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Female Genital Cutting and African Women's Migration to Canada: Toward a Postcolonial Feminist Decolonizing Methodology
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2020-11-23 Female Genital Cutting and African Women's Migration to Canada: Toward a Postcolonial Feminist Decolonizing Methodology Werunga, Jane Nasipwondi Werunga, J. N. (2020). Female Genital Cutting and African Women's Migration to Canada: Toward a Postcolonial Feminist Decolonizing Methodology (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/112782 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Female Genital Cutting and African Women's Migration to Canada: Toward a Postcolonial Feminist Decolonizing Methodology by Jane Nasipwondi Werunga A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN NURSING CALGARY, ALBERTA NOVEMBER, 2020 © Jane Nasipwondi Werunga 2020 Abstract The discourse on the cultural practice of FGC has captured a lot of attention over the last several decades, and with international migration propelling what was once a private cultural practice onto the global stage, FGC has become a fixture in the international human rights and global health arenas. FGC is a sensitive topic and the debates around it remain politically and culturally contentious. -
Libertarianism, Feminism, and Nonviolent Action: a Synthesis
LIBERTARIAN PAPERS VOL. 4, NO. 2 (2012) LIBERTARIANISM, FEMINISM, AND NONVIOLENT ACTION: A SYNTHESIS GRANT BABCOCK* I. Introduction MURRAY ROTHBARD’S CONTRIBUTION to libertarian ethics was to outline a theory prohibiting aggressive violence (1978, p. 27-30). The influence of Rothbard’s ethics,1 combined with a decades-long political alliance with conservatives based on anticommunism, has produced a debate within libertarian circles about whether libertarians qua libertarians must take positions against certain forms of repression that do not involve aggressive violence. The non-aggression principle is as good a libertarian litmus test as has been suggested. Often, the voices who levy allegations of non-aggressive (or at least not exclusively aggressive) oppression come from the political left, and have un-libertarian (read: aggressive) solutions in mind, even if they do not conceive of those solutions as violent. Despite these considerations, I do believe that libertarians qua libertarians are obligated to say something about the kind of non-aggressive oppression that these voices from the left have raised regarding issues including, but not limited to, race, class, gender, and sexual orientation. Making the case that libertarians have these obligations irrespective of their * Grant Babcock ([email protected]) is an independent scholar. My thanks to Robert Churchill, Matthew McCaffrey, Ross Kenyon, and two anonymous referees for their help and encouragement. The paper’s merits are largely a result of their influence; any remaining errors are my own. CITATION INFORMATION FOR THIS ARTICLE: Grant Babcock. 2012. “Libertarianism, Feminism, and Nonviolent Action: A Synthesis.” Libertarian Papers. 4 (2): 119-138. ONLINE AT: libertarianpapers.org. -
An Africana Womanist Reading of the Unity of Thought and Action
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 22, Issue 3, Ver. V (March. 2017) PP 58-64 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org An Africana womanist Reading of the Unity of Thought and Action Nahed Mohammed Ahmed Abstract:- This article examines the importance of establishing an authentic African-centered paradigm in Black Studies. In doing so, this article selects Clenora Hudson-Weems’ Africana womanism paradigm as an example. The unity of thought and action is the most important concept in this paradigm. The article tries to trace the main features of such a concept and how these features are different from these in other gender-based paradigms. Africana womanism, coming out of the rich and old legacy of African womanhood, then, is an authentic Afrocentric paradigm. Africana womanism is a term coined in the late 1980s by Clenora Hudson- Weems. As a pioneer of such an Africana womanist literary theory, Hudson-Weems explains the term Africana womanism as follows: Africana means African-Americans, African-Caribbeans, African-Europeans, and Continental Africans. Womanism is more specific because “terminology derived from the word ‘woman’ is . more specific when naming a group of the human race” (“Africana Womanism: An Overview” 205-17). Besides, womanism is a recall for Sojourner Truth's powerful speech, “And Ain't I a Woman " affirming that the Africana woman 's problem lies in being black and not in being a woman in which she was forced to speak about race issues because "she was hissed and jeered at because she was black, not because she was a woman, since she was among the community of women" (207).The present article uncovers the importance of Hudson-Weems’ quest for an authentic Africana paradigm through shedding light on her concept of the unity between thought and action, used by earlier authentic Africana paradigms, namely Black aestheticism and Afrocentricity In “Africana Womanism and the Critical Need for Africana Theory and Thought,” Hudson-Weems clarifies her concept of the unity between thought and action. -
Christina Hoff Sommers
