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Culture, Society, and Praxis

Volume 9 Number 1 Identity, Conflict, Stigma, and Society Article 3

May 2016

The Ideology of the 21st Century: Anarchist

Emre Baysoy Namık Kemal University

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Recommended Citation Baysoy, Emre (2016) "The Ideology of the 21st Century: Anarchist Conservatism," Culture, Society, and Praxis: Vol. 9 : No. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://digitalcommons.csumb.edu/csp/vol9/iss1/3

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The Ideology of the 21st Century: Anarchist Conservatism By Emre Baysoy

Summary. Although it is mostly accepted that the ideologies of conservatism and anar- chism are at the very opposite sides of the political thought spectrum, this paper is based on its own speculation that conservatism and are based on the same grounds. In fact, apart from sharing same philosophical roots, these two ideologies are establishing a neutral alliance spontaneously on the basis of anarcho-. As a matter of fact, one step further than alliance, conservatism and anarchism are becoming two sides of the same coin and this new ideology can be labelled as anarchist conservatism. This essay aims to reveal and highlight the characteristics of this new ideology in a critical manner.

Introduction inance) he missed the fact that ideologies In the 21st century, ideologies and ideo- are also patterns to demand power. Ideo- logical confrontations are accepted as out logies legitimize and shape what is desir- of date and irrelevant to the realm of poli- able, eligible and feasible by the people. tics. Especially with the declaration of Following Marx’s consideration ideolo- “the End of the History” by Francis Fu- gies have their roots in social class struc- kuyama (1992), is thought to tures. People’s knowledge is determined be victorious over the other ideologies by their class position (Goodwin with the claim that Liberalism is not an 1997:18). Broadly speaking, Liberalism ideology, but the only true path to peace can be accepted as the ideology of the and prosperity. In contrast with this gen- bourgeoisie, that of the proletar- eral acceptance, it can be argued that any iat and conservatism that of the aristocra- new power structure which created new cy. power groups inevitably holds an ideolog- In parallel, Karl Mannheim was the ical standpoint in order to preserve this first to claim that ideologies are “incon- new political structure. Thus, contempo- gruent with reality” but he accepted that rary politics generates an ideology to con- this contradictory reality is to preserve the serve the status quo as well as to control status quo (Goodwin 1997:21; Mannheim the change. 1936):“Mannheim distinguished the par- After its usage by Baron de Tott in the ticular conception of ideology from the meaning of ‘the science of ideas’, the total conception of ideology. The former term “ideology” gained a pejorative refers to a set of ideas particular to a meaning with . According to group’s special interests, which promotes Marx, ideology was the dominant class’s these interests and decides other groups” tool for dominance (Goodwin 1997:19). (Goodwin 1997:21). On the other hand, Although Marx highlighted one feature of according to Barbara Goodwin ideologies ideologies (that is, as a tool for class dom- have five dimensions (1997:22). First,

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they carry certain kinds of beliefs; sec- bringing up some certain ideas and be- ond, they have an explanatory power liefs, they define and/or persuade people about the general structure of the issues as to what reality is (no matter if it is ra- and events; third, they display a persua- tional or not), they define and/impose sive force for people; fourth, they claim what is legitimate (with the claim of be- to be scientific; and fifth they all have ir- ing scientific) and they serve to prevent rational and illogical side for the sake of any uncontrolled change which could lead integrity. In short, ideologies are the stra- to a change in the system. tegic tools of any political structure. By

