sign in sign up
<<
Home , 321 BC, Alexander (satrap), Cappadocia (satrapy), Cilicia (satrapy), Matiene, Media (region)

1

ЕРЕВАНСКИЙ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННЫЙ УНИВЕРСИТЕТ STATE UNIVERSITY ______

СТУДЕНЧЕСКОЕ НАУЧНОЕ ОБЩЕСТВО STUDENT SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY

ISSN 1829-4367

СБОРНИК НАУЧНЫХ СТАТЕЙ СНО ЕГУ

COLLECTION OF SCIENTIFIC ARTICLES OF YSU SSS

1.2 (28)

Օбщественные и гуманитарные науки (Богословие, востоковедение, литературоведение, правоведение, языкознание, история, экономика и управление, философия и психология, политология и международные отношения)

Humanities and Social Sciences (Theology, Oriental Studies, Literary Studies, Jurisprudence, Linguistics, History, Economics and Management, Philosophy and Psychology, Political Science and International Relations)

ЕРЕВАН - YEREVAN ИЗДАТЕЛЬСТВО ЕГУ - YSU PRESS 2019 2

ԵՐԵՎԱՆԻ ՊԵՏԱԿԱՆ ՀԱՄԱԼՍԱՐԱՆ ՈՒՍԱՆՈՂԱԿԱՆ ԳԻՏԱԿԱՆ ԸՆԿԵՐՈՒԹՅՈՒՆ

ISSN 1829-4367

ԵՊՀ ՈՒԳԸ ԳԻՏԱԿԱՆ ՀՈԴՎԱԾՆԵՐԻ ԺՈՂՈՎԱԾՈՒ

1.2 (28)

Հումանիտար և հասարակական գիտություններ (Աստվածաբանություն, արևելագիտություն, գրականագիտություն, իրավագիտություն, լեզվաբանություն, պատմություն, տնտեսագիտություն և կառավարում, փիլիսոփայություն և հոգեբանություն, քաղաքագիտություն և միջազգային հարաբերություններ)

ԵՐԵՎԱՆ ԵՊՀ ՀՐԱՏԱՐԱԿՉՈՒԹՅՈՒՆ 2019

3

Հրատարակվում է ԵՊՀ գիտական խորհրդի որոշմամբ Издается по решению Ученого совета ЕГУ Published by the Resolution of the Academic Council of YSU

Խմբագրական խորհուրդ` Редакционная коллегия:

բ․գ․դ․, պրոֆ․ Դ. Պետրոսյան д.ф.н., проф. Д. Петросян բ․գ․դ․, պրոֆ․ Լ. Մաթևոսյան д.ф.н., проф. Л. Матевосян բ.գ.դ., պրոֆ. Յու. Ավետիսյան д.ф.н., проф. Ю. Аветисян բ.գ.դ., պրոֆ. Ս. Մուրադյան д.ф.н., проф. А. Мурадян բ.գ.դ., պրոֆ. Վ. Հարությունյան д.ф.н., проф. В. Арутюнян հ․գ․դ․, պրոֆ․ Հ. Ավանեսյան д.п.н., проф. Г. Аванесян պ․գ․դ․, պրոֆ․ Ս. Մկրտչյան д.и.н., проф. С. Мкртчян տ.գ.դ., պրոֆ. Հ. Մնացականյան д.э.н., проф. А. Мнацаканян տ.գ.դ., պրոֆ. Հ. Սարգսյան д.э.н., проф. А. Саргсян ք․գ․դ․, պրոֆ․ Գ․ Քեռյան д.п.н., проф. Г. Керян բ․գ․դ․, դոց․ Շ. Պարոնյան д.ф.н., доц. Ш. Паронян բ․գ․թ․, դոց․ Ն. Վարդանյան к.ф.н., доц. Н. Варданян բ.գ.թ., դոց. Վ. Եղիազարյան к.ф.н., доц. В. Егиазарян տ.գ.թ., դոց․ Կ. Խաչատրյան к.э.н., доц. К. Хачатрян բ․գ․թ․, ասիստ․ Ն. Պողոսյան к.ф.н., ассист. Н. Погосян ի.գ.թ., ասիստ. Վ․ Գրիգորյան к.ю.н., ассист. В. Григорян ի.գ.թ., ասիստ. Տ. Սուջյան к.ю.н., ассист. Т. Суджян ի.գ.թ., ասիստ. Ա. Թավադյան к.ю.н., ассист. А. Тавадян հ․գ․թ., ասիստ․ Դ. Սարգսյան к.п.н., ассист. Д. Саргсян պ․գ․թ., ասիստ․ Ռ․ Կարապետյան к.и.н., ассист. Р. Карапетян փ․գ․թ., ասիստ․ Կ. Յարալյան к.ф.н., ассист. К. Яралян

