Socio-Cultural Viability of International Intervention in War-Torn Societies
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Socio-Cultural Viability of International Intervention in War-Torn Societies A Case Study of Bosnia Herzegovina Department of Political Science Umeå University, Sweden Research Report 2007:1 ISBN 978-91-7264-253-9 ISSN 0349-0831 © Dzenan Sahovic Printed by: Print & Media, Umeå University, 2007:2002739 Socio-Cultural Viability of International Intervention in War-Torn Societies A Case Study of Bosnia Herzegovina Dzenan Sahovic Abstract This dissertation explores the ‘socio-cultural dilemma’ facing international peacebuilders in war-torn societies through a case study of the post-conflict process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is done with the help of a typological approach of the grid-group Cultural Theory framework, which defines four social solidarities – or ideal type cultures – of individualism, egalitarianism, fatalism and hierarchy. A central argument in the thesis is that international intervention is culturally individualistic and/or egalitarian, thus socio-culturally unviable in war-torn societies, which are usually dominated by hierarchical and fatalist social solidarities. This underlying socio-cultural conflict is used to trace the Bosnian post-war process, where the relationship between the managing international institution – the Office of the High Representative of the International Community – and the local nationalist elites repeatedly changed in response to the failure of international policies to produce the desired result, namely broad socio-cultural change in the local politics and society. Four different periods in the process are identified: 1) ’economic conditionality’, 2) ‘Bonn Powers’, 3) ‘the concept of ownership’ and 4) ‘Euro-Atlantic integration’. Each period is defined by different culturally biased policies, supported by corresponding social relations and strategic behaviours. The individualistic and egalitarian biased approaches usually resulted in failures, as they were not viable in the local socio-cultural context. After adapting to the local context, new viable approaches produced results in specific policy areas, but at the cost of unwanted side- effects in the form of reinforcement of dominant social solidarities. The result was therefore contrary to the broad goal of the process, which was to transform the local political culture. In other words, the defining and re-defining of the OHR’s role in the Bosnian process was a consequence of the dilemma of having to make an unsatisfactory choice: either to adapt to the way the political game is played in the Bosnian socio-cultural context in order to achieve effectiveness in the policy process, or to stay true to the peacebuilders’ own cultural biases and attempt to change the local socio-cultural accordingly. In essence, it is argued, this is the socio-cultural viability dilemma that is inherent in international peacebuilding. In unveiling of the socio-cultural viability dilemma, the dissertation explores central problems in the Bosnian post-conflict process. It provides a credible explanation to a number of hitherto unexplained difficulties and paradoxes experienced in Bosnia. It concludes that the international intervention in this particular case was neither a success story nor a failure per se, but one which failed to properly address the dilemma of socio-cultural viability. The key conclusions regarding peacebuilding in general are that there should be a greater under- standing of socio-cultural issues in peacebuilding in order to better manage the socio-cultural viability dilemma. Practically, this means that international peacebuilders need to adapt to local context and strive towards the goal of local ownership of the process. The aim should be to make the intervention as viable as possible, as quickly as possible, to boldly implement policies that promote changes in the local socio-cultural context, and to withdraw only after the necessary conditions for local ownership are in place. Keywords: Bosnia Herzegovina, peacebuilding, war-torn societies, High Representative, cultural theory, socio-cultural viability, conditionality, Bonn powers, local ownership Contents Figures Abbreviations Acknowledgements Chapter One Introduction 1 Chapter Two Theory 19 Chapter Three Cultural Theory and International Intervention 55 Chapter Four Method and Framework for Analysis 77 Case Study of Bosnia and Herzegovina 101 Chapter Five Introduction and Historical Background 103 Chapter Six Carl Bildt and the Conditionality Principle 137 Chapter Seven Carlos Westendorp and the Bonn Powers 175 Chapter Eight Wolfgang Petritsch and the Concept of Ownership 211 Chapter Nine Paddy Ashdown and the Euro-Atlantic Integration 243 Chapter Ten Empirical Findings and Prospects for Future 269 Chapter