By bearing in mind all these functions characteristics of Anarchism and Con- of ideologies, Conservatism and Anar- servatism are mentioned. However, de- chism display a great potential to serve tailed assessment of these two ideologies neo-liberal policies. In fact, it can be ar- is out of the scope of this study. These gued that this coalition has already been ideologies will be covered only in terms established in practice since the beginning of their main characteristics and the main of the 1980’s. At the beginning of the focus will be on their similarities rather 21st century, this partnership is much than their dissimilarities. The various sub- more certain than ever. Moreover, rather divisions or alternative interpretations of than a practical partnership, it is possible each ideology will be investigated only to to say that a new ideology is forming. the extent that these alternations affect the This study aims to examine this new ide- general argument of the paper. From ology. these characteristics, their similar points Conservatism and Anarchism are gen- will be highlighted. Finally, the question erally thought to be the most counter- of why and how this ‘bizarre’ alliance is posed ideologies to each other. In conven- about to be formed will be answered in tional terms, the former puts a great em- reference to the coming age Anarcho- phasis on authority whereas the latter is Capitalism. totally against the authority and all the authority figures. Conservatism takes ine- Anarchism quality as a neutral fact and accepts that all of politics and society ‘ought to be’ After the usage of the term pejoratively in based on this condition. Anarchism, on of the French , Pierre the other hand, argues that inequality is an Joseph Proudhon was the first to declare outcome of and authority, that is himself as an anarchist in a positive and why it is wrong and ‘ought to be’ abol- systematic set of ideas (Heywood ished along with the state. However de- 2007:175). In a sense, it can be said that spite these very basic oppositions be- its pejorative meaning and Proudhon’s tween them, these two ideologies have declaration was overlapping since anar- more in common than their disparities. chism, in general, is against all the ideals Especially in the contemporary era, Con- of the French Revolution. Anarchism re- servatism and Anarchism have merged jected modernism and showed resistance almost totally. This new ideology can be to progress by attacking all enlightenment labelled as anarchist conservatism. notions such as nationality, rationality, To show the similarities between Con- and . Coming from the word servatism and Anarchism, the general

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Anarchy1 with its meaning “absence of ence” (Goodwin 1997:138; Morrow authority” (Goodwin 1997:121) and 1998:94). With its remarks on “negative “without rule” (Heywood 2007), anar- freedom”2, anarchism rejects the idea and chism is totally against the state and gov- the practice of “social contract” that mod- ernment and all kinds of authority. In ern societies rest upon (Heywood contrast with the conventional conceptu- 2007:180): “No combined interests to alization of politics that started with Aris- manage... All interest and responsibilities totle’s claim that “Man is a political ani- must be entirely individualized...” (War- mal” which implies politics and society ren 1970 in Morrow, 1998:102). are inseparable and there is no escape For anarchism, mankind is “good” by from politics; anarchism asserts that nature and does not need any outside con- “state and society are completely separa- straints like law and religion. Since reli- ble” (Heywood 2007:121). “No govern- gion is a source of authority and since re- ment necessary for our welfare. Man a ligion produces “obedience and submis- social being: his wants and inclinations sion” (Heywood 2007:184), state and re- make for association and mutual effort... ligion work together for oppression by law and order the worst disorder” (Berk- “conforming standards of good and evil” man 2005:xxxiii). However, society is (Heywood 2007:184): “Religion, the “totally absorbed by the state” (Bakunin domination of the human mind; , 1937 in Morrow 1998:48). While society the domination of human needs; and emerges as a ‘natural formation’ (Good- Government, the domination of human win 1997:121) with its own rules and or- conduct, represent the stronghold of der, state is an “artificial manipulative man’s enslavement and all the horrors it force” (Goodwin 1997:121; Morrow entails” (Goldman 1911:59 in Morrow 1998:47) which is evil and unnecessary 1998:47). (Heywood 2007:178-81). Unlike the Instead of any legal system and of reli- Hobbesian conceptualization of state as gious standards, moral autonomy should the sole provider of the order, for anar- be the organising principle of society. For chists “order is an exclusively social phe- instance, anarchist thinker Max Stirner nomenon” (Morrow 1998:46). Thus, ra- took the ego as the basis of his philoso- ther than providing peace and order, the phy and argued that there should be no state is the main reason for inequality and constraints upon the ego (Morrow disorder (Morrow 1998:46). 1998:101; Stirner 1995). Moreover this Although “it is hard to generalize an- egoistic human perfection leads to the archist thought” (Goodwin 1997:122), notion that is against some general characteristics of anarchism managed capitalism (Heywood can still be mentioned. Where the state is 2007:185). Like society itself, economy against all kinds of freedom, anarchism’s has its own “natural order”. core value is “personal autonomy” (Hey- The question of the economy and how wood 2007:177) and “rational independ- it will (or should?) operate, creates the main subdivision of the anarchist thought: 1 does not equals to ‘chaos’. An- the collectivist and the individualist anar- archy means without a central authority while chism. Collectivist stream has its roots at chaos equals to a situation where there is no any order and formal or informal organization. See G. Arrighi, The Long Twentieth Century: Money, 2 For the concept of “negative freedom” Power, and the Origins of Our Times, (London: see I. Berlin, Two Concepts of , (Oxford: Verso, 2002), p. 30. Oxford University Press, 1958).