Editorial Board DSc, Prof. D. Petrosyan DSc, Prof. L. Matevosyan DSc, Prof. Y. Avetisyan DSс, Prof. S. Muradyan DSc, Prof. V. Harutyunyan DSc, Prof. H. Avanesyan DSc, Prof. S. Mkrtchyan DSc, Prof. H. Mnatsakanyan DSc, Prof. H. Sargsyan DSc, Prof. T. Keryan DSc, Associate Prof. Sh. Paronyan DSc, Associate Prof. N. Vardanyan DSс, Associate Prof. V. Yeghiazaryan PhD, Associate Prof. K. Khachatryan PhD, Assistant Prof. N. Poghosyan PhD, Assistant Prof. V. Grigoryan PhD, Assistant Prof. T. Sujyan PhD, Assistant Prof. A. Tavadyan PhD, Assistant Prof. D. Sargsyan PhD, Assistant Prof. R. Karapetyan PhD, Assistant Prof. K. Yaralyan

Հրատարակիչ՝ ԵՊՀ հրատարակչություն Հասցե՝ ՀՀ, ք. Երևան, Ալ. Մանուկյան 1, (+374 10) 55 55 70, [email protected] 4

Milanese Andrea Ca’Foscari University of Venice, Department of Humanistic Studies, Master’s Student Supervisor: PhD, Associate Professor M. Malkhasyan E-mail: [email protected]

ARMENIA DURING THE CONQUESTS OF THE GREAT (336-324 BC)

A great event in the history of the is, without any doubt, ’s conquest of the Persian Achaemenian Empire. Before the conquest, was under the rule of the Persian king Darius III and Armenia itself was one of the numerous satrapies which had formed the large Persian Empire. Despite the presence of the Persian authority in Armenia, it is possible to observe the presence of belonging to Orontid/Yervanduni1 (in Armenian: Երվանդունի) dynasty of Armenia. Members of the Orontid dynasty have been active during the Macedonian conquest and after Alexander’s death they led Armenia towards independence. In this article, our purpose is to illustrate the situation of the Armenian satrapy in the period prior to the conquest of Alexander the Macedonian, illustrating the borders of the Armenian country and introducing also a short debate regarding the issue about the existence (or not) of two separate Armenian satrapies ( satrapy/Eastern Armenia satrapy). This discussion will be integrated with some evidence from the reported by and Roman authors. In addition, this research intends to show the changes in the Armenian territory following the turn of power from Persian king Darius III to Alexander the Great in the attempt of considering the real consequences of the Macedonian expedition. In the end, we have considered it necessary to dedicate a section about the issue concerning the effective conquest, or less, of Armenia by Alexander the Great. In this article, we have used all Greek and Roman sources and in addition, we have also referred to the ‘’ by [1]. The Armenian satrapy borders according to ’s data (430-340 BC).

