Relations Between Turkey and the Balkan Countries As in a Function of Improving the Regional Peace and Stability
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The Modernization of the European Union's Customs Union with Turkey
Working Paper SWP Working Papers are online publications within the purview of the respective Research Division. Unlike SWP Research Papers and SWP Comments they are not reviewed by the Institute. CENTRE FOR APPLIED TURKEY STUDIES(CATS) | WP NR. 05, SEPTEMBER 2020 The Modernization of the European Union's Customs Union with Turkey Turkey's Pro-Customs Union Rhetoric and Recent Approach of Turkish Political and Business Decision-Makers Doruk Arbay Contents The project 3 The future of the EU's Customs Union with Turkey 3 Summary 4 Current Status and Approach of Turkish Political and Business Decision-Makers 4 A Brief Recap of the Customs Union and Transformation 6 Origins of Motivation for a Modernized Customs Union 9 Current Stance of the Turkish Administration, Political Parties and Business Organizations towards Modernization of the Customs Union 10 Government and the Administration 10 Opposition Parties and the Nationalist Movement Party 22 Business Decision-Makers 26 Future and Conclusion 31 Abbreviations 34 The project The future of the EU's Customs Union with Turkey Still a candidate for membership in the European Union, Turkey has outgrown the status of one-sided dependency on the EU. Ankara developed a more independent foreign policy that entails both areas for cooperation with Brussels but also for conflicts with the EU and its member states. Cases in point are the cooperation on migration on the one hand side and tensions with Greece and Cyprus in the eastern Mediterranean on the other. The EU needs working channels for communication and cooperation with Turkey. However, membership negations stall, talk on visa liberalization stuck, and the European Council blocks the opening of talks to re-negotiate the Customs Union. -
The Balkan Entente in Turkish-Yugoslav Relations
Middle Eastern Studies ISSN: 0026-3206 (Print) 1743-7881 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmes20 The Balkan Entente in Turkish–Yugoslav relations (1934–41): the Yugoslav perspective Dilek Barlas & Anđelko Vlašić To cite this article: Dilek Barlas & Anđelko Vlašić (2016) The Balkan Entente in Turkish–Yugoslav relations (1934–41): the Yugoslav perspective, Middle Eastern Studies, 52:6, 1011-1024, DOI: 10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 Published online: 18 Aug 2016. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 113 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fmes20 Download by: [Koc University] Date: 16 January 2017, At: 00:18 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES, 2016 VOL. 52, NO. 6, 1011À1024 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 The Balkan Entente in TurkishÀYugoslav relations (1934À41): the Yugoslav perspective Dilek Barlasa and Anđelko Vlasicb aDepartment of History, Koc¸ University, _Istanbul, Turkey; bCroatian Institute of History, Branch for the History of Slavonia, Syrmia and Baranya, Slavonski Brod, Croatia Most of the works written in Turkey on the formation of the Balkan Entente in 1934 and its effects on the region reflect the Turkish perspective. This perspective intended to glorify the role of Turkey, by emphasizing how Ankara initiated such a pact and was able to con- vince other Balkan countries to participate in its establishment. In other words, the Turkish perspective underlined how Ankara’s policy was driven not by self-interest, but by the interests of all Balkan countries during the formation of the Balkan Entente.1 However, in other Balkan countries, there exist more nuanced views of the Balkan Entente and the Turkish role in its formation. -
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so. -
Report of the Joint Study Group for an Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA)
Report of the Joint Study Group for an Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the Republic of Turkey and Japan Contents Chapter 1:Background......................................................................................1 Chapter 2:Overview..........................................................................................2 (1)General Aspects..............................................................................................2 (2)Current Situation and Future Perspectives of Bilateral Trade………………….6 (3)Current Situation regarding Bilateral Investment.............................................8 (4)Current Situation on Agricultural Issues...........................................................9 Chapter 3:Summary of Discussions..................................................................10 (1)Trade in Goods..............................................................................................11 (2)Rules of Origin...............................................................................................12 (3)Customs Procedures.....................................................................................13 (4)Trade in Services...........................................................................................13 (5)Investment.....................................................................................................14 (6)Electronic Commerce....................................................................................15 (7)Technical Barriers to Trade............................................................................15 -
The Basic Principles and Practices of the Turmsh Foreign Policy Under Atatürk
THE BASIC PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES OF THE TURMSH FOREIGN POLICY UNDER ATATÜRK YÜCEL GÜÇLÜ The fifteen years during which the Republican Turkey had been in existence under Kemal Atatürk's leadership were filled with an almost incredible activity in every field—including the foreign affairs. Few more surprising metamorphoses were recorded in history than the transformation which in the course of one decade and a half had changed old Turkey into a progressive modern country and a pillar of peace and stability in the Balkan Peninsula, in the eastern Mediterranean and in Western Asia. Turkey enjoyed the respect of all. No one dreamed of interfering in its internal affairs. Its neighbours, far from watching for opportunities to despoil it, were anxious to cultivate its friendship and they welcomed its co-operation in maintaining their common interests. Turkish diplomacy, in the period between the two world wars, wise and moderate as it showed itself, as well as vigorous and far-seeing, could not have accomplished so much if it had not been supported by radical reforms at home removing old shackles and inhibitions and opening the way for a tremendous revival of national energy and for a great development of national resources, both economic and cultural. The Turkish Constitution of 1924 had reserved a special foreign policy role to the President of the Republic. The President was well acquainted with the nation's diplomatic and security concerns. Atatürk had able lieutenants and devoted followers; but the realism and radicalism that marked Turkish foreign and internal policy since the foundation of the Republic were the fruit of his original genius. -
EU-Turkey Customs Union: Modernisation Or Suspension?