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socialist thought (Heywood 2007:186). garded the demands of society as a Solidarity and ‘mutual aid’ are the most threat” (Morrow 1998:94). In this sense, important elements that a society is based Anarchism can be defined as the extreme upon. Bakunin (1973) claimed that “So- wing of liberalism. However, unlike lib- cial is the first human law; eralism which argues that there should be freedom is the second” (Heywood a minimum state power to establish a le- 2007:186). The economy will operate ac- gal order so that market forces can oper- cording to the principle of mutualism “in ate, rejects the which individuals or groups bargain with idea of any state and government control. one another, trading goods and services Being self-interested egoistic entities, in- without profiteering or exploitation” dividuals should enter into voluntary in- (Heywood 2007:186). However, for col- teraction in unregulated market competi- lectivist anarchism the issue of private tion (Heywood 2007:194). Even the pub- property is blurred in spite of the famous lic goods and services such as the saying of Proudhon that “Property is “maintenance of domestic order”, “the theft”. Still, for Proudhon there are (or enforcements of contracts” and “protec- should be?) “possessions” of “independ- tion against external attack” should be ent small holding , craftsmen and privatized and instead of police force and artisans” (Heywood 2007:187). Another courts, “protection associations and pri- notion of collectivist anarchism regarding vate courts” as well as private prisons the economy is “anarcho-” should be established (Heywood under which workers will unite and take 2007:194-5). Since these agencies will like general strikes and boy- operate on the basis of profit making, cotts. More importantly, syndicates will they would be experts on their job and be “the model of decentralised and non- besides they will provide much better hierarchic society of the future” (Hey- service than the state because wood 2007:189). For another main anar- between these agencies will make these chist thinker Kropotkin “federation of de- services cheaper and more efficient centralized territorial ” or (Heywood 2007:195; Tucker 1970:181). “voluntary associations” (Tucker 1970 in No matter how problematic these ideas Horowitz) should be the founding princi- are, the fact is, these agencies are already ple of society (Morrow 1998:100; Kro- established and have started to operate. In potkin 1970:127, 123). the USA and in the UK there are private courts and private prisons replacing the What is essential to and characteristics of police and arbitrating force. The Police the federal contract... is that in this sys- force is supplemented by “neighbourhood tem the contracting parties ... not only watch”. Again private armies like Black- undertake bilateral and communicative water3 are operating in other countries obligations, but in making the pact re- like Iraq and Afghanistan. serve for themselves more rights, more liberty, more authority, more property than they abandon (Prudhon in Morrow, 1998:95-6). Conservatism Individualist anarchism, on the other hand, shows a positive attitude to capital- 3 After being sold, the company’s name ism and is far from being socialist; it “re- changed to “Academi” in 2011. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Academi).