1 The Orontid/Yervanduni dynasty was a hereditary Armenian dynasty and here belong the rulers of the successor state to the kingdom of (Ararat). The Orontids established their supremacy over Armenia around the time of the Scythian and Median invasion in the 6th century BC. The dynasty was established during the 580s-570s BC with Orontes (Ervand) I. In this article, is considered the of the Armenian satrapy under the rule of the Persian Empire during the kingdom of Artaxerxes II about whom Xenophon wrote in his famous work ‘Anabasis’. It is necessary to specify in order of succession of the name ‘Orontes’ inside the dynasty that Orontes I, the Armenian satrap during the time of Xenophon, which is to be considered as ‘Orontes II’. According to Movses Khorenatsi, the first king of the Orontid Dynasty was Orontes I Sakavakyats. Xenophon in the ‘Anabasis’ tells us about Orontes, who is Orontes II, Satrap of Armenia (401-344 BC) while in the ‘Cyropedia’ he knows the existence of the second king of the Orontyd Dynasty, Orontid.

289

The system of satrapies created by Darius I persisted until the fall of the Achaemenian Empire. Some of its principles were even adopted by Alexander the Great and his successors. Nevertheless, in the course of time the system underwent numerous changes, and the picture presented by Herodotus was revised [2]. In 400 BC, serious changes in comparison with the previous period could be observed even at the time when Xenophon was leading the retreat of the Greeks. The borders of the satrapies were changed [3]. We have every reason to believe that after a long period the area of - had again passed to . Without this action it is difficult to understand how some decades later upper, northwestern Media, i.e. Atrpatakan (), separated and became independent. In Armenia there were changes in the former administrative division. In 400 BC, there was a division in the . Every attempt to identify the ‘Armenian satrapy’ and its subregion ‘Western Armenia’ with the former administrative units is condemned to failure. The best proof is that the units existing in 400 BC, e.g. ‘Western Armenia,’ are identified by scholars sometimes with one (13th) and sometimes with another (18th) satrapy. Judging from the inscription of Nemrud-dagh, the country of Commagene must have formed part of the Armenian satrapy, hence the western border of Armenia was not along the , as in the days of Herodotus, but to the west of it. In the south the border was the western or the mountain chain of Kashiari (Masius) itself. The eastern segment of the southern border is mentioned by Xenophon by name. It was the river Centrites (Jerm, eastern Tigris)2. It is difficult to say anything definite about the northeastern border of this satrapy. In any case, a large portion of the east, near the Kura River, the territory subject to Media, must have been within jurisdiction of the satrapy. The Median satrapy, which, as we are going to see in the data pertaining to later times (Arrianus, III, 8, 4), had incorporated into its sphere of interest some areas of the eastern Trans-, had power only over the Sacesinai on this side of the Kura [3]. Judging from the situation of the previous periods and changes which took place in the following decades, it is possible to regard these territories as part of the Armenian satrapy. The fact that the northeastern border of the satrapy could have reached the Kura is shown by the circumstance that the tribes mentioned in the steppe near the Kura in considerably later times (the Albanians, Utians, and Gargarians), together with other tribes (the Silvanoi, Liphinnoi, Segai, and Geloi), still in the time of Eratosthenes dwelled rather to the east of the Kura, in the mountains of present-day or on the Caspian seashore [3].

2 It is difficult to say to whom the territory south of Jerm, including , passed. In any case, it was not to Media, for Xenophon tells us of its power over those lands in past tense. 290

