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Home , Mesopotamia, Nisroch, Noah

ULUSLARARASI HZ. NUH VE CUDİ DAGI SEMPOZYUMU International " and Judi Mountain" Symposium 27-29 EYLÜL 2013 ŞIRNAK

Editörler Doç. Dr. Harndi GÜNDOGAR Yrd. Doç. Dr. Ömer Ali YILDIRIM Yrd. Doç. Dr. M. Ata AZ Did , King of , Worship Wood from Noah's Ark as a ? Gordon FRANZ*

Introduction Papa (ca. AD 300-375) recounts a story in Tractate Sanhedrin about Sennacherib, king of Assyria, finding a piece of wood from Noah's Ark. It states: "He [Sennacherib] then went away and found a plank ofNoah's ark. 'This: said he, 'must be the great who saved Noah from . Ifi go [to battle] and am successful, I will sacrifice my two sons to thee: he vowed. But his sons heard this, so they killed him, as it is written, And it came to pass, as he was worshipping in the house ofNisroch his god, that Adram-melech and Sharezer his sons smote him with the sword" (96a; Epstein 1935: 647, citing 2 Kings 19:37). This story is recounted in Louis Ginzberg's dassic work, Legends of the ]ews, and implies that this is a legendary .account. One it rnight have been considered a legend is because Sennacherib was never on, or near, the modern-day (Agri Dagh). Yet there are plausible histarical to believe this story is true and not legendary. There are three lines of arguments that support the histarical plausibility of this 419 event. First, at one point in his life, Sennacherib was on the mountains in the Land of Ararat where tradition and say No ah's Ark land ed (C rouse and Franz 2006). Second, he learned of the story ofNoah's Ark from some or Judeans with whom he had contact. Third, the teniple ofNisroch was dedicated to a plankof wood from Noah's Ark.

Sennacherib Saw Noah's Ark Sennacherib could have seen Noah's Ark during his fifth campaign carried out about 697 BC (Russell 1991:164, 308, footnote 24). This campaign was precipitated by the rebellion of seven located on Mt. Nipur, the Assyrian for Cudi Dagh, which were not subject to the Assyrian yoke (ARAB 2: 139, 140; para. 294, 296; 144, para. 316; Parker 2001: 98). The fiat area to the south of Mt. Nipur, to day called the Plain, was a "buffer zone between the Mesopotarnian lowlands and the Anatolian highlands" (Parker 2001: 40). During the Assyrian period, the Cizra Plain was called the of Ulluba (Parker 2001: 43). The province probably gave its name to the mountain ata later period when it was called Mount Lubar.

* Assodates for Biblical Research, Akron, PA, USA

ULUSLARARASI HZ. NUH ve CUDİ DAGI SEMPOZWMU Did Sennacherib, King of Assyria, Worship Wood from Noah's Ark as il Deity? 11

