Notes on Q. Curtius Rufus' History of Alexander!
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Calendar of Roman Events
Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th. -
The Impossible Dream W. W. Tarn's Alexander in Retrospect*
F LASHBACKS Karanos 2, 2019 77-95 The Impossible Dream W. W. Tarn’s Alexander in Retrospect* by A. Brian Bosworth The University of Western Australia First published in 1948, Tarn’s Alexander the Great was soon out of print. In 1956 the first volume was republished in paperback under the auspices of Beacon Press in Boston, but the more substantial second volume remained inaccessible and was a collector’s item for decades. I myself had a standing order with Blackwell’s from 1967, but it was at the end of a long list and eventually after much persuasion I received personal permission to make my own photocopy of the work. At long last in 1979 both volumes were reissued in matching format, exact and uncorrected reprints of the original, and they are now available in Australia**. It must be said at once that it is twenty years too late. Virtually every major statement made by Tarn has been critically examined over the last two and a half decades and in almost every case rejected. His work on Alexander is now a historical curiosity, valuable as a document illustrating his own emotional and intellectual make-up but practically worthless as a serious history of the Macedonian conqueror. As will be seen, Tarn’s attitudes and methods are interesting in their own right, but they are not interesting enough to justify the outrageous and exorbitant price that is demanded of the Australian market. Hard pressed school librarians would make a far better investment by acquiring a range of more recent publications. -
L. Prandi, Fortuna E Realtà Dell'opera Di Clitarco
Histos () - REVIEW −DISCUSSION IN SEARCH OF CLEITARCHUS Luisa Prandi, Fortuna e realtà dell’ opera di Clitarco . ( Historia Einzel- schriften ) Pp. Steiner, Stuttgart . There is an unwritten law that the volume of scholarship on a subject is in inverse proportion to the evidence available. That is particularly true of the early Hellenistic historian, Cleitarchus, son of Deinon. In Jacoby’s definitive compendium thirty six fragments are accepted as authentic, comprising eight pages of text. On the whole these ‘fragments’ are singularly unin- formative. Few give any extended digest of Cleitarchus’ narrative, and there are only five lines of verbatim quotation. All that has survived of his work, then, is a handful of weak attestations, supplemented by a few vague and bil- ious criticisms of his style and veracity made by later authors, usually with a taste for Atticism and antipathetic to Cleitarchus. Yet Cleitarchus bulks very large in the historiography of Alexander’s reign, not for what is directly at- tested but for his supposed contribution to the extant source tradition. It is generally agreed that there is a strand of evidence common to the accounts of Diodorus, Curtius Rufus, Justin’s Epitome of Trogus and the Metz Epit- ome. The extent and pervasiveness of this tradition has been the subject of long and occasionally heated debate, but there is a general agreement (or has been since at least the time of Eduard Schwartz) that a nucleus does ex- ist, common to a string of extant, derivative historians, distorted in various ways according to the vagaries of the transcriber but deriving ultimately from an early historian independent of (and frequently in conflict with) the more ‘respectable’ accounts of Ptolemy and Aristobulus, which form the ba- sis of Arrian’s narrative. -
Publications (Professor Rhiannon Ash) 'A Stylish Exit: Marcus Terentius' Swan-Song (Tacitus, Annals 6.8), Curtius Rufus
Publications (Professor Rhiannon Ash) ‘A Stylish Exit: Marcus Terentius’ Swan-Song (Tacitus, Annals 6.8), Curtius Rufus, and Virgil’, Classical Quarterly 71 (2021). ‘Un-Parallel Lives? The Younger Quintus and Marcus Cicero in Cicero’s Letters’, Hermathena 202 (2021). ‘The Staging of Death: Tacitus’ Agrippina the Younger and the Dramatic Turn’, in A. Damtoft Poulsen and A. Jönsson, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (Brill 2021), 197-224. ‘Ciuilis rabies usque in exitium (Histories 3.80.2): Tacitus and the Evolving Trope of Republican Civil War during the Principate’, in C. Lange and F.J. Vervaet (eds), The Historiography of Late Republican Civil War (Brill 2019), 351-75. ‘Paradoxography and Marvels in Post-Domitianic Literature: “An Extraordinary Affair, Even in the Hearing!”’, in A. König and C. Whitton (eds.) Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138. (Cambridge University Press 2018). Tacitus Annals 15 (Cambridge University Press 2018) Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics commentary. ‘Rhetoric and Roman Historiography’, in M. MacDonald (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Rhetorical Studies (Oxford University Press 2017), 195-204. ‘The Biter Bit? Sejanus and Tiberius in Tacitus’ Annals, Omnibus 74 (2017). ‘Tacitus and the Poets: In Nemora et Lucos ... Secedendum est (Dialogus 9.6)?’, in P. Mitsis and I. Ziogas (eds), Wordplay and Powerplay in Latin Poetry (De Gruyter 2016), 13-35. ‘Drip-Feed Invective: Pliny, Self-Fashioning, and the Regulus Letters’, in A. Marmodoro and J. Hill (eds), The Author's Voice in Classical Antiquity (Oxford University Press 2016), 207-32. ‘Never Say Die! Assassinating Emperors in Suetonius Lives of the Caesars’, in K. -
Diodorus Siculus and the World of the Late Roman Republic Ii Iii
i Diodorus Siculus and the World of the Late Roman Republic ii iii Diodorus Siculus and the World of the Late Roman Republic z CHARLES E. MUNTZ 1 iv 1 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries. Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America. © Oxford University Press, 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above. You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Names: Muntz, Charles Edward, 1980– author. Title: Diodorus Siculus and the world of the late Roman republic / Charles E. Muntz. Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, [2017] | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Description based on print version record and CIP data provided by publisher; resource not viewed. Identifiers: LCCN 2016018875 (print) | LCCN 2016017895 (ebook) | ISBN 9780190498726 (hardback) | ISBN 9780190498733 (ebook) | ISBN 9780190498740 (online) Subjects: LCSH: Diodorus, Siculus. -
Hist229x “Was Alexander Great?” Essay on Ancient Sources the Lost
HIST229x “Was Alexander Great?” Essay on ancient sources The lost Alexander library Before the construction of the famous Library of Alexandria (in Egypt), there once was a library of books about Alexander. The original collection of the library was made up of works written by authors during and just after Alexander’s lifetime. Unfortunately, all of the original works in the library of Alexander have disappeared; or they were taken out and never returned by writers of the Roman era, who cut and pasted quotations and information from the original works into their own books about Alexander leaving us to figure out what the original works really said. The task is difficult but crucial. To understand why the oracle of Zeus Ammon at Siwah revealed that a twentyfive year old Macedonian king would reach the ends of the world, we have to identify the major ancient sources for Alexander’s life. We need to know who those sources are; when they lived; what they wrote; for whom they wrote or created objects; and why they wrote or made what they did. Only when we have understood the viewpoint of our sources can we assess the value of the information they have provided about Alexander. This is true whether our information comes from literary accounts or from material evidence such as inscriptions, coins, or archaeological artifacts. We only can infer who the real Alexander the Great was from what our sources have chosen to record about Alexander and his deeds. Without our sources, there simply is no Alexander, real or otherwise. -
The Alexander-Achilles Connection: the Historical Dimension
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Best of the Macedonians: Alexander as Achilles in Arrian, Curtius, and Plutarch Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/76s9x3jv Author Vorhis, Justin Grant Publication Date 2017 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Best of the Macedonians: Alexander as Achilles in Arrian, Curtius, and Plutarch A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Classics by Justin Grant Vorhis 2017 © Copyright by Justin Grant Vorhis 2017 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Best of the Macedonians: Alexander as Achilles in Arrian, Curtius, and Plutarch by Justin Grant Vorhis Doctor of Philosophy in Classics University of California, Los Angeles, 2017 Professor Kathryn Anne Morgan, Chair This dissertation concerns the connection between Alexander the Great (356-323 B.C.), the famous Macedonian king, and Achilles, the preeminent Greek hero of the Trojan War. As scholars have long recognized, Alexander’s connection to Achilles represents both a historical and a literary phenomenon: Alexander not only portrayed himself as a second Achilles, but was also portrayed as such by those who wrote about him. While scholars have traditionally concentrated on the connection’s historical dimension, I concentrate in this study on its literary dimension (the Achilles motif), taking Arrian, Curtius, and Plutarch, the three extant Alexander historians -
