Byron's Childe Harold's Pilgrimage IV and Shelley's “Ode to Liberty”: The

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Byron's Childe Harold's Pilgrimage IV and Shelley's “Ode to Liberty”: The B y r o n ’s Childe Harold ’s Pilgrimage IV and Shelley ’s “ O d e t o L i b e r t y ” : The Poetic Voice of the Exile s a n d t h e i r Aspirations for F r e e d o m Hiroshi HARATA In the middle of December 1818, Shelley sent a letter from Naples to his friend, Thomas Love Peacock: I entirely agree with what you say about Childe Harold. The spirit in which it is written is, if insane, the most wicked & mischievous insanity that ever was given forth. I r emonstrated with him in vain on the tone of mind from which such a view of things alone arises. 1 In this letter Shelley condemn s the Fourth Canto of C h i l d e H a ro l d ’s Pilgrimage s i n c e h e t h i n k s that Byron indulged himself in lamenting over the d e c l i n e o f Ve n i c e sentimentally a s i f h e w e r e a passive onlooke r. Shelley assume s t h a t B y r o n ’s n i h i l i s m came from his own wild debauchery with Italian girls and w o m e n 2 ( 5 8 ) that led him to “the most wicked & mischievous i n s a n i t y ” under the mental condition of which the poem was w r i t t e n . S h e l l e y ’s indignation against Byron ’s moral corruption became all the more h a r s h because his “ i n s a n e s p i r i t ” s p o i l e d t h e d i v i n e s o c i a l mission of poetry that Shelley always advocated. 1 Byron’s “insane” attitude toward the world may have occupied Shelley’s mind seriously. In the next year Shelley composed a conversation poem, Julian and Maddalo , which reflects the d i s c u s s i o n between Julian / Shelley and Maddalo / B y r o n t h a t t o o k place in Venice l a t e in August 1818 , when they first re - u n i t e d a f t e r t h e y had parted in G e n e v a in the summer of 1816. 3 I n t h e ‘ P r e f a c e ’ to the poem, S h e l l e y criticizes M a d d a l o ’s n e g a t i v e philosophy of h u m a n life, though in the manner of m o r e m o d e s t and sophisticated than in that letter: He [Count Maddalo] is a person of the most consummate genius, and capable, if he would direct his energies to such an end, of becoming the redeemer of his degraded country. But it is his weakness to be proud: he derives, from a comparison of his own extraordinary mind with the dwarfish intellects that surround him, an intense apprehension of the nothingness of human life. 4 However, it is also very important for us to suppose that Shelley’s great anger might ha ve blinded him to Byron’s strategy that he had carefully embedded his political assertion of transnational freedom in the central, Roman stanzas (78 - 9 8 ) o f Canto the Fourth. 5 When he wrote to Peacock i n 1 8 1 8 , I surmise t h a t S h e l l e y slightly browsed the Canto, in particular only both its beginning part where Byron deplores the fall of Venice 2 melancholically and its closing part where he heartily sympathizes with “deep and dark blue Ocean” ( 1 6 0 3 ). 6 Undoubtedly, Shelley read the ending of the Canto because, in the same letter to Peacock, he admires Byron’s genius as a poet: “he [Byron] is a great poet, I think, the address to Ocean proves” ( 5 8 ) . By the summer of 1819, when h e c o m p l e t e d Julian and M a d d a l o , in which Julian / S h e l l e y a n d M a d d a l o / Byron sharply r e f u t e the other statement about such issues as destiny, free will, God and so on, Shelley must have (re)read the whole of C h i l d e Harold’s Pilgrimage I V, a n d f o u n d o u t in those core stanzas (78- 9 8 ) B y r o n ’s f i r m argument that political freedom should be p r e v a l e n t i n Europe. And in the middle of 1820, when he wrote Ode to Liberty , Shelley adopted, as its epigraph, the first two lines from the s t a n z a 9 8 : “ Ye t , Freedom! Yet thy banner, torn, but flying, / Streams lik e the thunder - storm against the wind.” 7 In this respect, it would be not be unsafe to s a y that Shelley publicly expressed his political alliance with Byron, leaving aside both his indignation against Byron’s mental nihilism and the difference between their philosophical opinions. As an exile i n I t a l y, Byron wrote Canto the Fourth during the latter part of 1817 , w h e n t h e d e s p o t i c a n c i e n r é g i m e h a d a l r e a d y b e e n r e s t o r e d i n E u r o p e after the Congress of Vienna h e l d in the years between 1 8 1 4 a n d 1815. 8 W h a t i s t h e m o s t strikingly different from the three previous Cantos is that Byron c o m p o s e d t h i s C a n t o as h e f e l t p r o f o u n d d e j e c t i o n concerning the 3 p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s q u o o f E u r o p e and the mutability of human mind. It is true t h a t when he composed Canto the Third t r a v e l i n g through the Continent along the Rhine and s t a y i n g a t Vi l l a D i o d a t i in 1816, he was already an exile, and that the European p o l i t i c a l environment o f 1 8 1 6 w a s , at large, l i t t l e d i fferent from that of 1817 . However, the Rhine, Lake Leman, and the Alps provided him with the sublime s c e n e r y to turn his eye to outward natural grandeur, rather than to inward reflection on European political issues. In particular, G e n e v a , surrounded w i t h L a k e Leman and the Alps , w a s a k i n d o f a n earthly Elysium, i n w h i c h B y r o n could almost every day enjoy a lively conversation with the Shelleys and Polidori , stimulating Mary into the creation of her substantial virgin work , w h i c h later came to fruition as Frankenstein i n 1 8 1 8 . He could afford to s i n g of t h e b e a u t y of a sunset reflecting on the lake, h i s p l e a s a n t cruise around the lake while reading Rousseau’s J u l i e , or the New Heloise , a n d , finally, h i s w a r m f a t h e r l i k e feelings toward h i s s e p a r a t e d d a u g h t e r. I n this respect, the Third Canto can unquestionably be called a sequel of the two previous Cantos , a n d the three poems p r e s e r v e t h e s o - called genuine Byronic travel writings. Byron’s witty, brilliant and captivating power in narrating , for instance, h i s admiration of the S panish maid i n C a n t o I ( 558- 6 11 ) , a n d h i s r e v e r i e a b o u t the glory of ancient Athens walking about among i t s r u i n s in Canto II ( 7 8 3 - 8 8 1 ) m a d e t h e ir r e a d e r s turn a page after page impatiently w i t h o u t taking into consideration w h a t 4 Byron thought E u r o p e a n politics should be like; so did Canto the T h i r d .
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