Why Has China Succeeded? Does China's Success Contradict Acemoğlu and Robinson's Thesis in “Why Nations Fail?”
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China's Special Poor Areas and Their Geographical Conditions
sustainability Article China’s Special Poor Areas and Their Geographical Conditions Xin Xu 1,2, Chengjin Wang 1,2,*, Shiping Ma 1,2 and Wenzhong Zhang 1,2 1 Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100101, China; [email protected] (X.X.); [email protected] (S.M.); [email protected] (W.Z.) 2 College of Resources and Environment, University of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100049, China * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Special functional areas and poor areas tend to spatially overlap, and poverty is a common feature of both. Special poor areas, taken as a kind of “policy space,” have attracted the interest of researchers and policymakers around the world. This study proposes a basic concept of special poor areas and uses this concept to develop a method to identify them. Poor counties in China are taken as the basic research unit and overlaps in spatial attributes including old revolutionary bases, borders, ecological degradation, and ethnic minorities, are used to identify special poor areas. The authors then analyze their basic quantitative structure and pattern of distribution to determine the geographical bases’ formation and development. The results show that 304 counties in China, covering a vast territory of 12 contiguous areas that contain a small population, are lagging behind the rest of the country. These areas are characterized by rich energy and resource endowments, important ecological functions, special historical status, and concentrated poverty. They are considered “special poor” for geographical reasons such as a relatively harsh natural geographical environment, remote location, deteriorating ecological environment, and an inadequate infrastructure network and public service system. -
Why Nations Fail: an Alternate Reading
Why Nations Fail: An Alternate Reading Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson’s book Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty, is nothing if not audacious. The result of 15 years of study, the authors cover a vast spread of historical and contemporary examples of countries that have evolved toward astonishing prosperity and others that are regressing into poverty that defies solutions. They present a simple theory to explain why some nations fail and why some prosper. Through long and highly contingent processes spanning centuries, prosperous nations have developed inclusive political institutions that permit participatory political decision-making across broad interests and groups; economically, they have developed institutions that make a place for creative destruction, or the development of new technologies by new entrants that make existing processes and technologies obsolete. Countries that are not prosperous have developed extractive political and economic institutions that do not permit creative destruction, for the purpose of preserving the power and privileges of a narrow, elite ruling class that exploits the rest of the populace. These are not binary categories, of course, with nations varying in degree between inclusive and extractive institutions, but that is the essence of their theory. They assert political centralization as a key factor in establishing a framework in which growth can occur. Without centralization, groups tend remain mired it internecine conflict, each group impeding other groups from becoming too powerful; the old metaphor comes to mind of crabs being unable to crawl out of a bucket because as soon as one starts to gain some height, others will pull them back down. -
Partial Reform, Vested Interests, and Small Property
THE POLITICS OF CHINESE LAND: PARTIAL REFORM, VESTED INTERESTS, AND SMALL PROPERTY Shitong Qiao' Abstract This paper investigates the evolution of the Chinese land regime in the past three decades and focus on one question: why has the land use reform succeeded in the urban area, but not in the rural area? Through asking this question, it presents a holistic view of Chinese land reform, rather than the conventional "rural land rights conflict" picture. This paper argues that the so- called rural land problem is the consequence of China's partial land use reform. In 1988, the Chinese government chose to conduct land use reform sequentially: first urban and then rural. It was a pragmatic move because it would provoke much less resistance. It also made local governments in China the biggest beneficiary and supporter of the partial reform. However, a beneficiary of partial reform does not necessarily support further reform because of the excessive rents available between the market of urban real estate and the government-controlled system of rural land development and transfer. On the other hand, Chinese farmers and other relevant groups have no voice or power in the political process of the reform, which makes it 'Assistant Professor, University of Hong Kong Faculty of Law; J.S.D. (expected May 2015), Yale Law School. Email: [email protected]. Previous drafts of this paper were presented at Yale Law School Doctoral Conference, Columbia Law School Center for Chinese Legal Studies, Universityth of Pennsylvania Center for the Study of Contemporary China, and the io Conference of the Asian Law and Economics Association (Taipei). -
