Masoud Barzani

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Masoud Barzani President of the Kurdistan Region in Iraq Masoud Barzani was elected President of the Kurdistan Region in Iraq by the Kurdistan National Assembly in June 2005. He was born on 16 August 1946. At the time of his birth, President Barzani’s father, the late Mustafa Barzani, was head of the military of the short-lived Kurdish Republic of Mahabad that was declared in Kurdistan in Iran. When the Republic fell, Mustafa Barzani fled to the USSR with five hundred followers. When he returned to Iraq 12 years later, he and the rest of his family were deported to the southern parts of the country. With the overthrow of the Iraqi monarchy in 1958, the new Republic of General Abdulkarim Qasim welcomed Mustafa Barzani and his followers back to Iraq. Masoud Barzani was 12 years old when he was finally reunited with his father. The family moved back to their home village of Barzan. Soon afterwards the Iraqi government resumed its repression against the people of Kurdistan. With no alternative, in 1961 the KDP, under the leadership of Mustafa Barzani, launched an armed struggle. Barzani together with his late, elder brother Idris, took part in the delegation that signed an autonomy agreement with Baghdad in March 1970. When the Iraqi government reneged on the agreement, the Kurdistan armed struggle resumed. Once again, Masoud Barzani took part at the side of his father. After the death of Mustafa Barzani in March 1979, Masoud was elected as the new president of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), at the party’s 9th congress. Since then he has been re-elected as the KDP’s President in each successive congress. He is married with eight children. He speaks Kurdish, Arabic and Persian and has an understanding of English. .

Copy Link

Recommended publications

Organising and Contesting the 2017 Kurdish Referendum on Independence: Political Opportunities, Mobilisation Structures and Framing Processes in Iraqi- Kurdistan
Organising and Contesting the 2017 Kurdish Referendum on Independence: Political Opportunities, Mobilisation Structures and Framing Processes in Iraqi- Kurdistan Tim Bogers 5506727 Utrecht University 2 August 2019 A Thesis submitted to the Board of Examiners in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Studies & Human Rights Supervisor: dr. Chris van der Borgh Date of submission: 2 August 2019 Program trajectory: Research and Thesis Writing (30 ECTS) Word count: 23.798 Cover page picture: Kurdish flags at the pro-Kurdistan referendum and pro-Kurdistan independence rally at Franso Hariri Stadium, Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq (Levi Clancy, 2017). 2 Acknowledgements First and foremost I would like to thank all my respondents who were kind enough to make time for me and share valuable insights and information concerning the referendum; without their cooperation this research could not have been conducted. I would particularly like to thank my thesis supervisor, dr. Chris van der Borgh, who has always supported me and provided me with useful feedback and suggestions on how to improve both my research and my thesis. Furthermore, I would like to thank Saba Azeem, who was so kind as to provide me with valuable context at the beginning of my research and share her experiences in the Iraqi- Kurdistan region with me. In addition, she provided me with access to her networks in Iraqi- Kurdistan, which really helped me kick-starting my research. Lastly, I would like to thank everyone who has provided me with feedback on this thesis and who has supported me throughout the research and thesis writing processes.
[Show full text]
Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.
[Show full text]
Regional Implications of Iraqi Kurdistan's Quest for Independence
Briefing December 2016 Regional implications of Iraqi Kurdistan's quest for independence SUMMARY Strengthened by its victories over ISIL/Da'esh, the government of the autonomous region of Kurdistan in Iraq has announced that it plans to organise a referendum on independence. The deadline is still unclear, as political divisions have led the region to an institutional stalemate. Negotiations with the federal Iraqi government will focus on the territorial scope of the referendum. The Kurdish leaders want to include the 'disputed areas', in particular Kirkuk, in the poll. However, Iraq is not keen to be cut off from this oil-rich region, which is already at the heart of a dispute on the sharing of oil revenues. The status of Mosul after it is recaptured from ISIL/Da'esh is also under discussion. Even if the referendum were to take place and the 'yes' side won, it is not certain that a Kurdish state would emerge. Such a state would be weakened by internal divisions and poor economic conditions. In addition, Syria, Turkey and Iran, neighbouring countries that have complex relations with Iraqi Kurdistan, are worried that an independent Kurdish state would encourage their own Kurdish populations to seek greater autonomy. Yet, the perspective of a Greater Kurdistan is remote, since the regional Kurdish landscape is dominated by the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) and its affiliates, which do not share Iraqi Kurdish leaders' ideology or strategic alliances. As for the EU and the great world powers, although they consider Iraqi Kurdistan to be a reliable ally in the fight against ISIL/Da'esh (again recently in the battle for Mosul), they do not want to openly back the fragmentation of the Middle-East.
