DOCSLIB.ORG

1 July 21, 2011 Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China Ezra F

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

July 21, 2011 Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China Ezra F. Vogel REFERENCES American Rural Small-Scale Industry Delegation. Rural Small-Scale Industry in the People’s Republic of China. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977. Atkinson, Richard C. “Recollection of Events Leading to the First Exchange of Students, Scholars, and Scientists between the United States and the People’s Republic of China,” 4 pp. Bachman, David. “Differing Visions of China’s Post-Mao Economy: The Ideas of Chen Yun, Deng Xiaoping, and Zhao Ziyang,” Asian Survey, 26, no. 3 (March 1986), 293-321. Bachman, David. “The Fourteenth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party.” New York: Asia Society, 1992. Bachman, David. “Implementing Chinese Tax Policy.” In Lampton, ed., Policy Implementation in Post-Mao China, pp. 119-153. Backhouse, E. and J.O.P. Bland. Annals & Memoirs of the Court of Peking. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914. Bainian chao (百年潮) (Hundred Year Tide). Monthly. Beijing: Zhongguo zhonggong dangshi xuehui, 1997 -- . Barfield, Thomas J. Perilous Frontier: Nomadic Empires and China. Cambridge: Basil Blackwell, 1989. Barman, Geneviève Barman and Nicole Dulioust. “Les années Françaises de Deng Xiaoping,” Vingtième Siècle: Revue d’histoire, no. 20 (October-December 1988), 17-34. Barman, Geneviève and Nicole Dulioust. “The Communists in the Work and Study Movement in France,” Republican China, 13, no. 2 (April 1988), 24-39. Barnett, A. Doak, with a contribution by Ezra Vogel. Cadres, Bureaucracy, and Political Power in Communist China. New York: Columbia University Press, 1967. Barnett, Robert and Shirin Akiner, eds. Resistance and Reform in Tibet. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994. 1 Barnouin, Barbara and Yu Changgen. Ten Years of Turbulence: The Chinese Cultural Revolution. New York: Kegan Paul International, 1993. Bartke, Wolfgang and Peter Scheier. China’s New Party Leadership: Biographies and Analyses of the Twelfth Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1985. Baum, Richard. Burying Mao: Chinese Politics in the Age of Deng Xiaoping. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994. Becker, Jasper. Hungry Ghosts: Mao’s Secret Famine. New York: Free Press, 1996. Benewick, Robert and Paul Wingrove, eds. Reforming the Revolution: China in Transition. Chicago: Dorsey, 1988. Benkan teyue jizhe (本刊特约记者) (Special Correspondent). “Gaige chuqi de gongye xue Daqing huodong: Fang Yuan Baohua tongzhi” (改革初期的工业学大庆活动：访袁宝华同志) (Learning from Daqing about Industry at the Beginning of Reform: An Interview with Comrade Yuan Baohua), Bainianchao (百年潮), no. 8 (2002), 4-10. Bergère, Marie-Claire. Sun Yat-sen. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1998. Bernstein, Thomas P. Up to the Mountains and Down to the Villages: The Transfer of Youth from Urban to Rural China. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977. Bert, Wayne. “Chinese Policy toward Burma and Indonesia: A Post-Mao Perspective,” Asian Survey, 25, no. 9 (September 1985), 963-980. Blasko, Dennis J., Philip T. Klapakis, and John F. Corbett, Jr. “Training Tomorrow’s PLA: A Mixed Bag of Tricks,” The China Quarterly, no.146 (June 1996), 488-524. Bo Yibo (薄一波). Ruogan zhong da juece yu shijian de huigu (若干重大决策与事件的回顾) (Recollections on Certain Major Policies and Events). 2 vols. Beijing: Zhonggong zhongyang dangxiao chubanshe, 1991. Bottelier, Pieter. “China and the World Bank: How the Partnership was Built.” Working Paper 277. Stanford Center for International Development, April 2006. Brook, Timothy. Quelling the People: The Military Suppression of the Beijing Democracy Movement. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1998. Brzezinski, Zbigniew. Power and Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Advisor, 1977- 1981. New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 1983. 2 Burkitt, Laurie, Andrew Scobell, and Larry M. Wortzel, eds. The Lessons of History: The Chinese People’s Liberation Army at 75. Carlisle, Penn.: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2003. Burr, William, ed. The Kissinger Transcripts: The Top Secret Talks with Beijing and Moscow. New York: New Press, 1998. Bush, George. The China Diary of George H.W. Bush: The Making of a Global President. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2008. Bush, George and Brent Scowcroft. A World Transformed. New York: Knopf, 1998. Bush, Richard C. Untying the Knot: Making Peace in the Taiwan Strait. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2005. Butterfield, Fox. “Teng Inspects Boeing 747 Factory.” New York Times, February 6, 1979, A1. Cai Guojiang (蔡国江). “‘Mozhe shitou guohe’ sixiang de neihan he yiyi”( “摸着石头过河” 思 想的内涵和意义) (The Meaning and Significance of the Idea of “Crossing the River by Groping for the Stones). Dang de wenxian (党的文献), no. 5 (2006), 65-67. Carlson, Evans Fordyce. Twin Stars Over China. Westport, Conn.: Hyperion Press, 1940. Carter Administration China Policy Oral History Project: Leonard Woodcock Michel Oksenberg Tapes. Carter, Jimmy. Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1995. Carter, Jimmy. White House Diary. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2010. Carter, Jimmy, Zbigniew Brzezinski, and Richard N. Gardner. “Being There,” Foreign Affairs, 78, no. 6 (November-December 1999), 164-167. Cen Longye (岑隆业), ed. Yueai wujia (阅爱 无价) (Priceless Experience and Love). Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 2001. Chan, Alfred L. and Andrew J. Nathan. “The Tiananmen Papers Revisited,” The China Quarterly, no. 177 (March 2004), 190-214. Chan, Anita. China’s Workers under Assault: The Exploitation of Labor in a Globalizing Economy. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 2001. Chanda, Nayan. Brother Enemy: The War after the War. San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986. 3 Chang, Kuo-t’ao [Zhang Guotao]. The Rise of the Chinese Communist Party: The Autobiography of Chang Kuo-t’ao. 2 vols. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1971-72. Chang, Leslie T. Factory Girls: From Village to City in a Changing China. New York: Spiegel and Grau, 2008. Chang, Parris H. “Political Profiles: Wang Hung-wen and Li Teh-sheng,” The China Quarterly, no. 57 (March 1974), 124-132. “Changwei zai liuzhong quanhui yubeihui ge xiaozu zhaoji ren pengtou huishang de jianghua” (常委在六中全会预备会各小组召集人碰头会上的讲话) (Views of the Standing Committee Members in the Small Group Meetings Prior to the Sixth Plenum), June 11, 1981. Chen Guoyan (陈国焱). “Deng Xiaoping dui dong’ou de zhanlüe fangzhen ji qi yiyi” (邓小平对 东欧的战略方针及其意义) (Deng Xiaoping’s Strategic Policy toward Eastern Europe and Its Significance). In Wang and Zhang, eds., Deng Xiaoping waijiao sixiang yanjiu lunwenji, pp. 270-275. Chen, Jian. “China and the First Indo-China War, 1950-54,” The China Quarterly, no. 133 (March 1993), 85-110. Chen, Jian.“Deng Xiaoping and Mao’s “Continuous Revolution’ and the Path toward the Sino- Soviet Split: A Rejoinder,” Cold War International History Project Bulletin, no. 10 (1997), 162- 164. Chen, Jian. Mao’s China and the Cold War. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001. Chen, Jianfu. Chinese Law: Context and Transformation. Boston, Mass.: Martinus Nijhoff, 2008. Chen, King. “China’s War against Vietnam, 1979: A Military Analysis.” Occasional Paper. University of Maryland School of Law, 1983. Chen Weiren (陈维仁). “Hu Yaobang yu Xizang” (胡耀邦与西藏) (Hu Yaobang and Tibet). In Su Shaozhi, Chen Yizi, and Gao Wenqian, eds., Renmin zhong de Hu Yaobang, pp. 166-185. Chen, Yizi. “The Decision Process behind the 1986-1989 Political Reforms.” In Hamrin and Zhao, eds., Decision-Making in Deng’s China, pp. 133-152. Chen Yun (陈云). Chen Yun wenxuan (陈云文选) (Selected Works of Chen Yun). 3 vols. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2nd ed., 1995. Chen Yun. Selected Works of Chen Yun. 3 vols. (1926-1949) (1949-1956) (1956-1994). Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1988, 1997, 1999. 4 Chen Zhiling (陈志凌).Yao Yilin (姚依林). In Zhonggong dangshi renwu zhuan yanjiu hui, ed. Zhonggong dangshi renwu zhuan, 72: 1-120. Cheng Meidong (程美东). “1976-1978 Zhongguo shehui de yanhua: Jianlun Hua Guofeng de shiqi zhengzhi huanjing de biandong yu shiyijie sanzhong quanhui de zhaokai” (1976—1978 中 国社会的演化: 兼论华国锋时期政治环境的变动与十一届三中全会的召开) (The Evolution of Chinese Society, 1976-1978: A Second Discussion of Changes in the Political Environment during the Period of Hua Guofeng and the Opening of the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee), Xuexi yu tansuo (学习与探索), no. 6 (2008), 32-41. Cheng, Zhongyuan. “From Apprentice to the Premier Writer in the CPC: Hu Qiaomu and Mao Zedong, 1941-1981.” Presentation at the Fairbank Center, Harvard University, October 14, 2005. Available in the Fairbank Collection of the Fung Library, Harvard University. Cheng, Zhongyuan. “Hu Qiaomu and Deng Xiaoping, from 1977 to 1982.” Presentation at the Fairbank Center, Harvard University, October 20, 2005. Available in the Fairbank Collection of the Fung Library, Harvard University. Cheng Zhongyuan (程中原), Wang Yuxiang (王玉祥), and Li Zhenghua (李正华). 1976-1981 nian de Zhongguo (1976-1981 年的中国) (China from 1976 to 1981). Beijing: Zhongyang wenxian chubanshe, 1998. Cheng Zhongyuan (程中原) and Xia Xiangzhen (夏杏珍). Lishi zhuanzhe de qianzou: Deng Xiaoping zai 1975 (历史转折的前奏：邓小平在 1975) (The Prelude to the Historical Turning Point: Deng Xiaoping in 1975). Beijing: Zhongguo qingnian chubanshe, 2003. Cheung, Tai Ming. Fortifying China: The Struggle to Build a Modern Defense Economy. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009. China Data Center. National and Provincial Statistics (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, various years). China Directory, in Pinyin and Chinese.
Recommended publications
  • Politics 110: Revolution, Socialism and “Reform” in China Winter/Spring 2021 Professor Marc Blecher