In the year 739 BC, after annexing Ulluba, Tiglath-Pileser III built and fortified a named -ipisha (Tadrnor 1994: 127, 129). The surveyors of the Cizre Plain project have tentatively identified the site located in the center of the plain, Takyan Hoyuk, as the site of Ashur-ipisha (Parker 2001: 78, 82, 277, 281, Site #49). Tiglath­ Pileser III also built a royal residence in the territory ofUlluba. Unfortunately the text describing this construction is partially damaged so the name of the city where the residence was located is not known. Most likely it was at Ashur-ipisha (Tadrnor 1994: 167; Parker 2001: 54, footnote 229). Tiglath-Pileser III also repopulated the area with 1,223 people deported from elsewhere (Tadrnor 1994: 63). Again, unfortunately, it is not clear where these people were deported from because the text is broken. Some have suggested and north , atlıers have suggested Tushan (Parker 2001: 54, footnote 233). The Assyrians used this agriculturally rich province to supply food for and other cities in central Assyria. They would float grain and other foodstuff down the River on crafts called kalakku. These crafts consisted "of a raft supported by inflated animal skins" (Parker 2001: 81; Newman 1876: 233; for a picture a kalakku on an Assyrian , see Barnett, Bleibtreu and Turner 1998: Plate 104, #144a, top left). There is one text that deseribes a grain shipment that most likely originated from the Cizre Plains (Parker 2001: 82, 86-88; LanfrJ.Ulchi and Parpola 1990:202-203, 420 text 289; CT 53 323). The Assyriologist Reade, suggested that the "original cause of the Mount Nipur expedition [Sennacherib's fifth campaign] ... judged by the poorly preserved stela texts, was to punish the inhabitants for sinking loads in transit" (1978: 60; King 1913: 88, line 31; ARAB 1989: 2: 139, para. 295, "... they sankin the river.. :'). The inhabitants of Mt. Nipur were apparently attacking and sinking these kalakku's with either grain or the stone sphinx colossi on them. Others have suggested that the mountain villagers were attacking the Assyrian farms on the Cizre plain (Parker 2001: 98). · Sennacherib successfully campaigned against the seven cities on Mt. Nipur (Tumurra, Sharim, Khalbuda, Kipsha, Esama, Kua and Kana). To commemorate his victory he placed eight sculptured panels near the top of the mountain. Six of them were found near the village of Shakh - five contained the figure of Sennacherib with an inscription, and one was prepared, but left unfinished. Two atlıers were found ne ar the village qf: H;:ısanah - one with the figure of the king and an inscription, and the other one prepared, but left unfinished (King 1913).

Recently anather inscription was discovered near Salı [Shakh] (Nogaret 1984; 1985). Olmstead has suggested that Tummurra, the chief city of the , lay under the village of Shakh because of its close proximity to the bulk of the inscriptions

ULUSLARARASI HZ. NUH ve CUDİ DAGI SEMPOZYUMU ııı Gordon Franz

(1975: 314). Nogaret points out that this identification is insufficiently established (1985: 64, footnote 3). Nogaret goes on to conjecture that the city of Esama should be identified with Hasanah, located at the fo ot of Cudi Dagh, because the toponym is preserved in the name of the village, and there too, the village is in close prox:irnity to the.inscriptions (1985: 64, footnote 3). The exact location of these Age cities can only be determined by a thorough survey of Cudi Dagh and eventnal excavations of the sites. The inscriptions were placed in elevated places and in such a way as not to be seen from a distance. King observed that Sennacherib "did not anticipate any lively feeling of gratitude among the survivors on his withdrawal after sacking and destroying the mountain villages" (1913: 67). King alsa gives detailed directions to each of the panels (1913: 70-71). The inscriptions on the sculptured panels reveal the ego of Sennacherib. After attributing his victory to the Assyrian , he deseribes himself as "the great king, the mighty king, king of the , king of Assyria, and the exalted prince!" (ARAB 1989: 2: 139; para. 294). He goes on to deseribes himselfas aı;ı. ibex, leading the charge up the mountain, through gullies and mountain torrents to the highest summits (para. 296). The impression one gets from his inscriptions is that he elimbed all over the mountain in his conquest of the seven cities. If the Ark was stili intact, 421 or at least partially intact, it would have been difficult for Sennacherib to miss such a large object on top of the mountain. After the Assyrians "devastated, destroyed and burned with fire" the seven cities on Mt Nipur, they pressed their campaign against King Maniye from Ukku in the land ofDaie (Grayson and Novotny2012: 117-118, Inscription 16, lines 5:11-40; 163, Inscription 19, lines 2:7-13; 210, Inscription 26, lines 1:14-17). They were successful against this royal city as well as the thirty-three cities that belonged to this kingdam (lines 29-37). Ukku has been identified with the city of Hakkari on the Greater Zab river (Radner 2011: 255-258; Jeffers 2011: 100). On at least one of his inscriptions he states: "I destroyed, devastated, (and) bur[ned] with fire his cities, (and) made (them) like ruin hill(s) (created by) the Deluge (Inscription 19, lines 2:12-13)! Sennacherib used the same Akkadian word in this text for Deluge that is used elsewhere in the Assyrian accounts of the Great Flood. Recently, Davide Naclali has suggested slabs 1-7 in Sennacherib's throne room depict the fifth campaign to Mt. Nipur and Ukku (2008: 473-493; Russell 1998: 223; Plates 41, 42, 238). Jeffers has argued that slabs in Rooms XXXVIII andXLVIli alsa depict images of the Fifth Campaign (2011: 87-116). When Friedrich Bender visited Cudi Dagh in the spring of 1954 he obtained