The western segment of the northern border of the satrapy left the unit ‘Western Armenia’ and followed the lower course of the Aratsani (Arsanias, eastern Euphrates), then the Meghraget, the northern shores of as far as the middle course of the Araxes, and left ‘Western Armenia’ approximately near , near the area of Bagrevand (Bagrauandene), the source of the Aratsani [3]. The border continued along the Araxes, reaching its upper course, and from an unknown point turned northwards, to the east of the country of Taochoi. Here the border must have coincided with the Parkhar (Paryadres) and Meschian (Moschica) mountains, which separated the satrapy from the southeastern territory near the and from . Leaving the mountains, the border stretched along the stream of Kura, along its so-called ‘arc’. It was probably at this time that the most northerly province of Armenia, Khordzean (Chorzane), and apart of the country of the Moschoi, Meskhet'ia, were incorporated into Armenia, while the other parts passed to Colchis and then to Iberia [3]. It is possible, by comparison with those borders, to define with the same degree of approximation the territory of ‘Western Armenia’. Its southern border, as we have seen, must have passed along the lower course of the Aratsani, certainly along the Meghraget, the northern shore of Lake Van. The eastern border is difficult to determine. In any case, ‘Western Armenia’ included Bagrevand and Basen (Basiane), the westernmost districts of the future province of Ararat. The western borders lay considerably to the west of the Euphrates, in [4]. The debate concerning the existence of one united Armenian satrapy and evidences from the Battle of Gaugamela. The debate concerning the existence of one united Armenian Satrapy during the time of Alexander’s conquest of the Persian empire arose while examining the notions ‘Western’ and the so-called ‘Eastern Armenia’. Tiratsyan (Tiratsyan 2003: p. 66) affirms that a name or term ‘Eastern Armenia’ does not exist in the sources as such, and, moreover, what is called ‘Eastern Armenia’ has no geographical referent. The mistake originated because of consistent attempts to identify the two districts mentioned by Xenophon with the 13th and 18th satrapies mentioned as being located in the Armenian Highlands during the days of Herodotus (Tiratsyan 2003: p. 51-70). The facts have demonstrated that these units do not coincide. In this connection scholars have noted that besides ‘Western Armenia’ there existed a satrapy called simply ‘Armenia,’ which was ‘a large and prosperous’ country. In this case, it is possible to say that one was a general notion and the other a particular. This idea has been confirmed by comparing the titles of the rules of the two units. While Orontas was a satrap, the ruler of Armenia, Tiribazus, was the ‘hyparchus’ of ‘Western Armenia’ (Xenophon) [5]. True, these terms were not used with mathematical accuracy, and as such indicate hierarchical differences, but their presence in this context is significant.

291

While Tiribazus was a high-ranking courtier, Yervand-Orontas was the son-in-law of the Persian king3 who promised him and his successors great privileges. In the army of the ruler of the Armenian satrapy, Orontas, we find mercenary Chaldeans. As it is generally known, the Chaldeans were the immediate neighbors of ‘Western Armenia’ and were probably subject to it to an extent. Hence, the Chaldeans, who were not directly incorporated into the possessions of Orontas, could have been subject to him only if Orontas is regarded as having been the ruler of ‘Western Armenia’ as well, and especially the higher official of the whole Armenia. Finally, when asked about the name of the country which lay under his jurisdiction, Tiribazus, the comarch, answered, ‘Armenia’, without elaboration, thus providing the general name of the country. So in 400 B.C. we have one general country, Armenia (ruled by Orontas), with one sub-region ‘Western Armenia’ (Tiratsyan 2003: p. 67). This situation is confirmed by developments in the next centuries, which clarified these relations further. ‘Western Armenia’ was in general drawn beyond the Euphrates, to the north and to the west, and turned into Armenia Minor. A considerable part of its territory on this side of the Euphrates passed to the kingdom of the Yervandids (Orontids), which embraced the major part of the Armenian Highlands. The successors of Orontas became kings of Armenia, members from Yervanduni dynasty, and not the successors of Tiribazus. In spite of the existing administrative division, as we have seen, the Armenian Highlands are mentioned under one common name, as one united country. About seven or eight decades separate this satrapy from the creation of the independent state (Tiratsyan 2003: p. 67-71). In our opinion, the presence of a unified country in the Armenian Highlands (although with an internal administrative division) is evident by the events of the Battle of Gaugamela. Fought traditionally on 1st October 331 BC, the Battle of Gaugamela (or of Arbela) is considered the decisive victory of the Macedonian - Greek allies army over the Persian army (, Historiae Alexandri Magni Macedonis) [6]. in his work ‘The Anabasis of Alexander’ lists different forces gathered by the Persian king Darius III Codomannus for fighting against the Alexander’s army and the author tells us: 4 ‘The were commanded by Orontes (Orontes III according to Arrian) and Mithraustes’ (Arrian, Anabasis 3.8.5) [7] The Armenian leader ‘Orontes’ is Orontes II (Orontes III, acording to Arrian) who was the son of Orontes I (Orontes II, according to Arrian) from his wife Rhodoghune, daughter of the Persian king Artaxerxes II (David Marshal Lang, 2008 [8]). After Codomannus ascended the throne of Persia as Darius III