BRIEFING EU-Turkey customs union: Modernisation or suspension? SUMMARY Turkey is the EU's fifth largest trading partner, while the EU is Turkey's largest. The association agreement concluded between the European Economic Community (EEC) and Turkey in 1963 was an interim step towards the country's accession to the EEC, membership of which it had applied for in 1959. The EU-Turkey customs union came into force in 1995, and Turkey obtained EU candidate status in 1999. In December 2004, the European Council decided that Turkey qualified for EU accession, making it possible to open negotiations to this end. In 2008, the Council of the EU adopted a revised accession partnership with Turkey. Since 2016, EU-Turkey relations have suffered due to a deterioration of democratic principles, human rights and the rule of law in Turkey, in the wake of a failed military coup. A European Commission recommendation of 21 December 2016 to launch talks with Turkey on modernising the EU-Turkey customs union was halted by the General Affairs Council of 26 June 2018, which concluded that no further work in this direction should be planned. In 2019 and 2020, Turkey's military operations in Syria, Libya and the eastern Mediterranean, coupled with its maritime disputes with Greece and Cyprus, further eroded its relations with the EU. Following some positive signs by Turkey, on 1 October 2020 the European Council once again gave a green light to modernising the customs union, provided that constructive efforts to stop illegal activities vis-à-vis Greece and Cyprus were sustained. The European Council also stressed that in case of renewed unilateral actions or provocations in breach of international law, the EU would use 'all the instruments and the options at its disposal', including in accordance with Article 29 of the Treaty on European Union and Article 215 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, to defend its interests and those of its Member States. -
Romania and the Balkan Pact (1934-1940) a Short Historiography Study and General Considerings
ROMANIA AND THE BALKAN PACT (1934-1940) A SHORT HISTORIOGRAPHY STUDY AND GENERAL CONSIDERINGS Alexandru Osca Universitatea Craiova Rezumat: Istorici români dar şi străini – din spaţiul balcanic sau din afara acestuia – au abordat diverse aspecte ale relaţiilor interbalcanice cu prioritate pentru primii ani după Conferinţa de Pace de la Paris şi pentru perioada premergătoare declanşării celui de-al doilea război mondial. Amintesc doar o parte dintre aceştia: Emilian Bold, Constantin Botoran, Constantin Buşe,,Ion Calafeteanu, Eliza Campus,, Florin Constantiniu, Valeriu Florin Dobrinescu, Mehmet Ali Ekrem, Constantin Iordan, Gelu Maksutovici, Viorica Moisuc,, Cristian Popişteanu, Dumitru Preda, Mihai Retegan, Ioan Scurtu, Antonina Kuzmanova, David Mitrovici, Milan Vanku, David Funderburk, Georges Castellan, Eduard Driault, Barbara Jelavici, Andreas Hillgruber, Hugh Seton-Waston . Relaţiile militare, au o pondere restrânsă în studiile respective. Cunoaşterea formulelor de colaborare interbalcanică din perioada interbelică reprezintă o necesitate pentru decidenţii politici de astăzi,fie ei responsabili naţionali,instituţii europene sau mondiale. Astăzi în Balcani se încearcă diverse formule de colaborare, inclusiv în domeniu militar. Preluată critic, experienţa interbelică poate oferi soluţii planificatorilor din zonă. Necunoscută sau neglijată, această experienţă poate să producă aceleaşi disfuncţiuni sau altele şi mai grave. Our opinion is that there are at least three reasons for studying the evolution of the inter-Balkan relations between -
Turkey's Role in the Western Balkans
SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Alida Vračić Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans RP 11 December 2016 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2016 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They reflect the views of the author(s). SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 34 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-200 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 This research and its publi- cation have been enabled by the generous support of Stiftung Mercator, Essen. Table of Contents 5 Issues and Conclusions 7 Turkey’s Comeback in the Balkans 12 Turkey’s Economy and Non-state Actors in the Western Balkans 15 Turkish