ULUSLARARASI HZ. NUH ve CUDİ DAGI SEMPOZl'UMU Did Sennacherib, King of Assyria, Worship Wood from Noah's Arkasa Deity? 111

wood samples from an object that might be Noah's Ark at a level of about 2,000 meters, just below the summit of Cudi Dagh {1956: 154). When he published the results of the carbon-14 dating, he includedamapin the report (1972: 20; 2006: 112- 113). He located the remains ofNoah's Ark near one of the sumrnits of Cudi Dagh. This j.s consistent with the ancient sources that place the landing site ofNoah's Ark on Cudi Dagh (Crouse and Franz 2006: 99-111). There were visible sightings of an intact or nearly intact Noah's Ark on Mt. Nipur 1 Cudi Dagh up until at least the ıoı1ı century AD. Sennacherib was much earlier than these sightings and would most likely have seen an intact Noah's Ark. He apparently, according to Jewish tradition, had "relic fever" and brought same wood back from Cudi Dagh to his palace in·Nineveh.

Sennacherib Heard alıout Noah's Ark from Israelites or Judeans How did Sennacherib know that the object he saw was Noah's Ark? More than likely he heard about the Ark from Israelites or Judeans with whom he had come in contact. There are several possibilities as to their identity. The first possibility is that his mather told him. In the spring of 1989, Iraqi archaeologists excavated a vaulted tomb (Tomb II) underneatlı Room 49 in the North-West Palace at Nirnrud, ancient Kalkhu (Oate~ and Oates 2001: 81-84; Plates 422 2b, 4b, 6-8). Inside was a sarcophagus that contained t:Wo skeletal remains as well as 157 objects, including a "gold crown, a gold mesh diadem with~~ tasseled gold fringe and 'tiger-eye' agate , 79 gold earrings, 6 gold necklaces, 30 finger rings, 14 · , 4 gold anklets, 15 gold vessels, gold chains, ete:' (Oates and Oates 2001: 82). There was alsa a stone funerary tablet that identified one of the occupants of the tomb {2001: 82). The two occupants have been identified as Yaba, the wife and queen ofTiglath-Pileser III (744-727 BC), and Atalia, the wife and queen ofSargon II {721- 705 BC) (Kamil 1999: 13). Ina detailed study of thesenames as they relate to the foreign policy of Assyria, Stephanie Dalley suggests that they were Judean princesses married to the kings of Assyria. She concluded that '1\talya was almost certainly the · mather of Sennacherib" (1998: 97). I would suggest that more likely they would be Israelites, from the Northern Kingdom, rather than Judeans. This is a tantalizing possibility, but is it the case? K. Lawson Younger, in an article discussing the Yahwistic theophoric elementinnames written in the Neo-Assyrian language, Akkadian, says: "It is very far from certain that the name of Sargon's queen, Atalia, conthlns ·the Yahwistic theophoric element. Until more evidence can be supplied, it is probably best to refrain from too much speculation on the queen's ethnicity and from drawing any significant implications in that regard" {2002: 218). Ran Zadok concurs with Younger and suggests that Atalia's name was most