3 Orontes I was married to Rhodoghune, daughter of the Persian king Artaxerses II (Xenophon’s Anabasis). 4 In the sources used in this article the authors described the events and the succession of kings and satraps using different following parameters and a system of chronological development in the names of the Orontind dynasty. For this reason the names of satraps and kings appeared in the sources with a different number of succession. 292

of Persia in 336 BC, Orontes was given the Satrapy of Armenia to rule. He fought at the Battle of Gaugamela on the right flank for King Darius III of Persia, with 40.000 units of infantry and 7.000 of under his command [8]. In addition, Arrian writes that the right wing (of the Persian army in the battle) was formed of the best of the western cavalry, so Armenians, Syrians and Cappadocians, and, in particular, the Armenians and the Cappadocians were arrayed in the forefront and they led the attack to the the left wing of the Macedonian army (W. Tarn 1933: p. 380). Darius III delegated the led of the attack to his generals: Mazeo in the right wing and Besso in the left wing. The same Mazeo led the Cappadocians and the Armenians, who during the battle seriously committed the forces of (who was entrusted with the left side of the Macedonian lineup). However, in the meantime Alexander had managed to scare away the center of the Persian army under the command of the Great King Darius in person, and then came to support Parmenion, who was succumbing to the pressure of Mazeo’s troops. After Darius withdrew from the battle in the center, Mazeo also began to withdraw his forces as Besso was already doing. However, Mazeo and his troops split up and suffered the charge of the Thessalians and other Macedians cavalry units (Quintus Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni Macedonis). During this catastrophic defeat, Orontes II apparently lost his life. According to other authors, it must be the same Orontes II, who is the satrap of Armenia still in post-Alexandrian times, about 316 BC (all the more so as this Orontes is a friend of the Macedonian general ) (Diodorus 19.23.3; Polyaenus 4.8.3), to become the first king after the dominion of the Persian Empire with the name of Orontes III. In other words, after the Battle of Gaugamela, according to Diodorus Siculo and Polyaenus the ‘Orontes’, Armenian commander, came back to Armenia and gave the beginning of the independence of the country. Little or almost nothing is known about the fate of the second Armenian commander ‘Mithraustes’. The ancient sources just us about the presence of two Armenian commanders in the Battle of Arbela: Orontes (II) and Mithraustes. In any case, the presence of two generals it rather curious and from this aspect it is possible to formulate a question: ‘Might the presence of two Armenian leaders in the Battle of Gaugamela reflect the arrangement of the Armenian satrapy exposed by Xenophon in the first half of the IV century BC?’. As described previously (see the beginning of the paragraph for the debate), the Armenian satrapy during the time of Xenophon is formed by a country called Armenia ruled by Orontas (Orontes I) with a sub-region – the so-called ‘Western Armenia’ ruled by Tiribazus. Therefore, we can observe that also during the time of Xenophon there were two leaders in Armenia as in the battle of Gaugamela. Another point in common is that the successors of Orontes I (401-344 BC) became kings of Armenia: after the Orontes I’ death his son Orontes II [18] (344-331 BC) was the satrap in Armenia [8] and, according to C. Toumanoff’s studies, after the Battle of Gaugamela the new ruler of Armenia was Orontes 293

