CORI Thematic Report Darfur, March 2012
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Darfur Genocide
Darfur genocide Berkeley Model United Nations Welcome Letter Hi everyone! Welcome to the Darfur Historical Crisis committee. My name is Laura Nguyen and I will be your head chair for BMUN 69. This committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010. Although we will all be in the same physical chamber, you can imagine that committee is an amalgamation of peace conferences, UN meetings, private Janjaweed or SLM meetings, etc. with the goal of preventing the Darfur Genocide and ending the War in Darfur. To be honest, I was initially wary of choosing the genocide in Darfur as this committee’s topic; people in Darfur. I also understood that in order for this to be educationally stimulating for you all, some characters who committed atrocious war crimes had to be included in debate. That being said, I chose to move on with this topic because I trust you are all responsible and intelligent, and that you will treat Darfur with respect. The War in Darfur and the ensuing genocide are grim reminders of the violence that is easily born from intolerance. Equally regrettable are the in Africa and the Middle East are woefully inadequate for what Darfur truly needs. I hope that understanding those failures and engaging with the ways we could’ve avoided them helps you all grow and become better leaders and thinkers. My best advice for you is to get familiar with the historical processes by which ethnic brave, be creative, and have fun! A little bit about me (she/her) — I’m currently a third-year at Cal majoring in Sociology and minoring in Data Science. -
Darfur, Sudan: the Responsibility to Protect
House of Commons International Development Committee Darfur, Sudan: The responsibility to protect Fifth Report of Session 2004–05 Volume II Oral and written evidence Ordered by The House of Commons to be printed 16 March 2005 HC 67-II [Incorporating HC 67-i to -vi] Published 30 March 2005 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £18.50 The International Development Committee The International Development Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Department for International Development and its associated public bodies. Current membership Tony Baldry MP (Conservative, Banbury) (Chairman) John Barrett MP (Liberal Democrat, Edinburgh West) Mr John Battle MP (Labour, Leeds West) Hugh Bayley MP (Labour, City of York) Mr John Bercow MP (Conservative, Buckingham) Ann Clwyd MP (Labour, Cynon Valley) Mr Tony Colman MP (Labour, Putney) Mr Quentin Davies MP (Conservative, Grantham and Stamford) Mr Piara S Khabra MP (Labour, Ealing Southall) Chris McCafferty MP (Labour, Calder Valley) Tony Worthington MP (Labour, Clydebank and Milngavie) Powers The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 152. These are available on the Internet via www.parliament.uk Publications The Reports and evidence of the Committee are published by The Stationery Office by Order of the House. All publications of the Committee (including press notices) are on the Internet at www.parliament.uk/indcom Committee staff The staff of the Committee are Alistair Doherty (Clerk), Hannah Weston (Second Clerk), Alan Hudson and Anna Dickson (Committee Specialists), Katie Phelan (Committee Assistant), Jennifer Steele (Secretary) and Philip Jones (Senior Office Clerk). -
Submission by P
MAIN CONTACT PERSON: TILMAN ZUELCH Submission by P. O. Box 2024 Society for Threatened Peoples D-37010 Göttingen a non-governmental organization in special consultative status Phone: +49 (0)551 49906-0 Fax: +49 (0)551 58028 E-Mail: [email protected] Language: English only Universal Periodic Review Eleventh Session 2010-11-01 Sudan The announcement of the first national elections since 20 years, which finally began on April 11, 2010, was welcomed by the international community as a first step to ensure a broader political participation of Sudanese citizens. Elections were marred by human rights violations Nobody expected elections guaranteeing all fundamental democratic standards, but the elections were marred by massive human rights violations and an increasing political repression. Sudanese and international election observers documented hundreds of incidents of intimidation, fraud, incorrect voter lists, faulty ballots, late supply of ballot papers and insufficient registration of voters. In the weeks ahead of the elections international election observers were threatened with expulsion and national observers were intimidated. Electoral fraud in Eastern Sudan, which was documented by internet video footage, has led to the cancellation of these voting results. In Southern Sudan, some 200 incidents of harassment, intimidation or violence at the polling stations were reported by the observers. Journalists and independent candidates were the main target in this campaign of intimidation which was orchestrated by Northern and Southern Sudanese officials. On May 27, 2010, nine journalists Southern Sudanese journalists working for the state-run media were detained for more than a week after they refused to participate in the inauguration of South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir. -