ULUSLARARASI HZ. NUH ve CUDİ DAGI SEMPOZWMU 1111 Gordon Franz likely anArabian derivation of A-ta-li-alA -tal-ia-a and that a Hebrew derivation was unlikely because "there was no ratianale for political between the Assyrian suzerains and their vassals (2008: 329). With these cautions in mind, we probably should look elsewhere for Sennacherib's contact with Israelites or Judeans . . The second possibility would be an Israelite or Judean soldier in the Assyrian army during Sennacherib's Fifth Campaign. It is known that the Assyrians incorporated the soldiers of their defeated foes into their own army. The , a high ranking military officer, who was taunting the Judeans outside the gates of in 701 BC, was most likely an Israelite from the Northern Kingdom. When the Judean leaders asked him to speak to them in so the people could not understand what he was saying, he spoke to them in "Judean': probably a Judean dialect ofHebrew (2 Kings 18:28; Isa. 36:13). Sennacherib may have had other high ranking Israelite or Judean officers on his general staff who would know the account of Noah, the Ark, and the Great Flood. Perhaps this is why Sennacherib's annals deseribed the destruction of Ukku and its surraunding cities as a Deluge! Sennacherib had recently seen the Ark on Mount Nipur and was aware of the story of the Biblical Deluge. The Israelites or Judeans who were working on Sennacherib's "Palace without

Rival" in Nineveh would be a third possibility. Ussishkin, the exeavatar 423 of Lachish, did a detailed study of the Lachish relief in the British . He concluded from the dress that same of the laborers working on Sennacherib's palace were Judeans, and "quit possiblythe men ofLachish" (1982: 130; Fig. 99). Cudi Dagh was only 120 Kilometers (75 miles) from Nineveh. John Russell, in his monumental study on Sennacherib's Palace, points out that Rooms XXIX, XXX, and XXXIII of the palace were embellished with a special stone panel from Mount Nipur (Cudi Dagh) of polished stones (1991: 90, 258). On the back of one winged from Room XXXIII, do or p, was an inscription that stated: "Palace of Sennacherib, great kiİıg, powerful king, king of the world, king of Assyria: NA4dSE.TIR stone [grain stone], whose appearance is like mottled (?), which in the time of the kings, my fathers, was valued only as a necklace stone, revealed itself to me at the foot of Mt. Nipur. I had female sphinxes made of it and had them dragged into Nineveh'' (1991: 276, brackets GWF). In a study conducted at the on the slabs that originated at Mt. Nipur, it was determined that the stone was fossiliferous limestone, also known as biopelsparite, and contained microfossils and shell fragments. "It is these fossils that suggest that the stone used for these reliefs from Room XXXIII may perhaps be identified with the stone 'like cucumber seeds' or having a structure as 'finely grained as barley"' (Mitchell and Middleton 2002: 97; see also Galter, Levine, and Reade 1986: 31).

ULUSJ..ARARASI HZ. NUH ve CUDİ DAGI SEMPOZVUMU Did Sennacherib, King of Assyria, Worsbip Wood from Noah's Arkasa Deity? 1111

The Israelites or Judeans that Sennacherib came in contact would have told him some of the great stories from the . One of the most dramatic being the account of Noah's Flood and God providing salvation for Noah and his family by placing them in an Ark built by the great patriarch. Yet Sennacherib misunderstood the story. We should not be too surprised that Sennacherib would take a "holy relic" and worship it. The Judeans had taken a sacred object, the that had lifred up in the Wilderness (Num. 21:5-9; John 3:14-16), and worshiped that as well. At the beginning of King Hezekiah's reigri, it is stated: "He removed the high places and broke the sacred pillars, cut down the wooden image and broke in pieces the bronze serpent that Moses had made; for until those days the children of Israel burned ineense to it, and calied it Nehushtan'' (2 Kings 18:4). They worshiped a relic rather than the God of reality Who had acted in history.