Military in the Balkans 18 Countries of Particular Interest to Turkey 18 Bosnia and Herzegovina 22 Kosovo 24 Macedonia 27 Can Old Animosities Die? Serbia-Turkey Relations 30 Turkey’s Activism as Seen from the Balkans 32 Western Balkans – EU’s Forgotten Post? 33 Outlook 34 Abbreviations Alida Vračić is IPC-Stiftung Mercator Fellow 2015/2016 at SWP Issues and Conclusions Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans For the past two decades, Turkey has been rediscover- ing the Balkans. The end of the Cold War and the dis- solution of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the subsequent violence were decisive points in Turkish foreign policy. New openings toward southeast Europe and the creation of new states greatly transformed the foreign policy strategies of Turkey, which was aiming for far-reaching political impact. -
University of Peloponnese Greek-Turkish Rapprochement
University of Peloponnese Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Department of Political Studies and International Relations Master Program in <Mediterranean Studies> Greek-Turkish Rapprochement under the Leadership of Venizelos and Ataturk and the effects on Balkan Geopolitics Supervisor: Professor Nikolaos TZIFAKIS M.A. Student: Ozgur Kursun Corinth, September 2017 Πανεπιστήμιο Πελοποννήσου Σχολή Κοινωνικών και Πολιτικών Επιστημών Τμήμα Πολιτικής Επιστήμης και Διεθνών Σχέσεων Πρόγραμμα Μεταπτυχιακών Σπουδών < Μεσογειακές Σπουδες > Η ελληνοτουρκική προσέγγιση κάτω από την ηγεσία του Βενιζέλου και του Ατατούρκ και οι επιπτώσεις στη βαλκανική γεωπολιτική Επιβλεπων Καθηγητης: Νικόλαος ΤΖΙΦΑΚΗΣ Οζγκούρ Κούρσουν Κόρινθος, Σεπτέμβριος 2017 Keywords: Greece, Turkey, Venizelos, Ataturk, Balkans, Rapprochement, Geopolitics, Balkan Entente Abstract This study examines the rapprochement of Venizelos and Ataturk, in which one of the rare periods of peace was created in the history of Greek-Turkish relations which was often full of struggles of superiority over each other. Also, the reflection of this rapprochement process on the Balkans is studied. The aim of the work is to reveal the process of rapprochement, which was realized by Venizelos and Ataturk with the effort of setting an example to the world, in order to establish real peace between the two countries which had recently fought with each other. In addition to this, it is aimed to show the reflection of this pragmatist and constructive policies on the Greek-Turkish relations and Balkan geopolitics. In this context, the basic research question of the study is to analyze how the leadership nature of Venizelos and Ataturk influenced Greek-Turkish rapprochement. This work claims as a basic argument that the peace- based period which Venizelos and Ataturk established was the most important period of Greek- Turkish rapprochement. -
EFFECTS of ANKARA AGREEMENT WITHIN the COMMUNITY LEGAL ORDER Celal Polat 1
EFFECTS OF ANKARA AGREEMENT WITHIN THE COMMUNITY LEGAL ORDER Celal Polat 1 Özet Avrupa Birliğinde Türk vatandaşları için işçilerin serbest dolaşımı ve sosyal güven- lik alanlarında elde edilen haklar, sürekli gelişen bir yasal arka plana sahip olup topluluğun yasal düzeninde önemli bir yer teşkil etmektedir. Bu yazı, Türk vatandaşlarının sosyal gü- venlik hakları ile işçilerin serbest dolaşımı hakkındaki temel yasal düzenlemeleri Ankara Anlaşması, Katma Protokol ile Ortaklık Konseyinin 1/80 ve 3/80 sayılı kararları çerçe- vesinde ele alacaktır. Bu çalışma, Türk işçilerinin Ortaklık Konseyi kararları ve Avrupa Adalet Divanının içtihat hukukundan ileri gelen Avrupa Birliği içindeki göreceli iyi ko- numunu ve bu sayede diğer üçüncü ülke vatandaşlarından farklı durumuna da değinmek- tedir. Son olarak çalışma, Türk işçilerinin imtiyazlı olmalarına rağmen hâlâ eşit muamele ilkesiyle ilgili çözülmesi gereken birçok sorunun olduğunu öne sürmektedir. Anahtar Sözcükler: Ankara Anlaşması, Ortaklık Konseyi, işçilerin serbest dolaşımı, Türkiye-Avrupa Birliği İlişkileri Abstract The achieved rights regarding free movement -of workers- and social security for Turkish citizens in the European Union have a progressive legal background and consti- tute a major role within the Community legal order. This paper presents the main legal steps related to free movement of workers and social security rights of Turkish citizens in the context of Association Agreements, Ankara Agreement, Additional Protocol and De- cisions 1/80 and 3/80 of Association Council. Study also presents the distinctive situation of Turkish workers as per the other third country nationals by illustrating the relatively better position of Turkish workers in European Union is mostly derives from the decisions of Association Council and case laws of the European Court of Justice. -