The Death of Alexander the Great 1. Introduction
The death of Alexander the Great THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT ABSTRACT The circumstances of Alexander’s death are reviewed. Since contemporary sources vary in their accounts of the reason for his death, they are briefly reviewed and assessed. The account of Alexander’s final illness is then discussed as recorded in the King’s Journal and the Liber de morte testamentumque Alexandri Magni. The theory that he was poisoned is rejected, as is the hypothesis that he drank himself to death. His final illness shows symptoms characteristic of malignant tertian malaria (Plasmodium fal- ciparum), possibly precipitated by recent wounds, exhaustion and heavy drinking. 1. INTRODUCTION Alexander, King of Macedonia, conqueror of the Persian empire, died in Babylon at sunset on the 10th of June, 323 BC.1 He was not yet 33 years old, had been king for 12 years and 8 months and had shown himself to be fully deserving of the title “The Great”. Educated by Aristotle, trained in warfare by his father Philip II, he invaded Asia at the age of 22 and defeated Darius III within 3 years. He never returned to Macedonia but commenced with the establishment of an Asian em- pire based on Hellenistic culture whilst incorporating the best elements of the Persians and other conquered nations. With few exceptions he was remarkably magnanimous towards his former enemies, perform- ing acts of justice far in advance of his time. As Tarn (1948:I.124- 125) puts it: This was probably the most important thing about him: he was a great dreamer. To be mystical and intensely practical, to dream greatly and to do greatly, is not given to many men; it is this combination which gives Alexander his place apart in history. -
THE CURTII RUFI AGAIN by J. E. Atkinson (University of Cape Town
THE CURTII RUFI AGAIN by J. E. Atkinson (University of Cape Town) A. CURTIUS RUFUS' CONSULSHIP Dr. Vogel-Weidemann's note on the consular Curtius Rufus 1 requires com ment in the light of Barbieri's article inEpigraphica 29, '67. The Rufus who was the colleague of M. Pompeius Silvanus in June 45 was not Curti us Rufus, but A. Antonius Rufus, and their consulships ran through till at least 3rd October. 2 The Curtius Rufus who advanced to a governorship in Germania Superior perhaps as early as 46, 3 and then went on to the governorship of Mrica, must have been consul after 38, since, as Degrassi indicates, 4 the consular lists appear to be complete for the period 23 to 38. The terminus ante quem is determined by the command in Germany, and 46 itself is excluded as the consular list again appears to be complete. It is quite possible that it is our subject who is attested in the consular pair 'L. Oppio, Curtio R[uf]o' in the period 8th to 14th October of an unrecorded year. 6 If this pair in fact belongs after 38 we can narrow down the possibilities: October 39 is virtually excluded by Dio's account of Gains' intervention in September of that year; 6 October 42 is excluded as we already have a consul ordinarius in Caecina Largus; 7 45 is unlikely as Antonius Rufus and Pompeius Silvanus were still in office on 3rd October, and their dates now exclude 44, for we have to assign to the period 22nd September to 25th October 44 Cn. -
ATINER's Conference Paper Series HIS2013-0807
ATINER CONFERENCE PAPER SERIES No: HIS2013-0807 Athens Institute for Education and Research ATINER ATINER's Conference Paper Series HIS2013-0807 The Implementation of the Roman Principate: Between Human and Divine Andrés Cid Zurita Head of Graduate Program in History and Social Sciences, Universidad del Mar, San Fernando Campus Chile 1 ATINER CONFERENCE PAPER SERIES No: HIS2013-0807 Athens Institute for Education and Research 8 Valaoritou Street, Kolonaki, 10671 Athens, Greece Tel: + 30 210 3634210 Fax: + 30 210 3634209 Email: [email protected] URL: www.atiner.gr URL Conference Papers Series: www.atiner.gr/papers.htm Printed in Athens, Greece by the Athens Institute for Education and Research. All rights reserved. Reproduction is allowed for non-commercial purposes if the