Why Nations Fail FBBVA Lecture
Why Nations Fail FBBVA Lecture Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson MIT May 21, 2012. Acemoglu & Robinson (MIT) Why Nations Fail May 21, 2012. 1 / 47 Introduction The Lay of the Land Western Offshoots 10 9 8 log gdp per capita per gdp log 7 Western E urope Latin America Asia Africa 6 1000 1200 1400 1600 1800 2000 year Figure: The evolution of average GDP per capita in Western Offshoots, Western Europe, Latin America, Asia and Africa, 1000-2000. Acemoglu & Robinson (MIT) Why Nations Fail May 21, 2012. 2 / 47 Main Concepts Inclusive and Extractive Institutions Institutional Origins Framework based on Acemoglu and Robinson Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. Economic growth brought forth by: Inclusive economic institutions: Secure property rights, law and order, markets and state support (public services and regulation) for markets; open to relatively free entry of new businesses; uphold contracts; access to education and opportunity for the great majority of citizens, i.e., create incentives for investment and innovation and a level playing field. But most societies throughout history and today ruled by Extractive economic institutions: Designed by the politically powerful elites to extract resources from the rest of society. Acemoglu & Robinson (MIT) Why Nations Fail May 21, 2012. 3 / 47 Main Concepts Inclusive and Extractive Institutions Synergies Inclusive and extractive economic institutions do not exist in a vacuum, but are supported by certain political institutions. Extractive political institutions– in the limit “absolutism”: Political institutions concentrating power in the hands of a few, without constraints, checks and balances or “rule of law”. -
Acemoglu, Daron & James R. Robinson. Why Nations Fail
Journal of International and Global Studies Volume 6 Number 2 Article 17 4-1-2015 Acemoglu, Daron & James R. Robinson. Why Nations Fail: the origins of power, prosperity and poverty. New York: Crown Publishing, 2012. Maximiliano E. Korstanje Ph.D. University of Palermo, Argentina, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lindenwood.edu/jigs Part of the Anthropology Commons, Critical and Cultural Studies Commons, Environmental Studies Commons, and the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Korstanje, Maximiliano E. Ph.D. (2015) "Acemoglu, Daron & James R. Robinson. Why Nations Fail: the origins of power, prosperity and poverty. New York: Crown Publishing, 2012.," Journal of International and Global Studies: Vol. 6 : No. 2 , Article 17. Available at: https://digitalcommons.lindenwood.edu/jigs/vol6/iss2/17 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Digital Commons@Lindenwood University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of International and Global Studies by an authorized editor of Digital Commons@Lindenwood University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Acemoglu, Daron & James R. Robinson. Why Nations Fail: the origins of power, prosperity and poverty. New York: Crown Publishing, 2012. This fascinating best-seller combines numerous studies with a conceptual discussion around the idea that some nations may reach development and its benefits while others fail in that goal. Tracing a convincing argument, the contributing authors explain that two countries formed by the same ethnicity, demography, and topography may reach different levels of development, wealth, education, and heath. Understanding why this happens is the primary attempt of the project. -
Reform Failure and Underdevelopment in Egypt: an Institutional Explanation Marissa Block Trinity College, [email protected]
Trinity College Trinity College Digital Repository Senior Theses and Projects Student Works Spring 2014 Reform Failure and Underdevelopment in Egypt: An Institutional Explanation Marissa Block Trinity College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses Recommended Citation Block, Marissa, "Reform Failure and Underdevelopment in Egypt: An Institutional Explanation". Senior Theses, Trinity College, Hartford, CT 2014. Trinity College Digital Repository, http://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses/417 Reform Failure and Underdevelopment in Egypt: An Institutional Explanation By Marissa Block Submitted to the International Studies Program, Trinity College Supervised by Professor Rasha Ahmed © April 30, 2014 Abstract The January 25 Revolution in Egypt and the larger wave of demonstrations throughout the Arab World shattered the façade of stability and have brought the region to a critical juncture. The underlying causes of the Arab Spring point to the preponderance of socioeconomic issues, namely unemployment, poverty, and lack of social mobility. Yet, in the late 1990s in Egypt, Mubarak initiated a series of economic reforms designed to sustain economic growth. In light of the 2011 Egyptian uprisings, I seek to understand the failures of economic reform and persistence of underdevelopment in Egypt through the framework of new institutional economics. Ultimately, economic outcomes are determined by economic and political institutions, which are predicated upon the distribution of political power. I model the behavior of development-enhancing institutions as a stable equilibrium, whereas development-stunting institutions are unstable, leading to extreme outcomes. Through the use of historical evidence, my analysis has shown Egyptian society is largely built upon development-stunting institutions. -