A Conversation with CHRISTINA HOFF SOMMERS A resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and former philosophy professor, Christina Hoff Sommers is a thoughtful analyst and trenchant critic of radical feminism. In this conversation, Sommers and Kristol discuss how American feminism, once focused on practical questions such as equal opportunity in employment for women, instead became a radical ideology that questioned the reality of sex differences. Narrating her own experiences as a speaker on college campuses, Sommers explains how the radical feminism of today's universities stifles debate. Finally, Sommers explains a recent controversy in the video game community, which she defends from charges of sexism in a widely-publicized episode known as "GamerGate." On claims of a “rape epidemic” on campus, Sommers says: It’s the result of advocacy research. You can get very alarming findings if you’re willing to interview a non-representative sample of people and if you’re willing to include a lot of behavior most of us don’t think of as assault. If you just play with those, you can get an epidemic. Rape, like all crimes, is way down. It’s at I think a 41- year low. [Rape on campus] is not 1 in 4, or 1 in 5 women, but something like 1 in 50. Still too much. But not [an epidemic]. On the feminist denial of sex differences, Sommers says: Femininity and masculinity are real. Women tend to be more nurturing and risk-averse and have usually a richer emotional vocabulary. Men tend to be a little less explicit about their emotions. -
Libertarian Feminism: Can This Marriage Be Saved? Roderick Long Charles Johnson 27 December 2004
Libertarian Feminism: Can This Marriage Be Saved? Roderick Long Charles Johnson 27 December 2004 Let's start with what this essay will do, and what it will not. We are both convinced of, and this essay will take more or less for granted, that the political traditions of libertarianism and feminism are both in the main correct, insightful, and of the first importance in any struggle to build a just, free, and compassionate society. We do not intend to try to justify the import of either tradition on the other's terms, nor prove the correctness or insightfulness of the non- aggression principle, the libertarian critique of state coercion, the reality and pervasiveness of male violence and discrimination against women, or the feminist critique of patriarchy. Those are important conversations to have, but we won't have them here; they are better found in the foundational works that have already been written within the feminist and libertarian traditions. The aim here is not to set down doctrine or refute heresy; it's to get clear on how to reconcile commitments to both libertarianism and feminism—although in reconciling them we may remove some of the reasons that people have had for resisting libertarian or feminist conclusions. Libertarianism and feminism, when they have encountered each other, have most often taken each other for polar opposites. Many 20th century libertarians have dismissed or attacked feminism—when they have addressed it at all—as just another wing of Left-wing statism; many feminists have dismissed or attacked libertarianism—when they have addressed it at all—as either Angry White Male reaction or an extreme faction of the ideology of the liberal capitalist state. -
A Content Analysis of the Women Against Feminism Tumblr Page Lyndsey S
Lehigh University Lehigh Preserve Theses and Dissertations 2015 A Content Analysis of the Women Against Feminism Tumblr Page Lyndsey S . Collins Lehigh University Follow this and additional works at: http://preserve.lehigh.edu/etd Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Collins, Lyndsey S ., "A Content Analysis of the Women Against Feminism Tumblr Page" (2015). Theses and Dissertations. 2559. http://preserve.lehigh.edu/etd/2559 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Lehigh Preserve. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Lehigh Preserve. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Content Analysis of the Women Against Feminism Tumblr by Lyndsey S. Collins A Thesis Presented to the Graduate and Research Committee of Lehigh University in Candidacy for the Degree of Master of Arts in Sociology Lehigh University May 18, 2015 © 2015 Copyright (Lyndsey S. Collins) ii Thesis is accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Sociology. A Content Analysis of the Women Against Feminism Tumblr Page Lyndsey Collins ____________________ Date Approved Dr. Jacqueline Krasas Dr. Yuping Zhang Dr. Nicola Tannenbaum iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my thesis advisor, Dr. Jacqueline Krasas, who has provided me with invaluable insights, support, and encouragement throughout the entirety of this process. In addition, I would like to thank my committee members, Dr. Nicola Tannenbaum -
Presentations Introduction Recent Feminist De