    Politics 110: Revolution, Socialism and “Reform” in China Winter/Spring 2021 Professor Marc Blecher

    Oberlin College Department of Politics Politics 110: Revolution, Socialism and “Reform” in China Winter/Spring 2021 Professor Marc Blecher O!ice hours: Tuesdays 3:00-4:30 and Thursdays Class meets Tuesdays 11:00-12:00 Eastern Time (sign up here) and by and Thursdays, 9:30-10:50 AM appointment. Eastern Time E-mail: [email protected] on Zoom Website: tiny.cc/Blecherhome We can forgive Larson’s hapless equestrian. China has surprised so many — both its own leaders and people as well as foreign observers, including your humble professor — more often than most of them care to remember. So its recent history poses a profound set of puzzles. The Chinese Communist Party and its government, the People's Republic of China, comprise the largest surviving Communist Party-run state in the world, one of only a handful of any size. It is a rather unlikely survivor. Between 1949 and 1976, it presided over perhaps the most tempestuous of the world's state socialisms. Nowhere — not in Eastern Europe, the USSR, Cuba, Vietnam or North Korea — did anything occur like the Great Leap Forward, when the country tried to jump headlong into communism, or the Cultural Revolution, when some leaders of the socialist state called on the people Page 2 to rise up against the socialist state's own bureaucracy. Indeed, the Cultural Revolution brought China to the brink of civil war. The radical policies of the Maoist period were extremely innovative and iconoclastic, and they accomplished a great deal; but they also severely undermined the foundations of Chinese state socialism.
  • China's Special Poor Areas and Their Geographical Conditions