The Deity of the of Nisroch Was a Plank from Noah' s Ark The recounts the death of Sennacherib, king of Assyria, in this way: "Now it came to pass, as he [Sennacherib] was worshiping in the house [temple] ofNisroch his go d, that his sons and Sharezer struck him down with the sword; and they escaped into the Land of Ararat" (2 Kings 19: 37 ll Isa. 37: 38). Archaeologists, Assyriologist, and Bible commentators have been puzzled over the identification of 424 Sennacherib's god, or personal divine patron, Nisroch. '· l>~' •. :,. The Assyriologist A. Kirk Grayson summarizes the problem this way: "The identity ofNisroch is problematic, since Assyrian sources do not attest to any god with such a name. One possible candidate is the god , whose name was sametimes used as an epithet of the go d Ashur, the chief go d of Assyria. Anather is , the Assyrian god of war. But in both cases there are serious di:fficulties in reconciling the biblical form of the name with the forms preserved in Assyrian sources" (1992: 4: 1122). Cogan and Tadmor suggested that: "The name of the god Nisroch (Heb. nsrk) is obviously a corruption, as no divinity with that name is known. That it may be an _intentional alteration of the name of s ome Mesopotamian go d ( e.g. or Nusku) is a reasonable suggestion" (1988: 239). Is the suggestion that the name Nisroch was a seribal corruption of the name of the Babylonian god Marduk a reasonable one? Lettinga points out: "There is no evidence that Sennacherib especially worshipped the divinity whose city, , he thoroughly destroyed in 689 BC. Sennacherib does not call Marduk his god but " (1957: 105). B~t Lettinga goes on to suggest, based on Sennacherib being buried in the city of Assur, that the name Nisroch is a "blend of the divinity Assur and Marduk" (1957: 106) since Sennacherib had taken the statue ofMarduk to a temple in Assur after he destroyed Babylon (ARAB 2: 275; para 712).

ULUSLARARASI HZ. NUH ve CUDİ DAGI SEMPOZWMU 11 Gordon Franz

Another coınmentator, giving sage advice, offered this suggestion: "To date, no Assyrian go d by the name of Nisroch is known. However, given the Biblical record for accuracy in the reporting of obscure details of ancient life, it is reasonable to assuine that has simply failed to uncover the data as yet. The implication is that this was the private tutelary [guardian or protector] god of the king" (Oswalt 1986: 671, footnote ll). Rabbi Adin Steinsaltz, in a footnote on the rabbinic story based on this passage, says: "Because Sennacherib worshiped in the house of Nisroch (the house of the neser - the plank from Noalls ark that Sennacherib turned into a god), his sons, Adraınmelech and Sharezer, cam e and smote him" (1999: 156). In Aramak, the word nsr could mean "plank." In Syriac, it could mean board.1 Jastrow gives the definition of "board" for "neser" and "nisra'' (1903: 919). Instead of looking foranunknown Assyrian or Babylonian god, or saying the name Nisroch is a corruption of some god, we should consider the possibility that the god he worshiped was a plank of wood ... wood from Noalls Ark! Sennacherib had heard the story about the Flood from an Israelite or Judean, but because of pagan influence in his life, he thought that the plank was the god who saved Noah and not the Lord God Almighty, Maker of and Earth. Sennacherib would not want to acknowledge the God of Israel because He (the of the LORD) defeated Sennacherib's army at Jerusalem in 701 BC during Sennacherib's third campaign (2 Kings 19:35-36; 2 Chron. 32:20-23; Isa. 425 37:36-37). During his fifth campaign to Mount Nipur, however, Sennacherib could have come across the remains ofNoalls Ark and brought back a plank and worshiped it as his personal go d. Where was the Temple of Nisroch located? Cogan and Tadmor also : "Likewise, the location of the Nisroch Temple remains, for the present, enigmatic" (1988: 239). There are several possibilities for the location of this temple. The first would be in Sennacherib's "Palace without Rival" in Nineveh. However, the excavations have revealed no teniple dedicated to Nisroch. Nineveh can not be ruled out completely because there are stili parts of Sennacherib's palace that have not been fully excavated. A second possibility would be Assur, one of the provincial capitals of Assyria and the city where Sennacherib was buried. Assur is located about 90 kilometers south on the Tigris River. Yet the excavations at Assur have not revealed any temple to Nisroch. But the question should be asked, was Sennacherib murdered there? Lipinski suggests that Sennacherib was murdered in Dur-Sarruken, a provincial capital about 20_kilometers to the north ofNineveh (1987: 208-209; also cited in Zawadzki 1990: 69). Perhaps this is where we should look for the House of Nisroch.

http:/1 call.cn.huc.edu/ cgi-bin/ getlex.cgi)

ULUSLARARASI HZ. NUH ve CUDİ DAGI SEMPOZWMU Did Sennacherib, King of Assyria, Worship Wood from Noah's Arkasa Deity? 111