II’s son, Mithrinés/Mithrenes, but this aspect is still to be proved/vallidated [10]. These aspects seem to lead to the conclusion that also during the time of Alexander the Great the Armenia was ruled by a powerful dynasty, exactly the Yervandids (Orontids) dynasty, which served the Persian kings with the help of a second personality: Tiribazus, “hiparchus” of “Western Armenia” during the rule of Orontes II; Mithraustes, commander in chief together with Orontes II in the Battle of Gaugamela. Unfortunately, the role played by Mithraustes prior to the battle is not specified and for the comprehension of the reasons for the presence of two Armenian generals it could be just possible to do a confront between two different moments of the Orontids rule over the Armenia Satrapy under the control of the Persian Empire. The lack of information about the conquest of Armenia. In contrast to former theories, which held that Armenia fell under Macedonian rule between 330-215 BC, most historians agree that Armenia, partly because of its natural geographical position and partly because of the resistance of its people, was never in fact conquered by the Macedonian army. Armenia was never conquered by Alexander the Great. The Cambridge University historian W. Tarn in his fine work on Alexander’s conquest notes: ‘Alexander the Great appointed Mithrinés as the satrap of Armenia and sent him there, but the country was never conquered’ [11]. Later he continues: ‘The successors of Alexander came quickly to the conclusion that it was wiser to give up any hope of having a satrap of Armenia, since the country already become independent and was ruled by a dynasty founded by Orontés, the former satrap of Darius III in Armenia’ [11]. In addition, the Roman historian Pompeius Trogus (recounted by Marcus Junianius) confirms as he mentions: ‘Neither Alexander, who subdued all Asia, nor any of his successors or posterity had been able to meddle with the people of Greater and Lesser Armenia’ [10]. Mithrinés/Mithrenes was a Persian commander of the force that garrisoned the citadel of [10]. According to Cyril Toumanoff [10], he was also a member of the Orontid Dynasty, of Iranian origin. After the Battle of Granicus Mithrinés surrendered voluntarily to Alexander and was treated by him with great distinction. He fought for Alexander at Gaugamela, and ironically he was fighting against an army that inclluded Orontes II. After the battle, Alexander appointed him Satrap of Armenia (331-317 BC), as his father had been. It is not clear, however, whether Mithrenés actually managed to take control of his satrapy. According to Curtius, in his work ‘Historiae Alexandri Magni’, in the speech given at Hecatompylos in 330 BC Alexander listed Armenia among lands conquered by Macedonians, implying that Mithrenés succeded in conquering it; on the other hand, Justin in ‘Philippic ’ reproduced Pompeius Trogus’ rendition of a speech attribuited to Mithridates IV of Pontus, which mentioned that Alexander did not conquer Armenia. In summary, Mithrenés ruled on behalf of the new Macedonian regime. According to Arrianus [7], after the death of Alexander III, was made Satrap of Armenia from 323 to 321 BC. After the death of 294