    China's Special Poor Areas and Their Geographical Conditions

    sustainability Article China’s Special Poor Areas and Their Geographical Conditions Xin Xu 1,2, Chengjin Wang 1,2,*, Shiping Ma 1,2 and Wenzhong Zhang 1,2 1 Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100101, China; [email protected] (X.X.); [email protected] (S.M.); [email protected] (W.Z.) 2 College of Resources and Environment, University of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100049, China * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Special functional areas and poor areas tend to spatially overlap, and poverty is a common feature of both. Special poor areas, taken as a kind of “policy space,” have attracted the interest of researchers and policymakers around the world. This study proposes a basic concept of special poor areas and uses this concept to develop a method to identify them. Poor counties in China are taken as the basic research unit and overlaps in spatial attributes including old revolutionary bases, borders, ecological degradation, and ethnic minorities, are used to identify special poor areas. The authors then analyze their basic quantitative structure and pattern of distribution to determine the geographical bases’ formation and development. The results show that 304 counties in China, covering a vast territory of 12 contiguous areas that contain a small population, are lagging behind the rest of the country. These areas are characterized by rich energy and resource endowments, important ecological functions, special historical status, and concentrated poverty. They are considered “special poor” for geographical reasons such as a relatively harsh natural geographical environment, remote location, deteriorating ecological environment, and an inadequate infrastructure network and public service system.
  • Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China

    Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China

    Teaching Asia’s Giants: China Crossing the River by Feeling the Stones Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China Poster of Deng Xiaoping, By Bernard Z. Keo founder of the special economic zone in China in central Shenzhen, China. he 9th of September 1976: The story of Source: The World of Chinese Deng Xiaoping’s ascendancy to para- website at https://tinyurl.com/ yyqv6opv. mount leader starts, like many great sto- Tries, with a death. Nothing quite so dramatic as a murder or an assassination, just the quiet and unassuming death of Mao Zedong, the founding father of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the wake of his passing, factions in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) competed to establish who would rule after the Great Helmsman. Pow- er, after all, abhors a vacuum. In the first corner was Hua Guofeng, an unassuming functionary who had skyrocketed to power under the late chairman’s patronage. In the second corner, the Gang of Four, consisting of Mao’s widow, Jiang September 21, 1977. The Qing, and her entourage of radical, leftist, Shanghai-based CCP officials. In the final corner, Deng funeral of Mao Zedong, Beijing, China. Source: © Xiaoping, the great survivor who had experi- Keystone Press/Alamy Stock enced three purges and returned from the wil- Photo. derness each time.1 Within a month of Mao’s death, the Gang of Four had been imprisoned, setting up a showdown between Hua and Deng. While Hua advocated the policy of the “Two Whatev- ers”—that the party should “resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave”—Deng advocated “seek- ing truth from facts.”2 At a time when China In 1978, some Beijing citizens was reexamining Mao’s legacy, Deng’s approach posted a large-character resonated more strongly with the party than Hua’s rigid dedication to Mao.
  • Partial Reform, Vested Interests, and Small Property

    Partial Reform, Vested Interests, and Small Property

    THE POLITICS OF CHINESE LAND: PARTIAL REFORM, VESTED INTERESTS, AND SMALL PROPERTY Shitong Qiao' Abstract This paper investigates the evolution of the Chinese land regime in the past three decades and focus on one question: why has the land use reform succeeded in the urban area, but not in the rural area? Through asking this question, it presents a holistic view of Chinese land reform, rather than the conventional "rural land rights conflict" picture. This paper argues that the so- called rural land problem is the consequence of China's partial land use reform. In 1988, the Chinese government chose to conduct land use reform sequentially: first urban and then rural. It was a pragmatic move because it would provoke much less resistance. It also made local governments in China the biggest beneficiary and supporter of the partial reform. However, a beneficiary of partial reform does not necessarily support further reform because of the excessive rents available between the market of urban real estate and the government-controlled system of rural land development and transfer. On the other hand, Chinese farmers and other relevant groups have no voice or power in the political process of the reform, which makes it 'Assistant Professor, University of Hong Kong Faculty of Law; J.S.D. (expected May 2015), Yale Law School. Email: [email protected]. Previous drafts of this paper were presented at Yale Law School Doctoral Conference, Columbia Law School Center for Chinese Legal Studies, Universityth of Pennsylvania Center for the Study of Contemporary China, and the io Conference of the Asian Law and Economics Association (Taipei).
  • U.S.-Japan-China Relations Trilateral Cooperation in the 21St Century