Eleven Final Analysis and Summary of Conclusions 287 Bibliography 315 Appendix 341 Figures Figure 1 Three Aspects of Institutionalized Social Organization 25 Figure 2 Typology of Cultural Biases 27 Figure 3 Typology of Social Relations 28 Figure 4 Typology of Strategic Behaviours 29 Figure 5 Typology of Cultural Alliances 34 Figure 6 Typology of Political Cultures 44 Figure 7 List of Variables 93 Figure 8 Four Singularities and the Socio-Cultural Viability Space 95 Figure 9 Social Map of a Moralist Political Culture 96 Figure 10 Bosnia, History of Rule from the Outside 114 Figure 11 Bosnian Social Map at the Start of the Process 166 Figure 12 Position of the OHR at the Start of the Process 168 Figure 13 Movement of Actors after Initial Interactions 170 Figure 14 Changes of the Socio-Cultural Viability Space in the 1st Period 172 Figure 15 Movements of Actors in the Aftermath of Bonn-Powers 207 Figure 16 Changes of the Socio-Cultural Viability Space in the 2nd Period 209 Figure 17 Movements of Actors in Connection to 2000 Elections 238 Figure 18 Movement of Actors in the Aftermath of 2000 Elections 239 Figure 19 Changes of the Socio-Cultural Viability Space in the 3rd Period 241 Figure 20 Movement of Actors in Connection to 2002 Elections 264 Figure 21 Movement of Actors in the Aftermath of 2002 Elections 265 Figure 22 Changes of the Socio-Cultural Viability Space in the 4th Period 266 Figure 23 Typology of International Approaches in Bosnia 277 Figure 24 Movement of the OHR on the Social Map 278 Figure 25 Movement of the Local Elites on the Social Map 280 Figure 26 Changes of the Socio-Cultural Viability Space 283 Abbreviations BH (BiH) Bosnia Hercegovina BiH TV Bosnia and Hercegovina Television CNN Cable News Network CoM Council of Ministers CRA Communications Regulatory Agency DPA Dayton Peace Agreement DPP Democratic Peace Proposition EC European Community ECPR European Consortium of Political Research ESI European Stability Initiative EU European Union EUSR European Union Special Representative EUFOR European Force EUPM European Police Mission GG-CT Grid Group Cultural Theory GFAP General Framework Agreement for Peace HDI Croat Democratic Initiative HDZ Croatian Democratic Union HR High Representative IC International Community ICRC International Committee of Red Cross ICG International Crisis Group ICTY International Crime Tribunal for former Yugoslavia IDP internally Displaced Persons IFOR Implementation Force IJC Independent Judiciary Commission IMC International Media Commission IMF International Monetary Fond IPTF International Police Task Force JCC Joint Civilian Commissions JCCS Joint Civilian Commission for Sarajevo JIC Joint Interim Commission JSAP Judicial System Assessment Program KSHS Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NDH Independent State of Croatia NGO Non-Governmental Organisation NYT New York Times OSCE Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe OBN Open Broadcast Network OHR Office of the High Representative PDP Party for Democratic Change PEC Provisional Election Commission PfP Partnership for Peace PIC Peace Implementation Council POW Prisoners of War PRC Police Restructuring Commission QSP Quick Start Package RBiH Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina RRTF Reconstruction and Return Task Force RS Republika Srpska RTVSA Radio Television Sarajevo SBiH Party for Bosnia SAA Stabilisation and Association Agreement SDA Party for Democratic Action SDP Social Democratic Party SDS Serb Democratic Party SFOR Stabilisation Force SFRJ Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia SICG Serbia and Montenegro SNS Serbian National Union SRNA Srpska Republika News Agency SRS Serb Radical Party SRT Serb Radio Television UK United Kingdom UN United Nation UNHCHR United Nations Commission of Human Rights UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNDP United Nations Development Program UNMBiH United Nations Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina US United States USA United States of America USAID United States Agency for International Development VOA Voice of America ZAVNOBIH Anti-Fascist Council for People’s Liberation of BiH Acknowledgements Although essentially an individualistic project, writing a doctoral thesis is dependent on the people and institutions surrounding the doctoral student, who provide support and assistance in the long quest for knowledge. It was so in this case as well. Throughout the work on this thesis, there were periods of optimism, progress and joy, as well as periods of difficulties and despair. Among many who have helped, I would like to single out a few of those people that were there for me in bad times and who shared my joy in the times of progress. I begin by thanking the Department of Political Science at Umeå University. The leadership of the Department has always been supportive,