[Show full text]
DELIVERED on 23RD SEPTEMBER Dear President Barzani
THE LAST WRITTEN DRAFT – DELIVERED ON 23RD SEPTEMBER Dear President Barzani, I am writing on behalf of the United States to express our profound respect for you and for the people of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region. Together, over decades, we have forged a historic relationship, and it is our intention and commitment that this relationship continues to strengthen over the decades to come. Over the past three years, in particular, our strong partnership and your brave decisions to cooperate fully with the Iraqi Security Forces turned the tide against ISIS. We honor and we will never forget the sacrifice of the Peshmerga during our common struggle against terrorism. Before us at this moment is the question of a referendum on the future of the Kurdistan Region, scheduled to be held on September 25. We have expressed our concerns. These concerns include the ongoing campaign against ISIS, including upcoming operations in Hawija, the uncertain regional environment, and the need to focus intensively on stabilizing liberated areas to ensure ISIS can never return. Accordingly, we respectfully request that you accept an alternative, which we believe will better help achieve your objectives and ensure stability and peace in the wake of this necessary war against ISIS. This alternative proposal establishes a new and accelerated framework for negotiation with the central Government of Iraq led by Prime Minister Abadi. This accelerated framework for negotiation carries an open agenda and should last no longer than one year, with the possibility of renewal. Its objective is to resolve all issues outstanding between Baghdad and Erbil and the nature of the future relationship between the two.
[Show full text]
View/Print Page As PDF
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds In the Regional Power Struggle, has Erbil Decided to Join the Sunni Bloc? by Frzand Sherko Jan 29, 2016 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Frzand Sherko Frzand Sherko is an Iraq based strategic scholar and political analyst specializing in the intelligence and security affairs of the Kurdistan region of Iraq, greater Iraq, and the wider Islamic Middle East. Articles & Testimony he security of the Kurdistan Region-Iraq (KRI) depends more on agreements between Erbil and Kurdistan’s T neighbors than the KRI’s own security and intelligence capabilities. Whenever the regional powers surrounding the KRI have suspected that their interests are at risk, they have not hesitated to put the KRI’s security and stability in jeopardy to secure their interests. However, these regional power’s interests, increasingly at odds with one another, have begun to exacerbate the KRI’s security and internal political challenges. Since 1992, the KRI has worked to maintain a strategic relationship with Iran. When Iraqi Kurdistan’s civil war began in late 1993, Iran played a significant role, initially by directing the Islamic Movement in Kurdistan and later through its support of both sides in the conflict – the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). Iran maintained its dual support until 1996, when it leveraged its relations to encourage both parties to maintain a political balance. Such an arrangement created stability, allowing Tehran to benefit from its economic ties with both parties and to avoid any possible threats the conflict could pose to Iranian national security.
[Show full text]
Iraq Fact Sheet
Iraq Fact Sheet Government The Iraqi government was created by a new constitution in 2005, after the fall of Saddam Hussein. The government is led by a Kurdish President, currently Fuad Masum, a Shia Prime Minister, currently Haider Abadi, and a Sunni Arab Vice President, currently, Khodair Khozaei. The Prime Minister is the dominant leader. The population of Iraq is estimated to be 38 million, with two official languages, Arabic and Kurdish. Ethnic and Religious Groups Sunni Arabs: Iraqi Sunni Arabs number about 20% of the population, or around 5-7 million people. Under Saddam Hussein, who was a Sunni Arab, they had a privileged place in Iraq. During the de- Ba’athification process post-2005, Sunni Arabs were largely excluded by the Shia elites, particularly under former Prime Minister Nouri Maliki. Sunnis, including those from the “Awakening Councils,” were also mostly excluded from joining the Iraqi Army, as it was feared that they could retake control. Shia Arabs: Shia Arabs are roughly 60% of the total population. Under Saddam, the Shiites were largely oppressed, shut off from their Shia neighbor Iran, and generally excluded from power in the country. In post-Saddam Iraq, the constitution gave Shias the most powerful position, that of Prime Minister. Nouri Maliki, the former Prime Minister, favored Shias. Maliki also took advantage of U.S. aid; it is reported that Iraq’s security forces received nearly $100 billion from 2006 to 2014. Maliki became increasingly authoritarian during his eight years as premier, and eventually was pushed out. The current Prime Minister, Haider al-Abadi, is also a Shia Arab from the same party – Dawa – as Maliki, but has been generally less biased, less corrupt, more pro-American, and less pro-Iranian.