    U.S.-Japan-China Relations Trilateral Cooperation in the 21St Century

    U.S.-Japan-China Relations Trilateral Cooperation in the 21st Century Conference Report By Brad Glosserman Issues & Insights Vol. 5 – No. 10 Honolulu, Hawaii September 2005 Pacific Forum CSIS Based in Honolulu, the Pacific Forum CSIS (www.csis.org/pacfor/) operates as the autonomous Asia-Pacific arm of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, DC. The Forum’s programs encompass current and emerging political, security, economic, business, and oceans policy issues through analysis and dialogue undertaken with the region’s leaders in the academic, government, and corporate areas. Founded in 1975, it collaborates with a broad network of research institutes from around the Pacific Rim, drawing on Asian perspectives and disseminating project findings and recommendations to opinion leaders, governments, and members of the public throughout the region. Table of Contents Page Acknowledgements iv Executive Summary v Report The year in review 1 Energy security and the impact on trilateral cooperation 4 Issues in the bilateral relationship 6 Opportunities for cooperation 9 Selected Papers United States, Japan, and China Relations: Trilateral Cooperation in the 21st Century by Yoshihide Soeya 15 Chinese Perspectives on Global and Regional Security Issues by Gao Zugui 23 Sino-U.S. Relations: Healthy Competition or Strategic Rivalry? by Bonnie S. Glaser 27 Sino-U.S. Relations: Four Immediate Challenges by Niu Xinchun 35 Sino-Japanese Relations 60 Years after the War: a Japanese View by Akio Takahara 39 Building Sino-Japanese Relations Oriented toward the 21st Century by Ma Junwei 47 Comments on Sino-Japanese Relations by Ezra F. Vogel 51 The U.S.-Japan Relationship: a Japanese View by Koji Murata 55 Toward Closer Sino-U.S.-Japan Relations: Steps Needed by Liu Bo 59 The China-Japan-U.S.
  • China's Fear of Contagion

    China's Fear of Contagion

    China’s Fear of Contagion China’s Fear of M.E. Sarotte Contagion Tiananmen Square and the Power of the European Example For the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), erasing the memory of the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre remains a full-time job. The party aggressively monitors and restricts media and internet commentary about the event. As Sinologist Jean-Philippe Béja has put it, during the last two decades it has not been possible “even so much as to mention the conjoined Chinese characters for 6 and 4” in web searches, so dissident postings refer instead to the imagi- nary date of May 35.1 Party censors make it “inconceivable for scholars to ac- cess Chinese archival sources” on Tiananmen, according to historian Chen Jian, and do not permit schoolchildren to study the topic; 1989 remains a “‘for- bidden zone’ in the press, scholarship, and classroom teaching.”2 The party still detains some of those who took part in the protest and does not allow oth- ers to leave the country.3 And every June 4, the CCP seeks to prevent any form of remembrance with detentions and a show of force by the pervasive Chinese security apparatus. The result, according to expert Perry Link, is that in to- M.E. Sarotte, the author of 1989: The Struggle to Create Post–Cold War Europe, is Professor of History and of International Relations at the University of Southern California. The author wishes to thank Harvard University’s Center for European Studies, the Humboldt Foundation, the Institute for Advanced Study, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of Southern California for ªnancial and institutional support; Joseph Torigian for invaluable criticism, research assistance, and Chinese translation; Qian Qichen for a conversation on PRC-U.S.
  • Vice President's Meeting with People's Republic of China Vice Premier