Teacher Information Sheet Genocide in Darfur
Teacher information sheet Genocide in Darfur Darfur is a region in the west of Sudan, bordering Chad, in north-east Africa. Before the conflict Darfur had an ethnically mixed population of around six million black Africans and Arabs. Darfur’s history Historically Darfur’s many different ethnic groups lived peacefully alongside each other, although conflicts over land-use between the Flag of Sudan, adopted in 1970 black African sedentary farmers and the lighter- skinned nomadic Arab population have arisen over time. The Sudanese Government has been condemned as racist – favouring Arabs over black Africans. They are accused of being complicit in ‘ethnic cleansing’ and enslavement of black Africans. Darfur’s ethnic mix of black Africans and Arabs made it a target for the Sudanese government. Many Sudanese people believe that the country’s border areas, such as Darfur (highlighted in green), have been Sudan neglected and marginalised by the government. Development has been focused on the capital city of Khartoum and the centre of the country. Darfur In February 2003 two Darfuri rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), launched a rebellion against the government. The majority of the rebels came from black African farming tribes, who accused the government of oppressing Darfur’s non-Arab citizens. The government responded by training, arming and mobilising the Arab-militia, known as the Janjaweed (‘devils on horseback’), to stop the rebellion, causing a civil war. The genocide The civil war has continued in the region since 2003. The Sudanese Government has supported the Janjaweed. Their violence has caused a humanitarian catastrophe in Darfur that has been condemned as genocide. -
Unpacking Ethnic Stacking: the Uses and Abuses of Security Force Ethnicity in Sudan
Unpacking Ethnic Stacking: The Uses and Abuses of Security Force Ethnicity in Sudan Nathaniel Allen National Defense University June 2019 1 Abstract African elites commonly recruit co-ethnic soldiers into state security institutions, a practice known as ethnic stacking. Ethnic stacking has recently received considerable attention from scholars and been linked to an array of outcomes, including repression, high levels of political violence and poor democratization outcomes. This article employs evidence from Sudan under Omar Al Bashir to argue that ethnic stacking is not one coherent tactic but several, and that its effects are mediated by the processes through which security force institutions are ethnically stacked. Within the leadership of state security institutions, ethnic stacking in Sudan served as a coup-proofing measure to ensure that leaders bound by ties of kinship and trust maintain oversight over the most sensitive functions of the security apparatus. In Sudan’s militia groups, ethnic stacking of militia groups and rank-and-file soldiers was used as a means of warfare and repression by altering overall composition of security forces with respect to the civilian population. The militia strategy itself was a product of the failure of the regime’s traditional security forces to function as effective counterinsurgents, and, by keeping the periphery of the country in a near-constant state of conflict, prolonged Bashir’s regime. World Count: 9,816 words Keywords: Ethnicity, Sudan, civil-military relations, civil wars, coups 2 Introduction For thirty years, Sudan was ruled by Al Bashir, an army officer who was the longest serving leader of the longest running regime in Sudanese history. -
How to Implement Sudan's New Peace Agreement
The Rebels Come to Khartoum: How to Implement Sudan’s New Peace Agreement Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°168 Khartoum/Nairobi/Brussels, 23 February 2021 What’s new? A peace agreement signed on 3 October 2020 paves the way for armed and unarmed opposition groups in Sudan to join the transitional government, dra- matically expanding representation of the country’s peripheries during the interim period before elections. The two most powerful rebel movements remain outside the accord, however. Why does it matter? Clinching the agreement was necessary for the country’s transition but implementation poses challenges. The agreement risks bloating the military and sets up a prospective political alliance between the rebels and Sudanese security forces, which could further sideline the government’s civilian cabinet and threaten to bury its reform agenda. What should be done? The interim government should negotiate with holdout rebels to bring them into the transition. Sudan’s international partners should press for security sector reform that decreases the size and political dominance of a newly expanded military while funding and supporting the authorities’ spending commit- ments in the peripheries. I. Overview Sudan’s October 2020 peace agreement, involving the interim government and rebel movements in Darfur and the Two Areas, among others, is an important step in the country’s transition after the ouster of former President Omar al-Bashir. The deal allows for representatives from armed groups in the country’s peripheries to take government posts and for significant public money to go to these areas. It is a way to rebalance the Nile Valley elites’ decades-long domination of Sudan’s political system. -