[Show full text]
Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region
KURDISTAN RISING? CONSIDERATIONS FOR KURDS, THEIR NEIGHBORS, AND THE REGION Michael Rubin AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region Michael Rubin June 2016 American Enterprise Institute © 2016 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org. Cover image: Grand Millennium Sualimani Hotel in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, by Diyar Muhammed, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons. Contents Executive Summary 1 1. Who Are the Kurds? 5 2. Is This Kurdistan’s Moment? 19 3. What Do the Kurds Want? 27 4. What Form of Government Will Kurdistan Embrace? 56 5. Would Kurdistan Have a Viable Economy? 64 6. Would Kurdistan Be a State of Law? 91 7. What Services Would Kurdistan Provide Its Citizens? 101 8. Could Kurdistan Defend Itself Militarily and Diplomatically? 107 9. Does the United States Have a Coherent Kurdistan Policy? 119 Notes 125 Acknowledgments 137 About the Author 139 iii Executive Summary wo decades ago, most US officials would have been hard-pressed Tto place Kurdistan on a map, let alone consider Kurds as allies. Today, Kurds have largely won over Washington.
[Show full text]
Police State, Mr El-Choufi Said That He Hoped Appointed RCC Secretary
police state, Mr el-Choufi said that he hoped appointed RCC Secretary-General in succession to Mr Muhdi the formation of a new opposition front in Abdul Hussein Mashhadi, who had been dismissed on July 12 nd the democratic aspirations of the Syrian [see below]. ew cabinet *Dr Ahmed Abdul Sattar - al-Juwari . .1 k&s and Religious Affairs On *Mr Khaled ~bibmm . Minister of State for Kurdish Affairs , Mr Abdul Fattah Mohammad -I Amin. Local Pid&iinisiration* ' *Mr MzRasheed . * No change. t Changed or additional responsibilities. New portfolio. Mr Ramadhan, a member of the RCC, had hitherto been Minister , formerly known changes (i)Dr Ali was, as reported by the official Iraqi News Agency INA on Aug. 12, succeeded as Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research by Mr Jassim Muhammad al-Khalaf and (ii) under a presidential decree of Nov. 13 Dr al- Juwari was succeeded as Minister of Wads and Religious Affairs by Mr Nouri Faisal Shaher. I KEESING'S CONTEMPORARY ARCHIVES February 22, 1980 February 2 death sentenc victed of ' quarters", ar against the pa to the Kurdis both within ar they had com~ [see 255 13 A]. ( Iraqi and o latter part of were being 1 result, many first secretary, Trial and Execution of Accused others moved ICP announcl its membershi] Front [see 26 barely particir missal in April Cabinet, see al During this had arrested I some detainees torture, and although the C nevertheless cc Furth a Deputy prim; that after the exc communist cells new prisoners [v fate" (political 5. death for non-B for the office of the RCC Deputy Chairman [see 28240 A].
[Show full text]
Anti-Statist Discourses Within the Kurdish National Movement Ozum Yesiltas Florida International University, [email protected]
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 3-24-2014 Rethinking the National Question: Anti-Statist Discourses within the Kurdish National Movement Ozum Yesiltas Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI14040879 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the International and Area Studies Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Yesiltas, Ozum, "Rethinking the National Question: Anti-Statist Discourses within the Kurdish National Movement" (2014). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1325. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1325 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida RETHINKING THE NATIONAL QUESTION: ANTI-STATIST DISCOURSES WITHIN THE KURDISH NATIONAL MOVEMENT A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS by Ozum Yesiltas 2014 To: Dean Kenneth Furton College of Arts and Sciences This dissertation, written by Ozum Yesiltas, and entitled Rethinking the National Question: Anti-Statist Discourses within the Kurdish National Movement, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. _______________________________________ Felix Martin _______________________________________ Charles G. MacDonald _______________________________________ Benjamin Smith _______________________________________ Mohiaddin Mesbahi, Co-Major Professor _______________________________________ Rebecca Mae Salokar, Co-Major Professor Date of Defense: March 24, 2014 The dissertation of Ozum Yesiltas is approved.
