the 1830s, there were perhaps seven thou‐ at large, while the Irish were free to control poli‐ sand Irish Catholics in Boston, who were still not tics at the ward level. very political, although those who were were The frst Irish mayor, Hugh O'Brien, was Jacksonian Democrats. This separated them even elected in 1884, served three terms and then was further from the Yankee Brahmin rulers of Bos‐ succeeded by John Boyle O'Reilly. Both men were ton, made them yet more loathed and feared, and Ireland-born and solidly middle class, and they contributed to the rising nativism of the 1830s. provided stable, conservative government while The 1840s and 1850s, of course, changed this dra‐ getting along well with the Yankee rulers of the matically, as the number of Irish Catholics explod‐ city. Interestingly, the foreign-born Irish mayors ed in the city and the Irish began to involve them‐ turned out to be less ethnically assertive in office selves in its political life. Still, as O'Connor, echo‐ than their American-born heirs. At the ward level, ing William Shannon, puts it, the "Yankee past" new leaders like Martin Lomasney, John F. dominated the city's political culture, and the Fitzgerald (father of Rose) and Patrick J. Kennedy Irish developed a "massive inferiority complex" (father of Joseph) developed their own organiza‐ vis-a-vis the Brahmin aristocrats (p. 61). More‐ tions. over, the Irish threat resulted in older and newer What emerged by the late nineteenth century, Yankee families coming together to form a "mod‐ according to O'Connor, were three distinct groups ern caste system" (p. 62). This is the crux of his ar‐ in Boston politics: the traditional Yankee Protes‐ gument about the uniqueness of Boston and its tant leadership of the city; Democratic City Com‐ urban politics. mittee Irish leaders who operated at the city level Nativism continued well into the 1850s; the and were rather conservative and unthreatening; Know-Nothings took almost complete control of and the ward Democrats whose practices were state government in the middle of the decade. The more consistent with the traditional picture of the rise of Civil War-related issues and then the war machine politician. This bifurcation of the Irish itself diminished the strength of nativism and pro‐ leadership lasted for a long time and does seem vided some easing of anti-Irish laws and actions. different from Irish organization in other cities, But separation of the two groups did not dimin‐ such as Charley Murphy's New York. Unfortunate‐ ish; indeed, the Democratic loyalty of the Irish, ly, while O'Connor makes passing mention of the and their fears of the results of emancipation new tide of eastern European immigrants at this along with their increased numbers and political time, he fails to develop their role in the city's pol‐ activity, further politicized the Yankee-Irish ani‐ itics until the mid-twentieth century. mosity. The newer Irish pols, such as Fitzgerald, did The postwar era saw the rise of a frst genera‐ begin to look beyond their ward base to city-wide tion of Irish political leaders. As with other groups control, with the goal of eliminating the more ac‐ in other cities, these were ethnic leaders, the Feni‐ cepted "city" Irish. Fitzgerald's winning the may‐ an movement being a key activity, but they also oralty in 1906, as the frst Boston-born Irish may‐ tended to be well educated and solidly middle or, symbolized this significant shift. This is an im‐ class. As a result, these early Irish political leaders portant point to O'Connor, since it meant the Irish were able to both create ethnic ward organiza‐ would control the whole city rather than just the tions and, at the same time, not create too great a neighborhoods. It was also the frst real machine fear among the Yankees. There was a division of mayoralty in Boston, with a political organization power, the Yankees continuing to control the city controlling the city through the methods common to machines elsewhere--patronage, evasion of civ‐ 2 H-Net Reviews il service, attention to local and group concerns, good job of explaining Irish political culture and etc. The response of the Yankees was "reform" in a the role of Irish-Yankee conflict in determining quest to halt the decline of their power in the city. the development of Boston city politics over al‐ In this, O'Connor sees a pattern of politics quite most two hundred years. His thesis of Boston's consistent with that of the "revisionist" history of uniqueness is persuasive, but only to the extent Samuel P. Hays and others in the 1960s. that one looks only at the Irish and the Yankees. O'Connor is somewhat too concerned with And one can do that for quite a while; eventually, personalities in his study of the twentieth century, however, other groups moved in and Boston poli‐ particularly the colorful James Michael Curley. tics became less unusual. But I think this took But it is certainly true that Curley symbolized the place considerably earlier in time than O'Connor's Irish's fnal overwhelming of the Yankees politi‐ book suggests. Certainly it is true that the relative cally (not economically), and their enjoyment of size and fairly long-term independent power of their ability to revile those who had for so long re‐ the Irish in Boston is different from other cities, viled them. and worthy of study. But during the latter stages of Curley's career, O'Connor's book is well-researched in the the machine did begin to suffer. O'Connor's argu‐ available primary and secondary sources, and ment here is also an old one, not necessarily in‐ well-documented. Like the rest of us who investi‐ correct, reflecting the ideas of Edwin O'Connor's gate machine politics, he does suffer from the lack The Last Hurrah. Additionally, however, there of written records left behind by the major wheel‐ was by mid-century the beginning of industrial er-dealers. You can't fnd what was burned at the decline, the start of middle class Irish suburban‐ end of the business day or never written down in ization, and, most importantly, the rise of addi‐ the first place. tional groups in Boston, particularly the Italians The lack of any hard data is less excusable; and the African-Americans (once again, the lack fancy statistics were not necessary, but simple ta‐ of any tables or charts is a serious impediment to bles of demographic and voting data would have O'Connor's argument and the reader's ability to made the narrative much clearer and the argu‐ evaluate it). ment more persuasive. The reader looks in vain to John Hynes' mayoral victory over Curley in discover what percentage of the city's population 1949 reflected these changes. Hynes and John was Irish at various times. Nor is there voting Powers in the 1950s, and Kevin White in the 1960s data to help understand the level of Irish turnout and 1970s, represented the rise of the new mid‐ and unanimity of political loyalty.

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