The Challenge Cudi Dagh and its surraunding area need to be systematically surveyed and selective excavations conducted. Other inscriptions, similar to the ones found at Salı and Hassanah, probably exist. It also has been reported that one of the reliefs is noı Semiacherib, but anather Assyrian king. Each of the reliefs needs to be re-evaluated. It would also be of interest to locate the stone quarry where the sphinxes and slabs ofbiopelsparite stone that lined the walls of some of the rooms in Sennacherib's "palace without rival" w ere quarried. The ultimate challenge is to excavate the remains ofNoah's Ark near the summit of Cudi Dagh. I wish the Sirnak University team well in this endeavor.

Conclusion It can not be said with 100% certainty that Sennacherib worshiped wood from Noah's Ark until the Temple ofNisroch is found and excavated, but it can be said that the "rabbinic legend" of Rabbi Papa in Tractate Sanhedrin is historically plausible, if not probable. This "legend" has its basis in histarical reality. If that is the case, Sennacherib saw Noah's Ark on Cudi Dagh, the Assyrian Mount Nipur, in the 1 ; because he was never on, or in the area of, Agri Dagh, the (Iate) traditi~mal Mount Araratı 426 Bibliography Barnett, Richard D.; Bleibtreu, Erika; and Turner, Geoffrey 1998 from the Southwest Palace ofSennacherib at Nineveh. 2 Vo ls. London: Trustees of the British Museum. Ben , Friedrich, 1956 Eine Flobfahrt Tigris abwarts. Kosmos 52: 149-155. 1972 Holzreste vom "Landeplatz der Arche Noah" rund 6500 Jahre alt. UMSCHAU- Kurzbe­ richte aus Wissenschaft und Technik 72/1: 20-21. 2006 Wood Remains from the "Landing Site ofNoah's Ark" N early 6500 Years Old. Bible and Spaçie 19/4: 112-113. Cogan, Mordechai; and Tadmor, Hayim, 1988 The Anehor Bible. Second Kings. New York: Doubleday. , Crouse, Bill; and Franz, Gordon,2006, Mount Cudi- True Mountain ofNoah's Ark. Bible and Spade 19/4: 99-111. Dalley, Stepanie, 1998, Yaba, Atalya and the Foreign Policy ofLate Assyrian Kings. State Arc­ hives ofAssyria Bulletin 12/2: 83-98. Epstein, I. 1935, Seder Nezik.in. The . London: Soncino. Galter, Hannes; Lev'fu.e, J,ouis; and Reade, Julian. 1986, The Colossi ofSennacherib's Palace and Their Inscriptions. lı.nnual Review of the Royal Inscriptions ofMesopotamia Project 4: 27-32. Ginzberg, Louis, 1913, The Legends ofthe . Vol. 4. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society ofAmerica. 2003, Legends of the Jews. Vol. 2. Trans. by H. Szold and P. Radin. Philadelphia: Jewish Publi­ cation Society.