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is still possible to classify some different Conservatism first came into the political branches of conservative thinking as ‘au- scene as a reaction to the French Revolu- thoritarian conservatism’, ‘paternalistic tion and its ideals like equality, freedom conservatism’ and ‘libertarian conserva- and nationalism. According to the con- tism’ (Heywood 2007). To start with pa- servative figures like Joseph de Maistre ternalistic conservatism, it can be said and Edmund Burke, French Revolution that it is the moderate branch in contrast “was an evil act” (Vincent 1992:74)4. with the authoritarian and the liberal Like anarchism, conservatism is against branches. It can be summarized as being all the institutions which conservative “cautious, modest and pragmatic” against thinkers call “artificial”. There is a “di- change. Instead of rejecting and resisting vinely ordained order in society” (Good- change totally, it tries to be the middle win 1997:156), and political life is im- way between the conservation and revolu- plicitly organic therefore it “cannot be tion. Edmund Burke was the banner- imposed” on society synthetically (Vin- bearer of this thinking (Heywood cent 1992:73-4). In this sense constitu- 2007:81). According to Burke change is tions have “no real meaning” (Vincent inevitable but it should be managed for 1992:73-4). Humans are “constant over conservation of basic institutions and no- time and circumstances” (Vincent tions (Heywood 2007:81): “Pragmatic 1992:73-4) and it is a dangerous act to conservatives support neither the individ- call for equality and freedom in the name ual nor the state in principle, but are pre- of constitution. There is a neutral hierar- pared to support either, or, more frequent- chy in nature and in society and inequali- ly, recommend a balance between the ty exists not only between individuals and two, depending on ‘what classes but also between men and women works’(Heywood 2007:82). (Goodwin 1997:156). “Knowing your Although conservatism is generally place” (Goodwin 1997:156) is the main known as an authoritarian ideology, in rallying cry of conservatism in the name fact, the second type of conservatism can of “keeping something intact” (Vincent be accepted as the crudest one with regard 1992:55) with a political anti-philosophy” to freedom and change. As befits the (Allison 1986 in Vincent 1992:56). Ac- name, authoritarian conservatism was cording to conservatives, “social differen- against the French Revolution and its no- tiation, hierarchy, and functional rather tions as ‘liberty, equality and fraternity’. than mechanical consensus are as vital to Against these ideals autocracy was advo- freedom as to order” (Nisbet 1986:64). In cated in favour of the ancient regime short conservatism is against change and (Heywood 2007:79)5: “conservation can often best be brought “Probably nowhere has the innate feu- about by inaction” (Goodwin 1997:165). dalism of the conservative ethic been Conservatism is far away from being more visible than in the recurrent re- consistent theoretical thinking and it has sponse of conservatism to the successive no “clear theoretical answers to political liberationist movements of the modern questions” (Vincent 1992:82), however, it world” (Nisbet 1986:50). This antago- nism against the French Revolution even-

4 “All of the early conservatists, and no more deeply than Burke, were horrified by the 5 The French conservative philosopher Jacobin blows to the church in France” (Nisbet Joseph de Maistre, was the front man of this per- 1986:68). spective.

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tually led to support for extreme regimes strument of social discipline (Heywood like those of Benito Mussolini in Italy 2007:87). and Adolf Hitler in Germany. This type Although is of conservatism can be regarded as out- generally accepted as a relatively new dated or at least marginal in politics since ideological position and is equated with almost all conservatives in the contempo- neo-liberalism (Heywood 2007:88-95), its rary era accept some liberal principles roots go back to the second half of the especially in economics. As the best 19th century. In 1880’s Britain, syndi- pragmatists, conservatives eventually cates like Spencerian Liberty and Proper- turned out to be supporters of laissez-faire ty Defence League, Personal Rights As- capitalism eventually. sociation, Political Evolution Society (lat- The third type of conservatism de- er State Resistance Union) were already serves the main attention and focus in been established (Vincent 1992:65). terms of the aims of this study. While au- Again in Britain, in the 1970’s and early thoritarian and paternalistic forms of con- 1980’s, the Institute of Economic Affairs, servatism can be regarded as out of date Aims of Industry, the Adam Smith Insti- and out of fashion, libertarian conserva- tute and the Freedom Association Centre tism continues to be effective in domestic, for Policy Studies emerged (Vincent international and/or global politics. Be- 1992:66). Also in the US, in 1947, the fore coming to its function in politics, the Mont Pelerin Society6 (MPS) founded by main characteristics of this trend can be classical economic liberals like Friedrich summarized as ‘atomistic , A. Hayek and . The MPS advocacy of minimal state, is one of the pioneer association which negative liberty notion and support of supports and personal rights’ (Vincent 1992:65). In with an endless attack on state growth and contrast with conventional conservatism government control (Vincent 1992:65). (especially with the paternalist conserva- tism which gives central importance to The Inherent Alliance against the social responsibilities and social duties), Common Enemy: the State Facing the libertarian conservatism applauds human Anarchist Prohibition egoism and rejects any kind of outside constraints to the individual freedoms Although a descriptive reading of these (Heywood 2007:87). In this sense they two ideologies is enough to give an idea are against all kinds of state power. They about their similarities, a further critical can be regarded as an extreme wing of liberalism. Especially in terms of the 6 “The Mont Pelerin Society is composed economy, libertarian conservatism argues of persons who continue to see the dangers to civi- that there should be no government regu- lized society outlined in the statement of aims. lation of the economy. Although liberals They have seen economic and political liberalism in the ascendant for a time since World War II in accept minimum state power and control some countries but also its apparent decline in is needed in the market, libertarians reject more recent times. Though not necessarily sharing this idea and claim that market has its a common interpretation, either of causes or con- “natural laws” (Heywood 2007:87). sequences, they see danger in the expansion of Therefore any kind of intervention should government, not least in state welfare, in the pow- er of trade unions and business monopoly, and in be abolished. Moreover, libertarian con- the continuing threat and reality of inflation” servatives accept market force as an in- (https://www.montpelerin.org/montpelerin/home.h tml)