[Show full text]
Fighting-For-Kurdistan.Pdf
Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq CRU Report Feike Fliervoet Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq Feike Fliervoet CRU Report March 2018 March 2018 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Cover photo: Peshmerga, Kurdish Army © Flickr / Kurdishstruggle Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL. About the author Feike Fliervoet is a Visiting Research Fellow at Clingendael’s Conflict Research Unit where she contributes to the Levant research programme, a three year long project that seeks to identify the origins and functions of hybrid security arrangements and their influence on state performance and development.
[Show full text]
Kurdish Islamists in Iraq 5
5 Kurdish Islamists in Iraq from the MuslimBrotherhood to the So-Called Islamic State: Shaban 1436 June 2015 Continuity or Departure? Mohammed Shareef Visiting Lecturer, Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, University of Exeter Kurdish Islamists in Iraq from the Muslim Brotherhood to the So-Called Islamic State: Continuity or Departure? Mohammed Shareef Visiting Lecturer, Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, University of Exeter العدد - )اﻷول( 4 No. 5 June 2015 © King Faisal Center for research and Islamic Studies, 2015 King Fahd National Library Catalging-In-Publication Data King Faisal Center for research and Islamic Studies Dirasat: Kurdish Islamists in Iraq from the Muslim Brotherhood to the So-Called Islamic State: Continuity or Departure? / King Faisal Center for research and Islamic Studies - Riyadh, 2015 p 44; 16.5x23cm (Dirasat; 5) ISBN: 978-603-8032-65-7 1- Kurds - Iraq - Politics and government - History I- Title 956 dc 1436/6051 L.D. no. 1436/7051 ISBN: 978-603-8032-65-7 Designer: Azhari Elneiri Disclaimer: This paper and its contents reflect the author’s analyses and opinions. Views and opinions contained herein are the author’s and should not be attributed to any officials affiliated with the King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies or any Saudi Arabian national. The author is solely responsible for any errors that remain in the document. Table of Contents Abstract 5 Introduction 7 Kurdish Islamist Parties and the So-Called Islamic State 10 The Muslim Brotherhood and the Beginnings of Islamism in Kurdistan 13 The Emergence of Indigenous Kurdish Islamist Groups 19 The Islamic Movement of Kurdistan and Ansar al-Islam after 1991 27 Kurds in the So-Called Islamic State 35 Bibliography 39 Author Biography 40 3 4 No.
[Show full text]
IRAN and BARZANI: WORSENING RELATIONS and the RISK of an INEVITABLE CLASH? Othman Ali
ORSAM REVIEW OF ORSAM REVIEW OF REGIONAL AFFAIRS NO.58, JANUARY 2017 REGIONAL AFFAIRS No.58, JANUARY 2017 IRAN AND BARZANI: WORSENING RELATIONS AND THE RISK OF AN INEVITABLE CLASH? Othman Ali The relations between Iran and the Kurdistan Regional Govern- Dr. Othman Ali is Professor ment of Iraq (KRG) have recently experienced a considerable of Modern History of Kurds amount of tension. Iranian officials have given Masud Barzani, at Salahaddin University the president of KRG, stern warnings that they would not toler- in Erbil. He earned his ate any act which they view as a threat to their national security. undergraduate and master’s In this analysis, it is argued that this escalation on the part of degrees from University of Iran is an important component of Iran’s desire to accomplish Guelph and University of a complete control on all Iraqi groups and to recruit Kurdish Toronto. He can read, write and speak English, Arabic, groups for its hegemonic and expansionist policies in the Mid- Turkish, and Kurdish fluently, dle East. Iran has also a major security concern regarding the can read French, Farsi and region which results in a higher tendency to penetrate the KRG Ottoman Turkish. He is affairs politically, economically, and militarily. The goal of such currently a research fellow at policies is to prevent the KRG region from being used by its ma- the Middle East Institute of jor adversaries, namely Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Israel, and the US Sakarya University. and to gain a secure foothold in the KRG region that has a 400- mile border with Iran.
[Show full text]