Neoptolemus and the strunggles going on with the Diadochi it seems Mithrenés not only returned to his ancestor seat but declared himself king giving to Armenia the ‘First Independence’. The fact is that Alexander never had the time to concentrate his forces against Armenia and died shortly after having conquered Persia. His successors had neither Alexander’s drive, nor his skills in warfare. And besides, they were fully occupied with dividing his empire among themselves [11]. In reality we have ancient sources that prove an attempt at conquest of Alexander of part of the Armenian country. In fact, Strabo in his work ‘’ writes: ‘There are mines of gold in the Hyspiratis, near Caballa. Alexander sent Menon to the mines with a body of soldiers, but he was strangled by the inhabitants of the country. There are other mines, and also a mine of Sandyx as it is called, to which is given the name of Armenian colour, it resembles the Calche’ [13]. St. Martin [14] supposes that the Hyspiratis of Strabo to is ti be referred to the district of Isper, nord-est of . As can be seen, Alexander tried to invade the Armenian Highlands but his general Menon and the Macedonian detathment were defeated. It is significative that Alexander did not send all his army to conquer Armenia but just an expedition to reach the golden mines. The defeat of the Macedonian expedition inside the Armenian Highlands and the lack of a second attempt to take Armenia as a satrapy are clear markers of the hurry of Alexander to conquer the other satrapies of the Persian Empire after the escape of Darius III from the Battle of Gaugamela. Both after the Battle of Issus ‘Alexander at present only controlled the central plateau west of Cappadocia and the south and west coastlands, with the through route into ; the north was open for an Iranian reaction, which duly came.’ [15] (W. Tarn), and after the Battle of Gaugamela the Macedonian army had never approached Armenia (excluding the expedition of Menon, see Fig. 1). In the end, the army of Alexander meant two important things for Armenia: the first one is that the country, directly or indirectly, regained its independence; the second one is that Armenia came into contact with and with the hellenistic civilization [16]. Conclusion. The conquest of Alexander the Great of the Persian Empire gave a great opportunity to Armenian satrapy to reach the independece after a long time under the rule of the Achaemenid kings. The Macedonian - Greek invasion defeated several times the Persian armies, and the Achaemenid King Darius III was weakened by those defeats. Mostly after the Battle of Gaugamela, a battle fought so near the southern border of the Armenin Highlands, there were the conditions to begin the formation of a new kingdom independent from the Persian Empire and as well as from the conquest of Alexander the Great. In fact, it was proved that the Armenian country had never been conquered by the Macedonian army, through subsequently Gaugamela in the rule of Armenia there was the presence of men appointed by Alexander, for instance Mithrinés, and afterwards Alexander’s death by the Diadochi. Neverthless, there was no occupation of the Armenian territories by 295

Macedonians and Armenia holds the record to be one of the Persian satrapies never conquered during the expedition of Alexander the Great. The Battle of Gaugamela is a significative moment for the independence of the Armenian Kingdom under the rule of the Orontid dynasty because the country was opened to his claim to be an independent entity. Simultaneously, with the death of Alexander, Armenia and the whole region was subjected to the influence of the Hellenistic culture.

Figure 1. The Macedonian Empire, 336-323 B.C. and Kingdoms of the Diadochi, ‘Historical Atlas’ by William R. Shepherd, New York, Henry Holt and Company, 1911.

296

BIBLIOGRAPHY

[1] Sarkissian G., The ‘History of Armenia’ by Movses Khorenatzi, translation by Gourgen A. Gevorkian, Yerevan: Yerevan University Press, 1991 URL: http://www.bifrost.it/Antologia/StoriaArmenia.html (Accessed: 16.02.2018). [2] Herodotus, Historiae, URL: http://www.misteromania.it/erodoto/storieV (Accessed: 14.02.2018). [3] Tiratsyan G., Ruben V., From Urartu to Armenia: Florilegium Gevork A. Tiratsyan in Memoriam, Civilizations du Proche-Orient, Série I, Archéologie et environment 4, Neuchatel: Recherches et publications, 2003, pp. 50-70. [4] Ϻеликишвили Г. А., К истории древней Грузии, Тбилиси, 1959, p. 267-8. [5] Senofonte, Anabasi, edited by Dino Baldi, Quodlibet srl, Macerata, 2012, (The Italian publication of Xenophon’s Anabasis). [6] Quintus C. R., The History of the Life and Reing of Alexander the Great, volume I, London, 1809, pp. 404-56. [7] Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander, translated by E. J. Chinnock, London, Hodder and Stoughton 1884, p. 152-70. [8] Marshall D. L., , Armenia and , In Ehsan Yarshater, The Cambridge , volume 3, The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanid Periods, Part 1, Cambridge University Press, 2008, p. 506-7. [9] It was suggested that the same Orontes II was the same Orontes, who is satrap of Armenia still in post- Alexandrian times, Orontes III, about 316 B.C.E. (Diodorus 19.23.3; Polyaenus 4.8.3). Diodorus S., ‘Library of History’, book XVII, translated by C. H. Oldfather. Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press, 1935, URL: http://www.attalus.org/info/polyaenus.html (Polyaenus, ‘Stratagemata’ translated into English in 1793 by R. Shepherd). [10] Toumanoff C., Studies in Christian Caucasian History, Georgetown, 1963, pp. 277- 354. [11] Tarn W., The Heritage of Alexander, Cambridge , volume VI, Cambridge University Press, 1933. [12] Justin, Epitoma Historiarum Philippicarum Pompei Trogi, XXXVIII 7, in Pompeium Trogum, edidit Otto Seel, Stutgardiae, 1972. [13] Strabo, Geography, book IX, Chapter XIV, URL: http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/e/roman/texts/strabo/home. [14] Saint Martin, Mém sur l’Armenie, Paris, 1819, volume I, p. 69. [15] Tarn W., Alexander, The Conquest of Persia, Cambridge Ancient History, Cambridge University Press,1933, volume VI, p. 369. [16] Fougère and Lesquier, Les Premières civilisations, Paris, 1926, p. 429. 297