source is fully acknowledged. ISSN 2241-2891 14/1/2014 2 ATINER CONFERENCE PAPER SERIES No: HIS2013-0807 An Introduction to ATINER's Conference Paper Series ATINER started to publish this conference papers series in 2012. It includes only the papers submitted for publication after they were presented at one of the conferences organized by our Institute every year. The papers published in the series have not been refereed and are published as they were submitted by the author. The series serves two purposes. First, we want to disseminate the information as fast as possible. Second, by doing so, the authors can receive comments useful to revise their papers before they are considered for publication in one of ATINER's books, following our standard procedures of a blind review. Dr. Gregory T. Papanikos President Athens Institute for Education and Research 3 ATINER CONFERENCE PAPER SERIES No: HIS2013-0807 This paper should be cited as follows: Cid Zurita, A. -
A Plutarchan Parallel to Arrian Anabasis 7.1 Bradley Buszard
A Plutarchan Parallel to Arrian Anabasis 7.1 Bradley Buszard When Arrian tries to sum up Alexander’s character at the end of his Anabasis, he falls back on the pattern which Xenophon had used in describing Cyrus; he does not attempt to compare one source with another or one verdict with another, but simply offers his own opinions, not borrowed from anyone else. O WROTE LIONEL PEARSON fifty years ago when compar- ing Arrian’s description of Alexander at Anab. 7.28–29 S with Xenophon Anab. 1.9.1 And while the debate over Arrian’s sources has continued, no parallel has been found for the passage that Pearson discusses, and his assertion that Arrian generated this character analysis independently has not been re-examined.2 There is a similar analysis at Anab. 7.1, however, in which one can detect the influence of an earlier author, Plutarch. I will examine this earlier passage in order to define better the range of Arrian’s independence: to draw a clearer distinction between the thematic raw material of his narrative, which was present already in his sources, and his interpretation of this material, which was his own.3 1 L. Pearson, The Lost Histories of Alexander the Great (London 1960) 17. 2 See A. B. Bosworth, From Arrian to Alexander (Oxford 1988) 38–60, and A Historical Commentary on Arrian’s History of Alexander I (Oxford 1980) 16–34; P. A. Brunt, Arrian: History of Alexander and Indica (Loeb: 1976–1983) I xxix– xxxiv, II 542–572. Much of the source criticism in the last century has been devoted to Alexander’s last plans; I discuss the more recent and influential of these arguments below. -
“Quaeque Memoria Digna Videbantur: Digressions in Sallust's Historical
“Quaeque memoria digna videbantur: digressions in Sallust’s historical monographs” Edwin H. Shaw A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient History Department of History, UCL 1 I, Edwin Shaw, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. ________________________________ 2 Abstract This thesis examines the digressions in the historical monographs of Sallust, as important and under-utilised documents of the construction of his text and of his place within a Late Republican milieu. It aims to demonstrate the central place of digressions in Sallust’s historiography, and to argue that Sallust is a more sophisticated thinker than is usually recognised, engaging with a variety of contemporary ideas in his construction of a new form of Roman historiography. The first part of the thesis explores the role of digression, a basically rhetorical technique, within historiography more widely, contributing to the current debate about the relationship between the two genres; I establish that digression is an important aspect of the historian’s activity of dispositio, through which the historical account is constructed. Drawing on classical rhetorical textbooks, works on historiography and the practice of other historians, I demonstrate that digressions have a key role within historiographical narrative, as impositions reflecting the historian’s own analysis of events, and that as such we need to pay careful attention to the relevance of ostensibly digressive material. The second part of the thesis examines three sets of digressions in detail, arguing that in each case such passages serve to advance Sallust’s wider historiographical aims, and that the disparate material they contain demonstrates his close engagement with the intellectual developments of his period in philosophy, historiography, ethnography and geography.