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analysis still can be made. However a vi- words can be said by conservatism as tal point should be cleared up before well. moving towards the argument that anar- Anarchism can be viewed as the batter- chism and conservatism are in essence ing ram of conservatism against the rule identical. The most remarkable “rivalry” of law and state authority. It can be ar- between them is that while conservatism gued that this is not a new and unique sit- is pro-authoritarian, anarchism on the uation that occurred in contemporary contrary is against all kinds of authority. times. Conservatism always have a prag- This can be true for authoritarian con- matic character: “...in the last two hun- servatism which calls for a patriarchal dred years conservatism has taken its pol- hierarchical system for society. However icies from other political ideologies and this version of conservatism was set defended them all at one time or another. against the rising modern state power If something works and is accepted, than which found its expression in various it is legitimate material for conservative constitutional movements. Even authori- policy” (Vincent 1992:57). tarian conservatism has some common It could be asked that ‘how can a grounds with anarchism for being also movement like conservatism whose only against the modern state system and dem- aim is to preserve what already exists ocratic constitutionalism with a dogmatic would need a battering ram?’ The answer belief in the “natural condition”. There- of this question gives an opportunity to fore in spite of its image as “progressive” examine the anatomy of conservatism and “modern”, anarchism can be regarded once more. Ironically, historically and yet as pro-feudal and traditionalist which paradoxically (especially the liberal) con- finds its expression in the romantic nos- servatism became effective in times of talgia of a pastoral life7. For this reason, it great changes like the 1980s: can easily be speculated that if modern states had never emerged, there would be In fact, it would be no exaggeration to no anarchist thinking. The reactionary say that much of the really radical and character of anarchism is also in support disturbing social and economic change of this argument. This yearning for feudal of the last decade in many industrialized societies has been fomented by liberal life can be read from anarchism’s social conservatism, particularly in Britain and typology which goes as “[anarchism]... America. Many find this a strange con- would be organized on the basis of small tradiction (Vincent 1992:83). communities bound together in a loose federation, a social form which avoids the While conservatism is considered as anti- centralization and national- utopianist (see Goodwin 1997:147), it can ism...”(Goodwin 1997:126). The same be claimed that, the only utopia which is yet to become real is conservative; to be 7 The paradoxical merging of anarchism more precise, anarchist conservative. We and conservatism was in fact not a new phenome- live in the days of the perfect combination non; it first came along before 20th and 21st cen- between the most utopian ideology, anar- turies. Scotch philosopher David Hume (1711-76) chism, and the most realistic ideology, deserves a special attention here. The words of the conservatism. Tory politician Ian Gilmour about Hume are worth note noting: “How could a man whose scepticism demolished God, the soul, miracles, causation, natural law, matter and induction be a good con- servative?” (Vincent 1992:60).