General Presentation of Results
HUMANITARIAN AID ORGANISATION Return-oriented Profiling in the Southern Part of West Darfur and corresponding Chadian border area General presentation of results July 2005 INDEX INTRODUCTION pag. 3 PART 1: ANALYSIS OF MAIN TRENDS AND ISSUES IDENTIFIED pag. 6 Chapter 1: Demographic Background pag. 6 1.1 Introduction pag. 6 1.2 The tribes pag. 8 1.3 Relationship between African and Arabs tribes pag. 11 Chapter 2: Displacement and Return pag. 13 2.1 Dispacement pag. 13 2.2 Return pag. 16 2.3 The creation of “model” villages pag. 17 Chapter 3: The Land pag. 18 3.1 Before the crisis pag. 18 3.2 After the crisis pag. 19 Chapter 4: Security pag. 22 4.1 Freedom of movement pag. 22 4.2 Land and demography pag. 23 PART 2: ANALYSIS OF THE SECTORAL ISSUES pag. 24 Chapter 1: Sectoral Gaps and Needs pag. 24 1.1 Health pag. 24 1.2 Education pag. 27 1.3 Water pag. 32 1.4 Shelter pag. 36 1.5 Vulnerable pag. 37 1.6 International Presence pag. 38 PART 3: SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS pag. 42 Annex 1: Maps pag. 45 i Bindisi/Chadian Border pag. 45 ii Um-Dukhun/Chadian Border pag. 46 iii Mukjar pag. 47 iiii Southern West Darfur – Overview pag. 48 Annex 2: Geographical Summary of the Villages Profiled pag. 49 i Bindisi Administrative Unit pag. 49 ii Mukjar Administrative Unit pag. 61 iii Um-Dukhun Administrative Unit pag. 71 iiii Chadian Border pag. 91 iiiii Other Marginal Areas (Um-Kher, Kubum, Shataya) pag. 102 INTRODUCTION The current crisis has deep roots in the social fabric of West Darfur. -
Darfur and the Battle for Khartoum
Institute for Security Studies Situation Report Date Issued: 04 September 2006 Author: Mariam Bibi Jooma1 Distribution: General Contact: [email protected] Darfur and the Battle for Khartoum Sudan’s western region of Darfur has frequently featured in the headlines since Introduction the outbreak of major violence there in 2003. Indeed, it often seemed that international interest would remain focused upon Darfur, given the scale of human suffering and the immensity of the challenges facing the African Union’s (AU) peacekeeping operations in that vast area. It was little surprise, then, that the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) on 5 May this year between the Government of Sudan and the Minni Arkoi Minnawi faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) was greeted with such relief in the media. Developments since the signing of the DPA, however, suggest that the political commitment to implementing its terms remains extremely weak, and there is a continued polarisation of affected ethnic communities, particularly within displacement camps, sometimes with fatal consequences. This has happened despite the appointment on 7 August of Minni Arkoi Minnawi, as the Special Assistant to the Sudanese President. Moreover, the period between May and July 2006 has seen the highest number of fatalities among aid workers since the beginning of 2003.2 This is quite aside from the continuing killing of Darfurians on a daily basis. In this unpredictable environment, the local population has become increasingly cynical of the potential peacekeeping role of the African Union Mission (AMIS) deployed to observe the implementation of the 2004 ceasefire agreement. A growing number of fatalities suffered by AMIS troops themselves in Darfur suggests that the African Union’s role as mediator and guarantor for the implementation of the DPA is being overtly challenged. -
Égypte\/Monde Arabe, 27-28
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OpenEdition Égypte/Monde arabe 27-28 | 1996 Les langues en Égypte Examples of Levelling and Counterreactions in the Dialects of Bedouin Tribes in Northwestern Sinai Rudolf de Jong Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ema/1955 DOI : 10.4000/ema.1955 ISSN : 2090-7273 Éditeur CEDEJ - Centre d’études et de documentation économiques juridiques et sociales Édition imprimée Date de publication : 31 décembre 1996 Pagination : 355-382 ISSN : 1110-5097 Référence électronique Rudolf de Jong, « Examples of Levelling and Counterreactions in the Dialects of Bedouin Tribes in Northwestern Sinai », Égypte/Monde arabe [En ligne], Première série, Les langues en Égypte, mis en ligne le 09 juillet 2008, consulté le 02 mai 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ema/1955 ; DOI : 10.4000/ema.1955 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 2 mai 2019. © Tous droits réservés Examples of Levelling and Counterreactions in the Dialects of Bedouin Tribes ... 1 Examples of Levelling and Counterreactions in the Dialects of Bedouin Tribes in Northwestern Sinai Rudolf de Jong NOTE DE L’ÉDITEUR Entre la version publiée sur papier et la version actuellement en ligne, les lettres emphatiques ne sont pas passées. L’article qui suit portant en grande partie sur cette question, il est recommandé de se reporter à la version publiée sur papier, encore disponible à la vente auprès du Cedej. NOTE DE L'AUTEUR Languages and Cultures of the Middle East, University of Amsterdam, Oude Turfmarkt 129, 1012 GC Amsterdam, Nethertands. 1 A long the northern littoral of the Sinai desert between the Suez Canal and the Israeli border live around twelve Bedouin tribes. -