Curriculum Vitae
CURRICULUM VITAE James A. Robinson University of Chicago Harris School of Public Policy 1307 E 60th St, Chicago, IL 60637 Telephone: (773) 702 6364 E-Mail: [email protected] Website: http://scholar.harris.uchicago.edu/jamesrobinson Nationality: British, USA Education: Ph.D. Yale University, 1993 M.A. University of Warwick, 1985-1986 BSc. (Econ) London School of Economics and Political Science, 1979-1982 Main Fields: Political Economy and Comparative Politics. Economic and Political Development. Current Positions: Reverend Dr. Richard L. Pearson Professor of Global Conflict Studies, since July 1, 2016. University Professor, University of Chicago, since July 1, 2015. Previous Positions: Wilbur A. Cowett Professor of Government, Harvard University, July 1, 2014- June 30, 2015. David Florence Professor of Government, Harvard University, July 1, 2009-June 30, 2014. Professor of Government, Harvard University, July 1, 2004-June 30, 2009. Associate Professor of Political Science and Economics, University of California at Berkeley, July 1, 2001-June 30, 2004. Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of California at Berkeley, July 1, 1999-July 1 2001. Assistant Professor of Economics, University of Southern California, September 1, 1995- June 30, 1999. Lecturer in Economics, University of Melbourne, September 1, 1992-August 30, 1995. Other Activities: Director of the Pearson Institute for the Study and Resolution of Global Conflicts since July 1, 2016. Academic Adviser to the World Bank’s World Development Report 2017. Member of the board of the Global Development Network, January 1, 2009 – December 31, 2011. Member of the Swedish Development Policy Council, a committee advising the Swedish Foreign Minister on Sweden’s International Development Policy, 2007-2010. -
Chinese Land Reform in Retrospect
LTC Reprint No. 113 April 1974 U.S. ISSN 0084.0807 Chinese Land Reform in Retrospect by John Wong LAND TENURE CENTER University of Wisconsin-Madison 53706 PREFACE A decade ago the author began his study of Chinese land reform and later wrote a doctoral thesis on this subject for the University of London (1966). To some extent, this monograph is based on parts of the thesis. The main objective of this monograph is to give a succinct account of the nature and operation of the Chinese land reform, focusing on the salient features of the policy and its implementation. In this limited exercise, no attempt is made to analyse the various impacts of the land reform. The author is currently preparing a separate study which will deal with other aspects of the Chinese land reform in greater detail as well as plare it in a longer time perspective by linking it to the subsequent changes in the institutional structure of Chinese :griculture which have taken place during the last two decades. It is hoped that this short monograph will be of interest to scholars of modern Chinese studies as well as land reform planners in developing countries who may want to have a good glimpse of the land reform practice in China. The original draft of this work was cumpleted in late 1971 when the author was a Visiting Research Professor with the John C. Lincoln Institute, University of Hartford, Connecticut, which specializes in land reform and land policy studies. The author wishes to express his gratitude to Dr. -
Economic and Political Reform in China and the Former Soviet Union
UC Irvine CSD Working Papers Title Economic and Political Reform in China and the Former Soviet Union Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8mf8f3kt Author Bernstein, Thomas Publication Date 2009-09-25 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California CSD Center for the Study of Democracy An Organized Research Unit University of California, Irvine www.democ.uci.edu The contrast between the two cases is well known: China’s economic reforms were stunningly successful whereas those of Gorbachev failed. Moreover, his political reforms set in motion forces that he could not control, eventually bringing about the unintended end to communist rule and the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Why this difference? Numerous variables are at issue. This paper focuses on the policies, strategies, and values of reformers and on opportunities to carry out economic reforms, which favored China but not the SU. A common explanation for the difference is that the leaders in both countries decoupled economic from political reform. China, it is said, implemented wide ranging economic reforms but not political reforms. In contrast, Gorbachev pursued increasingly radical political reforms, which ultimately destroyed the Soviet political system. 1 Actually, both pursued economic reforms and both pursued political reforms. However, there is a vital distinction between two types of political reform, namely those undertaken within a framework of continued authoritarian rule and those that allow political liberalization (PL). This distinction defines the two cases. PL entails the dilution of the rulers’ power in that independent social and political forces are permitted or are able to organize, and media are freed up to advocate views that can challenge the foundations of the existing system. -