Beyond the Generational Line: An Exploration of Feminist Online Sites and Self-(Re)presentations Yi-lin Yu National Ilan University, Taiwan Abstract This article deals with the feminist generation issue by tracing the transition from generational to non-generational thinking in recent feminist discourse on third-wave feminism. Informed by certain feminist recommendations of affording alternative paradigms in place of the oceanic wave metaphor to describe the rela- tionships between different feminists, this study offers the insights gained from an investigation with three feminist online sites, The F Word, Eminism, and Guerrilla Girls, in which these online feminists have participated in building up a third wave consciousness or a third space site through their engagement in (re)presenting their feminist selves and identities. In developing a both/and third wave con- sciousness, these online feminists have bypassed the dualistic understanding of sec- ond and third wave feminism and reached a cross-generational commonality of adhering to feminist ideology and coalition in cyberspace as a third space. Through a content analysis of their online feminist self-(re)presentations, this pa- per concludes by arguing that they have not only reformulated the concept of third wave feminism but also worked toward a new configuration of third space narratives and subjectivities that sheds light on contemporary feminist thinking about feminist genealogy and history. Key words third-wave feminism, feminist generation, feminist online sites, self-(re)presentation Introduction Recent feminist development of third-wave discourses has been bom- barded with a conundrum regarding generational debates. Although 54 ❙ Yi-lin Yu some feminist scholars are preoccupied with using familial metaphors to depict different feminist generations, others have called forth a rethink- ing of the topic in non-generational terms. -
Mainstream Feminism
Feminist movements and ideologies This collection of feminist buttons from a women's museum shows some messages from feminist movements. A variety of movements of feminist ideology have developed over the years. They vary in goals, strategies, and affiliations. They often overlap, and some feminists identify themselves with several branches of feminist thought. Groupings Judith Lorber distinguishes between three broad kinds of feminist discourses: gender reform feminisms, gender resistant feminisms, and gender revolution feminisms. In her typology, gender reform feminisms are rooted in the political philosophy of liberalism with its emphasis on individual rights. Gender resistant feminisms focus on specific behaviors and group dynamics through which women are kept in a subordinate position, even in subcultures which claim to support gender equality. Gender revolution feminisms seek to disrupt the social order through deconstructing its concepts and categories and analyzing the cultural reproduction of inequalities.[1] Movements and ideologies Mainstream feminism … "Mainstream feminism" as a general term identifies feminist ideologies and movements which do not fall into either the socialist or radical feminist camps. The mainstream feminist movement traditionally focused on political and legal reform, and has its roots in first- wave feminism and in the historical liberal feminism of the 19th and early- 20th centuries. In 2017, Angela Davis referred to mainstream feminism as "bourgeois feminism".[2] The term is today often used by essayists[3] and cultural analysts[4] in reference to a movement made palatable to a general audience by celebrity supporters like Taylor Swift.[5] Mainstream feminism is often derisively referred to as "white feminism,"[6] a term implying that mainstream feminists don't fight for intersectionality with race, class, and sexuality. -
2254 Last December, While the National Organization for Women
SAUDI COURTS — WOMEN’S RIGHTS — GENERAL COURT OF QATIF SENTENCES GANG-RAPE VICTIM TO PRISON AND LASH- INGS FOR VIOLATING “ILLEGAL MINGLING” LAW. Last December, while the National Organization for Women (NOW) celebrated the success of its campaign for “non-sexist car in- surance,”1 a young woman already brutalized by her neighbors awaited further violence from her state. The previous month, Saudi Arabia’s General Court of Qatif had sentenced her to six months in prison and two hundred lashes for riding in a car with an unrelated male acquaintance, after which she was gang-raped by seven men.2 Her subsequent pardon by King Abdullah3 indicates the power of in- ternational outrage and pressure, but the lack of energy with which Western women’s rights groups participated in that outrage and pres- sure is indicative of a larger and troubling trend. Feminist groups too often do not help women abroad, but they can help, and they should help, because the need for their support is far greater overseas than at home.4 Although the reasons for their choice to prioritize sometimes relatively trivial matters in America over life-threatening issues facing women across the ocean may not be known, its effect is all too appar- ent: less pressure on foreign governments to end the suffering of mil- lions of subjugated Islamic women. With a legal system based on a strict interpretation of Islam,5 Saudi Arabia is a state of gender apartheid. For women permitted to work — they comprise 5.4% of the workforce6 — office buildings are segre- gated.7 For women taught to read — the illiteracy rate for women is ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 1 Nat’l Org. -
I Am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist
Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University Communication Dissertations Department of Communication Spring 5-10-2013 I am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist: A Womanist Analysis of Fulani Sunni Ali's Role as a New African Citizen and Minister of In-formation in the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Africa Rondee Gaines Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/communication_diss Recommended Citation Gaines, Rondee, "I am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist: A Womanist Analysis of Fulani Sunni Ali's Role as a New African Citizen and Minister of In-formation in the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Africa." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2013. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/communication_diss/44 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Communication at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communication Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. I AM A REVOLUTIONARY BLACK FEMALE NATIONALIST: A WOMANIST ANALYSIS OF FULANI SUNNI ALI’S ROLE AS A NEW AFRICAN CITIZEN AND MINISTER OF IN- FORMATION IN THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF NEW AFRICA by RONDEE GAINES Under the Direction of M. Lane Bruner ABSTRACT Historically, black women have always played key roles in the struggle for liberation. A critical determinant of black women’s activism was the influence of both race and gender, as the- se factors were immutably married to their subjectivities. African American women faced the socio-cultural and structural challenge of sexism prevalent in the United States and also in the black community. -
Modernism and Postmodernism in Feminism: a Conceptual Study on the Developments of Its Defination, Waves and School of Thought
1 Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH), Volume 4, Issue 1, (page 1 - 14), 2019 Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) Volume 4, Issue 1, January 2019 e-ISSN : 2504-8562 Journal home page: www.msocialsciences.com Modernism and Postmodernism in Feminism: A Conceptual Study on the Developments of its Defination, Waves and School of Thought Mohd Hafiz Bin Abdul Karim1, Ariff Aizuddin Azlan2 1Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC-IIUM) 2Faculty of Administrative Science and Policy Studies, Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) Correspondence: Mohd Hafiz Bin Abdul Karim ([email protected]) Abstract ______________________________________________________________________________________________________ This study seeks to identify the relations of modernism and postmodernism in feminism by looking deeply on the development of its definitions, waves of feminism and framework in its specific schools of thought; liberal, classical Marxist, socialist and radical feminism. By adapting qualitative descriptive study, this study covers mainly secondary data from English language sources, be it from books, academic articles or any literatures pertaining to this topic, which obtained from various databases. This study argues that modernism and postmodernism is the worldviews that become the essence of feminism. By looking at the variations of how feminism is studied, e.g. definitions, waves and school of thought, this study concluded that there are several points indicating the relations that exist between modernism and postmodernism with feminism. Modernism can be seen in the relational approach of the liberal, classical Marxist and socialist feminism in the first wave, which are more centered on education, politics and economic participation. Meanwhile, the relation of postmodernism to feminism is exampled in the deconstructing approach of the radical feminism that began from the second wave shown in their individualist views on sex, sexuality, motherhood, childbirth, and language institution. -
I Am Because We Are: Africana Womanism As a Vehicle of Empowerment and Influence”
“I Am Because We Are: Africana Womanism as a Vehicle of Empowerment and Influence” Janiece L. Blackmon Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts In History Committee Chair: Dr. Beverly Bunch‐Lyons Committee Member: Dr. Hayward Farrar Committee Member: Dr. Brett L. Shadle June 16, 2008 Blacksburg, VA Keywords: Gender, Africana womanism, Rastafarianism, Black Panther Party, Nation of Gods and Earths “I Am Because We Are: Africana Womanism as a Vehicle of Empowerment and Influence” Janiece L. Blackmon ABSTRACT The purpose of this research project has been to shed light on the experiences of Black women in Afrocentric groups—Nation of Gods and Earths, the Black Panther Party, and Rastafarians—that operated on the fringes of society during the 1960s through the early 2000s. This work articulates the gender dynamics between the men and women of the groups. In it, I trace the history of Black nationalism and identity in the United States in the late 19th century to the 20th century which set the framework for the formation of the Nation of Gods and Earths (NGE), the Black Panther Party(BPP), and Rastafarianism and its members to see themselves as a part of the Black nation or community and the women of these groups to see their identity tied in with the goals and desires of the group not as one set on individualistic ambitions. The Africana womanist did not see herself as an individual but rather a vital part of the entire Black community.