Milanese Andrea

ARMENIA DURING THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT (336-324 BC) Key words: Alexander the Great, Orontid Dynasty, Armenian borders, Achaemenian satrapies, Battle of Gaugamela, Eastern/Western Armenia, Persian Empire, Macedonian conquest.

The satrapy of Armenia was never conquered by Alexander the Great during his invasion of the Achaemenian Empire. The Macedonian expedition indirectly helped the claim of independence of Armenia country ruled by the Orontid dynasty. There are possible evidences of two important rulers in the Armenian satrapy since the time of Xenophon’s expedition ‘Anabasis’ until the Battle of Gaugamela (400-323 BC).

Միլանեզե Անդրեա

ՀԱՅԱՍՏԱՆԸ ԱԼԵՔՍԱՆԴՐ ՄԵԾԻ ԱՐՇԱՎԱՆՔՆԵՐԻ ԺԱՄԱՆԱԿ (Ք.Ա. 336-324) Բանալի բառեր՝ Ալեքսանդր Մեծ, Երվանդունիների արքայատոհմ, Հայաստանի սահմաններ, Աքեմենյան սատրապություններ, Գավգամելայի ճակատամարտ, Պարսկական կայսրություն, Արևելյան/Արևմտյան Հայաստան, մակեդոնական նվաճում:

Ալեքսանդր Մեծն Աքեմենյան կայսրություն կատարած արշավանքի ժամանակ երբևէ չի նվաճել Հայաստանի սատրապությունը: Մակեդոնական արշավանքն անուղ- ղակիորեն նպաստեց, որ Երվանդունյաց Հայաստանը ձգտի անկախության: Հավա- նական վկայություններ են պահպանվել Հայաստանի սատրապության երկու կարևոր ղեկավարների վերաբերյալ՝ Քսենոփոնի «Անաբասիս» արշավանքից ընդհուպ Գավ- գամելայի ճակատամարտ (մ.թ.ա. 400-323 թթ.):

Миланезе Андреа

АРМЕНИЯ ВО ВРЕМЯ ПОХОДОВ АЛЕКСАНДРА ВЕЛИКОГО (336-324 ГГ. ДО Н.Э.) Ключевые слова: Александр Великий, династия Ервандуни, границы Армении, Ахеменидские сатрапии, битва при Гавгамелах, Персидская империя, Восточная/Западная Армения, македонские завоевания.

Во время похода в империю Ахеменидов Александр Великий не завоевал Армянскую сатрапию. Македонский поход косвенно способствовал тому, чтобы Ерван- дидская Армения начала стремиться к независимости. Сохранены возможные свиде- тельства, касающиеся двух важных правителей Армянской сатрапии, начиная со вре- мен экспедиции «Анабасис» Ксенофона до битвы при Гавгамелах (400–323 гг. до н.э.). 298