    Vice President's Meeting with People's Republic of China Vice Premier

    W':' S C1 i NG'ON <!fOP ::!f!C~ / SENSITIVE / EYES ONLY MEMO~~DUM OF CONVERSA~ION SUBJECT: S~~ary of the Vice President ' s Meeting with People's Republic of China Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping PARTICIPP.. NTS : Vice President Walter Mondale Leonard Woodcock, U.S. Ambassador to the People's Republic of China David Aaron, Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affa~rs Richard Moe, Chief of Staff to the Vice President Denis Clift, Assistant to the Vice President for National Security Affairs Richard Holbrooke, Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affair Michel Oksenberg, St"_aff Member I NSC Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping Huang Hua, Minister of Foreign Affairs Chai Zemin, People's Republic of China Ambassador to the United States Zhang Wenjin, Deputy Foreign Minister Han Xu, Director of American Depar~~ent Wei Yongqing, Director of Protocol Ji Chaozhu, Deputy Director of American Depart.:nent DATE, TD1E August 28, 1979; 9:30 a.m. - 12:00 Noon k'lD PLACE: The Great Hall of the People, Beijing, People's Republic of China Vi=e Premier Deng: I heard your speech ;vas war:nly ;.;elcomed. Vice ?res:":ient ~oncale: I W2.S thril2.ed by t.he opportunity to spea2< at your great unive.r·sity anc. -='0 speak to the people. It was an unprecedented occasion, and I t.hank you for that. cpport"..lni ty. DECLASSIFIED \E.O.12958, Sec.3.6 :~_R--I.~~__ NA~ ::T~31m;:J" ,TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE/ EYES ONLY 2 Vice Premier Deng: It was published in full in today ' s People's Daily.
  • Information to Users

    Information to Users

    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript Pas been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissenation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from anytype of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely. event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material bad to beremoved, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with smalloverlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back ofthe book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell &Howell Information Company 300North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. MI48106-1346 USA 313!761-47oo 800:521·0600 THE LIN BIAO INCIDENT: A STUDY OF EXTRA-INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS IN THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY AUGUST 1995 By Qiu Jin Dissertation Committee: Stephen Uhalley, Jr., Chairperson Harry Lamley Sharon Minichiello John Stephan Roger Ames UMI Number: 9604163 OMI Microform 9604163 Copyright 1995, by OMI Company.
  • The Darkest Red Corner Matthew James Brazil

    The Darkest Red Corner Matthew James Brazil

    The Darkest Red Corner Chinese Communist Intelligence and Its Place in the Party, 1926-1945 Matthew James Brazil A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Doctor of Philosophy Department of Government and International Relations Business School University of Sydney 17 December 2012 Statement of Originality This is to certify that to the best of my knowledge, the content of this thesis is my own work. This thesis has not been submitted previously, either in its entirety or substantially, for a higher degree or qualifications at any other university or institute of higher learning. I certify that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work and that all the assistance received in preparing this thesis and sources has been acknowledged. Matthew James Brazil i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Before and during this project I met a number of people who, directly or otherwise, encouraged my belief that Chinese Communist intelligence was not too difficult a subject for academic study. Michael Dutton and Scot Tanner provided invaluable direction at the very beginning. James Mulvenon requires special thanks for regular encouragement over the years and generosity with his time, guidance, and library. Richard Corsa, Monte Bullard, Tom Andrukonis, Robert W. Rice, Bill Weinstein, Roderick MacFarquhar, the late Frank Holober, Dave Small, Moray Taylor Smith, David Shambaugh, Steven Wadley, Roger Faligot, Jean Hung and the staff at the Universities Service Centre in Hong Kong, and the kind personnel at the KMT Archives in Taipei are the others who can be named. Three former US diplomats cannot, though their generosity helped my understanding of links between modern PRC intelligence operations and those before 1949.
  • MVZ-207 Chinese Foreign Policy Since 1949

    MVZ-207 Chinese Foreign Policy Since 1949

    China in 1970 - 1980 MVZ-207 • Hua Goufeng Chinese Foreign Policy • Deng Xiaping • Four modernizations since 1949 • China – US relations • China – European Countries • China – Vietnam War • Normalization of FP Mgr. Jan Polišenský Spring 2011 Week 6: Independent Foreign Policy for Peace (1979 – 1988) Changes in politics Changes in politics • the reforms in beginning 80's aimed to recover • After 1979, the Chinese leadership moved toward from the crises from Mao more pragmatic positions in almost all fields • Improvement of agricultural production, • The party encouraged artists, writers, and industry, foreign trade, science, technology journalists to adopt more critical approaches, • the economical reforms replaced the the class although open attacks on party authority were struggle not permitted • the red communist Ideology faded away • In late 1980, Mao's Cultural Revolution was officially proclaimed a catastrophe • The Beijing Spring (1977 and 1978 ) brief period of political liberalization Changes in politics China entered a new age in 1979 • “Democracy Wall” in 1979 and the “fifth • The new, pragmatic leadership led by Deng modernization” Xiaoping emphasized economic development • Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun, Hu Yaobang and Zhao and renounced mass political movements Ziyang, different policy packages • Campaigns against “bourgeois spiritual contamination” and “bourgeois liberalization” 1 Democracy Wall • Long brick wall in Beijing, which became the focus for democratic dissent • Recorded news and ideas, often in the form of posters Zhang
  • HARVARDYENCHING INSTITUTE Historical Dialogue And