The Relations of Turkey with the European Union
Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #167 (2008) The Relations of Turkey with the European Union: Candidate Forever? by Bahri Yilmaz* Visiting Scholar, Center for European Studies at Harvard University EU Jean Monnet Professor and Professor in Economics, Sabanci University/Istanbul [email protected] Phone: (+90) 216 483 92 36 Abstract This paper primarily addresses three aspects of Turkish-EU relations: the first section of the study gives an overview of the history of Turkey’s relations with and the EEC/EC/ EU in the period between 1959 and 2008, focusing on “the Ankara Agreement” of 1964 (or the Association Agreement). With that agreement, which was supplemented and specified by an “Additional Protocol” in 1973, Turkey began what has become one of the longest-lasting association agreements. The second section will elaborate on the diffi–culties and serious disputes that have arisen between Turkey and the EU, and particu–larly on the current discussion of Turkey’s membership. Finally, in light of the remark–able political and economic changes taking place in the international and the European arena, we will draw some lessons from the past in order to make some predictions about the path Turkish-EU relations may follow in the future. Key words: Turkey, European Union. *The author would like to thank EU Jean Monnet Professor Geoffrey R. Edwards from the Centre for International Studies at Cambridge University and EU Jean Monnet Professor Ulrich Brückner from Stanford University for their critical comments. An earlier version of this paper was presented at a public conference (SOAS, University of Lon– don, February 29, 2008). -
Additional Protocol of the Ankara Agreement
L 254/58EN Official Journal of the European Union 30.9.2005 ADDITIONAL PROTOCOL to the Agreement establishing an Association between the European Economic Community and Turkey following the enlargement of the European Union THE KINGDOM OF BELGIUM, THE CZECH REPUBLIC, THE KINGDOM OF DENMARK, THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, THE REPUBLIC OF ESTONIA, THE HELLENIC REPUBLIC, THE KINGDOM OF SPAIN, THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, IRELAND, THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC, THE REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS, THE REPUBLIC OF LATVIA, THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA, THE GRAND DUCHY OF LUXEMBOURG, THE REPUBLIC OF HUNGARY, THE REPUBLIC OF MALTA, THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS, THE REPUBLIC OF AUSTRIA, THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND, THE PORTUGUESE REPUBLIC, THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA, THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC, THE REPUBLIC OF FINLAND, THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN, THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND, hereinafter referred to as the ‘Member States’, represented by the Council of the European Union, and THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY, represented by the Council of the European Union, of the one part, and THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY, hereinafter referred to as Turkey, of the other part, 30.9.2005EN Official Journal of the European Union L 254/59 CONSIDERING THAT: (1) The Agreement establishing an Association between the European Economic Community and Turkey (hereinafter referred to as ‘the Ankara Agreement’)(1) was signed in Ankara on 12 September 1963 and entered into force on 1 December 1964, and that it has been amended by a Supplementary Protocol, signed on 30 June 1973 (2), whereby it has become applicable to Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom. (2) The Ankara Agreement, as amended, has become applicable after their accession to the European Community to the Hellenic Republic, the Kingdom of Spain, the Republic of Austria, the Portuguese Republic, the Republic of Finland and the Kingdom of Sweden.