The Chad–Sudan Proxy War and the 'Darfurization' of Chad: Myths and Reality
12 The Chad–Sudan Proxy War and the ‘Darfurization’ of Chad: Myths and Reality By Jérôme Tubiana Copyright The Small Arms Survey Published in Switzerland by the Small Arms Survey The Small Arms Survey is an independent research project located at the Grad- uate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. It serves as the © Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva 2008 principal source of public information on all aspects of small arms and as a First published in April 2008 resource centre for governments, policy-makers, researchers, and activists. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a Established in 1999, the project is supported by the Swiss Federal Department retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior of Foreign Affairs, and by contributions from the Governments of Belgium, permission in writing of the Small Arms Survey, or as expressly permitted by Canada, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the UK. The law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organi- Survey is also grateful for past and current project-specific support received zation. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should from Australia, Denmark, and New Zealand. Further funding has been pro- be sent to the Publications Manager, Small Arms Survey, at the address below. vided by the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, the Geneva International Academic Net- Small Arms Survey work, and the Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining. The Graduate Institute of International Studies Small Arms Survey collaborates with research institutes and NGOs in many 47 Avenue Blanc, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland countries, including Brazil, Canada, Georgia, Germany, India, Israel, Jordan, Copyedited by Emily Walmsley Norway, the Russian Federation, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Sweden, Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the United States. -
Sudan: Non Arab Darfuris
Country Policy and Information Note Sudan: Non Arab Darfuris Version 1.0 August 2017 Preface This note provides country of origin information (COI) and policy guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the policy guidance contained with this note; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country information COI in this note has been researched in accordance with principles set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI) and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, namely taking into account its relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability. All information is carefully selected from generally reliable, publicly accessible sources or is information that can be made publicly available. Full publication details of supporting documentation are provided in footnotes. Multiple sourcing is normally used to ensure that the information is accurate, balanced and corroborated, and that a comprehensive and up-to-date picture at the time of publication is provided. Information is compared and contrasted, whenever possible, to provide a range of views and opinions. -
Sudanlexicon 2020 Web-1.Pdf
Project Leads: Achol Jok Mach and Althea Middleton-Detzner Lead Author: Will Ferroggiaro Project Team: Azaz Elshami, Will Ferroggiaro, Caleb Gichuhi, Marrian Haileselassie, Achol Jok Mach, Sarra Majdoub, Althea Middleton-Detzner, Rania Sabil, Hend Kheiralla, Omnia Shawkat Expert Advisors: Dr. Munzoul Assal, Wini Omer, Sedeeg Elkhidir, and Mai Hashim Partner Organizations: Andariya; Sudanese Development Initiative (SUDIA), The Regional Center for Training and Development of Civil Society (RCDCS) Front and Back Cover Design: Cesar Manuel Leon Osorio | www.PotencialPuro.com Editorial Design: Kirsten Ankers | Citrine Sky Design Copy Editor: Gregory Payne About the Lead Author: Will Ferroggiaro is a Director at Strategy for Humanity LLC, where he focuses on issues of conflict, governance, and media for clients such as the UN, OSCE, and oth- ers. He has served as PeaceTech Lab’s primary consultant on hate speech since 2015. Previously, he established the Media and Conflict program at Internews. Among his earlier roles, he led a Fund for Peace team producing analysis for the UN Special Advisor on Genocide Prevention and conducted a lessons-learned study on the 1994 Rwanda genocide for the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum. About the Partner Organizations: Andariya is a bilingual, digital cultural multimedia platform and cross-cultural enterprise serving Sudan, South Sudan, and Uganda and expanding into the continent. Andariya strives to create pioneering, innovative, multi-faceted digital platforms and cross-cultural exchange and research projects to uplift and connect Africans across the con- tinent and diaspora. Andariya was launched in February 2015 by Omnia Shawkat and Salma Amin and has grown to a community of more than 120 people working to make it a consistent and worthwhile contribution to contemporary digital cultural documentation.