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Grayson, A. Kirk, 1992, Nisroch. P. 1122 in Anehor Bible Dictionary. Vol. 4. Edited by D. N. Freedman. New York: Doubleday. Grayson, A. Kirk; and Novotny, Jamie, 2012, The Royal Inscriptions of Sennacherib, King of Assyria (704-681 BC), Vol. 3, Part 1. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. · Jastrow, Marcus, 1903, A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Misrashic . Israel. Jeffers, Joshua, 2011, Fifth-Campaign Reliefs in Sennacherib's "Palace Without Rival" at Nine­ veh. 73:87-116. Kamil. Ahmed, 1999, Inscriptions on Objects from Yaba's Tombin . Pp. 13-18 in Gra­ ber Assyrischer Koniginnen Aus Nimrud. Edited by M. Damerji. : Department of An­ tiquities and Heritage, and Mainz: Romisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum. King, Leonard W., 1913, Studies ofSome Rock-Sculptures and Rock-Inscriptions ofWestern . Proceedings of the Society ofBiblical Archaeology 3S: 66-94. Lanfranchi, Giovanni, and Parpola, Simo, 1990, The Corresponence of Sargon II, Part II. Vol. S in State Archives of Assyria. Helsinki: Helsinki University. Lettinga, J. P., 19S7, A Note on 2 Kings 19:37. Vetus Testamentum 7/1: IOS-106. Lipinski, Edouard, 1987, Bet-Sarruk(in). Pp. 208-209 in Dictionnaire Encyclopedique de la Bib­ le. Brepols. Luckenbill, David, 1989, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylon. London: Histories and Mysteries of Man. Abbreviated ARAB. • Mitchell, T. C.; and Middleton, A. P., 2002 The Stones used in the Assyrian Sculptures. Journal ofCuneiform Studies S4: 93-98. Nadali, Davide, 2008, The Role of the Image of the King in the Organizational and Compo- sitional Principles of Sennacherib's Throne Room: A Guide to the Histoncal Narrative and 427 Meaning of a Specified Message. Pp. 473-493 in Proceedings of the 4'h International Congress of the Archaeology of the Ancient . Vol. 1. Edited by H. Kuhne; R. Czichon; and F. Kreppner. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Newman, John P., 1876, The Thrones and Palaces of Babylon and Nineveh. New York: Nelson and Phillips. · Nogaret, Marc, 1984, Les Reliefs de Sennacherib au Cudi Dag ala Lumiere de Nouveaux Do­ cuments. Annales d' Histoire de l' and d' Archeologie 6: 1S-22. 1984, Propection au Cudi Dag. Preliminaires. Revue d' Assyriologie et d' Archeologie Orientale 79/1: 64-66. Oates, Joan, and Oates, David, 2001, Nimrud. An Assyrian Imperial City Revealed. London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq. Olmstead, Albert T.,197S, History ofAssyria. Chicago: University of Chicago. Midway reprint of the 1923 edition. Oswalt, John, 1986, The Book of , Chapters 1-39 (NICOT). Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans. Parker, Bradley J., 1997, The Northern Frontler of Assyria: An Archaeological Perspective. Pp. 217-244 in Assyria 1995. Edited by S. Parpola and R. M. Whiting. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. 2001, The Mechanics ofEmpire. The Northern Frontier ofAssyria asa Case Study in Imperial Dynamics. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. Radner, Karen, 2011, Between a Rock anda Hard Place: Musasir, Kumme, Ukku, and Subria­ the Buffer States between Assyria and Urartu. Pp. 243-264 in Biainili-Urartu: The Proceedings of the Symposium Heldin Munich, 12-14 October 2007. Acta Iranica Sl. Edited by S. Kroll, et. al. Leuven: Peeters. Reade, Julian, 1978, Studies in Assyrian Geography; I. Revue d~ssyriologie 72:47-72.

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Russell, John M., 1991, Sennacherib's Palace without Rival at Nineveh. Chicago: University of Chicago. 1997, The Final Sack ofNineveh. The Discovery, Documentation, and Destrudion of King Sennacherib's Throne Room at Nineveh, Iraq. New Haven, CT: Yale University. Steinsaltz, Adin, 1999, The Talmud. Vol. 20. Tractate Sanhedrin. Part 6. New York: Random House. Tadmôr, Hayim, 1994, The Inscriptions ofTiglath-Pileser III King ofAssyria. Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of and Humanitl es. Ussishkin, David, 1982, The Conquest ofLachish by Sennacherib. Ramat Aviv: Institute of Arc­ haeology, University. Younger, K. Lawson, Jr., 2002, at Ashkelon and Calah? Yahwistic Namesin Neo-Ass­ yrian. Vetus Testamentum 52/2:207-218. Zadok, Ran, 2007, Neo-Assyrian Notes. Pp. 312-330 in Treasures on Camels' Humps. Histarical and Literary Studies from the Presented to Israel Eph'al. Edited by M. Cogan and D. Kalın. Jerusalem: Magnes. Zawadzki, Stefan, 1989, Oriental and Greek Tradition about the Death of Sennacherib. State Archives ofAssyria Bulletin 4/1: 69-72.

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