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Table 1: The Similarities of Anarchism ture which will maintain the order without and Conservatism any political agent. However, this does • Attack on Modernism not mean that there won’t be any sanc- • Resistance to human progress tions. The market or the anarcho-capitalist • Attack on Enlightenment market will provide the required imper- • Attack on Nation States sonalized structural power by creating • Anti-Republicanism fear of in order to keep • Attack on modern state wages down or by establishing the perfect competition conditions which will provide • Admiration of Feudalism the best justice system and the police • Admiration of rural life force. But it can also be argued that the • Egoism market by itself alone is inadequate to • Self improvement elitism provide the required ex officio sanctions • Anti-Constitutionalism to solve the problem of maintaining the • Self-Help stability and order without any law sys- • Against public authority tem. • Norms and morality Before finishing, another phenomenon • Laissez-Faire Capitalism can be mentioned here. Contemporary • No artificial manipulation culture philosopher Slavoj Zizek points • Mediation out the same problem from a different • Organic Harmony perspective and asks the vital question of • Natural formation “how do we account for this paradox that • Anti- the absence of law universalizes prohibi- • Anti-Rationalism tion?”(Zizek 2008:9). The answer he • Privatization and Deregulation founds can be accepted as alarming and thrilling since it can be regarded as Zizek • Pragmatism indicates, as the essence of anarchist con- • Libertarian servatism. Zizek argues that the “Enjoy- • No social service ment” itself will be the main force that • Nostalgia will establish the “imposed order”. Ac- • Negative Liberty cording to Zizek, “when we enjoy, we • Anarcho-Capitalism never do it spontaneously we always fol- • Instincts low a certain injunction” (Zizek 2008:9). • Conservators It can be argued that this certain injunc- • Neighbourhood Watch tion will provide the needed order within which enjoyment will become (much more) a political factor operating within The table above shows the common char- the Anarcho-capitalist free market8. acteristics of anarchist and conservative The general assessment of Zizek’s phi- thought and how they coincide extraordi- narily. This uncanny unity points out a 8 The most vivid commonality of anar- deeper situation about the current politi- chism and conservatism is their belief in Anarcho- cal, economic and socio-cultural life. capitalism in which “market can satisfy all human This ‘neutral’ (a system which does not wants” Heywood 2007:194-5). In a stateless econ- omy, all the activity would be entirely voluntary need any legal ‘artificial’ authority -the and impersonal (Heywood 2007:195). All the state- to preserve order) utopia of Anar- property should be owned by sovereign individu- chist Conservatism would need a struc- als.

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losophy is out of the scope of this study. figure out. However the main point of this However, Zizek’s point of view provides argument is that anarchism and conserva- clues about the drive of anarchist con- tism are becoming one in the contempo- servative Capitalism. The rary era. No matter their differences are at impersonality of the market will provide the surface, their philosophical roots are the so called “neutral order” in which eve- alike, their enemy is alike (the modern rything that is equals everything that state) and their historical backgrounds are should be. And maybe this is the only alike. This uniformity helps this function- possible “utopia” that is about to begin at al alliance between conservatism and an- the second decade of the 21st century. archism. Their attack on constitutional system and state mechanism can be re- garded as a signal of coming events in Conclusion which the notions of law, state and consti- tution could be laid aside in the name of Ideologies came into being to criticize, individual and social freedoms while em- manipulate, shape and change the existing powering the impersonal market forces political systems. In this sense, although that operate through enjoyment to impose anarchism regards itself as against all order. kinds of authority and power, it is possi- Although conservatism is considered as ble to say that such a position is impossi- anti-utopian (Goodwin 1997:147), the on- ble and no matter its arguments or beliefs ly utopia that is yet to become real is a are, anarchism is another expression of conservative one; to be more precise an- the “will to power”. Anarchism’s uncon- archist conservative one. It is the inherent scious cry of power makes it a potential combination of the most utopian ideology precious ally for conservative thinking. anarchism, on the one hand; and the most More speculations can be made based pragmatic ideology, conservatism on the on the framework that this study tried to other.

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