Land and Legitimization in the Inner Mongolian Grasslands
LAND AND LEGITIMIZATION 2006 . 4, IN THE INNER MONGOLIAN NO GRASSLANDS RIGHTS FORUM BY TEMTSEL HAO CHINA Mongols perceive poor returns for their sacri- struggle in serving the purpose of historical development and 31 fice of land use privileges under Chinese sov- national destiny,and the political nation has been transformed into an economic nation in which the welfare or destiny of the ereignty. whole justifies the need for sacrifice from certain groups, in particular peasants, migrant workers and residents of less If you ask a Mongolian herdsman of Inner Mongolia to whom developed regions. the grassland under his feet belongs, the answer will probably Following is a brief historical interpretation of the first 10 be the same as that of a peasant asked the same question else- years of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region (IMAR), where in China: the land belongs either to the local collective during which land reform, the cooperative movement and or to the state. But the Mongolian herdsman is almost certainly communization proceeded as in the rest of the country.During unaware that his right to use the land he relies on for his liveli- this period, the Mongols ceased to be owners of their ancestral hood has less legal protection than that of a peasant.The issue land as the Chinese state assumed ownership of the land and DEVELOPMENT FOR WHOM? of Mongolian land rights and related legitimacy issues hinges resources of the entire country.In a political sense, the Mon- on two notions: that of a political nation and of an economic gols joined a new political nation envisaged by the Chinese nation. -
The Entrepreneurial Facets As Precursor to Vietnam's Economic
The Entrepreneurial Facets as Precursor to Vietnam’s Economic Renovation in 1986 Vuong Quan Hoang, Dam Van Nhue, Daniel van Houtte, and Tran Tri Dung In this research, we aim to develop a conceptual framework to assess the entrepreneurial properties of the Vietnamese reform, known as Doi Moi , even before the kickoff of Doi Moi policy itself. We argued that unlike many other scholars’ assertion, economic crisis and harsh realities were neither necessary nor sufficient conditions for the reform to take place, but the entrepreurial elements and undertaking were, at least for case of Vietnam’s reform. Entrepreneurial process on the one hand sought for structural changes, kicked off innovation, and on the other its induced outcome further invited changes and associated opportunities. The paper also concludes that an assessment of possibility for the next stage of Doi Moi in should take into account the entrepreneurial factors of the economy, and by predicting the emergence of new entrepreneurial facets in the next phase of economic development. Keywords: Economic Reform; Transition Economies; Vietnam’s Doi Moi; Entrepreneurship; Economic Crisis; Government Policy; Communist Countries JEL Classifications: G18 ; E22 ; L14 ; L26 ; P20 ; P31 CEB Working Paper N° 11/010 March 11, 2011 Université Libre de Bruxelles - Solvay Brussels School of Economics and Management Centre Emile Bernheim ULB CP114/03 50, avenue F.D. Roosevelt 1050 Brussels BELGIUM e-mail: [email protected] Tel. : +32 (0)2/650.48.64 Fax : +32 (0)2/650.41.88 © 2011 – Vuong, Q.H., Dam, V.N., Van Houtte, D. and Tran, T.D – Series Working Papers CEB No. -
Why Nations Fail - the Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty by Daron Acemoglu and James A
World Economic Review Book Review Why Nations fail - the origins of power, prosperity and poverty by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, Crown Business, New York, 2012, 529 pages, ISBN 978-0-307-71921-8 Deniz Kellecioglu1 International economist, Istanbul Bilgi University, Turkey Why nations fail is a compelling contribution to the classic question of why some countries are poor and some rich, but it is also marred from several shortcomings and under-representations, which cast doubts on the positive messages of creating better institutions and reducing poverty. The main thesis of the authors is that ‘nations fail because their extractive economic institutions do not create the incentives needed for people to save, invest, and innovate’. These institutions are run by elite groups who are exploiting the resources of the country for their own use, leaving little to the population at large. Furthermore, extractive political institutions support the economic institutions by cementing the elite power base. The authors argue that ‘extractive economic and political institutions, though their details vary under different circumstances, are always at the root of the failure’ (emphasis added). Moreover, ‘another reason why nations fail is that their states fail. This, in turn, is a consequence of decades of rule under extractive institutions’ (emphasis added). According to the authors, inclusive institutions, on the other hand, provide equal opportunity to all citizens of the country allowing for a broad and sustained prosperity. Furthermore, inclusive institutions are associated with virtuous cycles of development, while vicious cycles of development are typical of extractive institutions. Why nations fail is a well-written book based on an intriguing and persuasive narrative over the past half millennium.