    HARVARDYENCHING INSTITUTE Historical Dialogue And

    HARVARD­YENCHING INSTITUTE Historical Dialogue and Reconciliation in East Asia: Recent practice and future prospects A symposium of the Harvard Yenching Institute, with sponsorship and support of Sasakawa Peace Foundation, Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies, Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, Harvard University Asia Center Tsai Auditorium, CGIS South Building, 1730 Cambridge St., Cambridge, MA 02138 September 12-13, 2008 Tentative schedule Session One: Initiatives led by Overseas Scholars F riday, September 12: 1:30-5:30 pm Welcome and introductory comments: Elizabeth Perry, Director, Harvard Yenching Institute Andrew Gordon, History Department, Harvard Presentations Liu Jie, Waseda University The simultaneous publications in China and Japan of Contentious issues in Sino-Japanese relations: toward a history beyond borders Lee Sung-si, Waseda University Activities and accomplishments of Japan-Korea cooperative studies, publication of “Perspectives from colonial modernity,” and beyond Yang Daqing, George Washington University History Dialogue and Reconciliation in Comparative Perspectives [Break, 3:15-3:30] Discussant comments and general discussion: 3:30-5:30 1. Joshua Fogel, York University 2. Bu Bing, Institute for Modern History, Beijing Session 2: Contentious issues: current interpretative debate Continental breakfast ( 8:15-8:45) and a lunch buffet (12:00-1:30) will be served. September 13 (Saturday morning): 9:00-12:00 pm Presentations Mitani Hiroshi, The University of Tokyo Contemporary political context of the historical issue in East Asia Shi Gui Fang, Capital Normal University [tentative title] Recent studies of Resistant War against Japan in contemporary China Murai Ryota, Komazawa University Memorial service issue and Yasukuni Shrine in Japan [Break, 10:00 – 10:10] Discussant comments and general discussion 10:15 – 12:00 1.
  • The Legacy of Tiananmen: 20 Years of Oppression, Activism and Hope Chrd

    The Legacy of Tiananmen: 20 Years of Oppression, Activism and Hope Chrd

    THE LEGACY OF TIANANMEN: 20 YEARS OF OPPRESSION, ACTIVISM AND HOPE CHRD Chinese Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) Web: Hhttp://crd-net.org/H Email: [email protected] THE LEGACY OF TIANANMEN: 20 YEARS OF OPPRESSION, ACTIVISM AND HOPE Chinese Human Rights Defenders June 1, 2009 Twenty years since the Tiananmen massacre, the Chinese government refuses to accept responsibility, much less apologize or offer compensation, for killing, injuring, imprisoning and persecuting individuals for participating in peaceful protests. The number of the victims, and their names and identities, remain unknown. Families continue to be barred from publicly commemorating and seeking accountability for the death of their loved ones. Activists are persecuted and harassed for independently investigating the crackdown or for calling for a rectification of the government’s verdict on the pro‐democracy movement. Many individuals continue to suffer the consequences of participating in the pro‐democracy movement today. At least eight individuals remain imprisoned in Beijing following unfair trials in which they were convicted of committing “violent crimes”. Those who were released after long sentences have had difficulty re‐integrating into society as they suffer from continued police harassment as well as illnesses and injuries resulting from torture, beatings and mistreatment while in prison. Many of those injured have had to pay for their own medical expenses and continue to struggle as the physical and psychological scars leave them unable to take care of themselves or to work. Some who took part in the protests still find it difficult to make ends meet after they were dismissed from comfortable jobs or expelled from universities after 1989.