FLUX: International Relations Review

Political Discourse in the Maghreb: An Analysis of Amazigh Identity in Algeria and Morocco

Peter MacDonald Edited by Shira Garbis and Isha Shahané

ABSTRACT - The Imazighen (plural of Amazigh) are an indigenous group primarily located in Northern and Western Africa. While Amazigh communities are present across the Maghreb, the role of Amazigh identity in Morocco and Algeria is of particular interest given each country's distinct treatment of ethnic and linguistic minorities. In Algeria, Amazigh identity is not as overtly politicized as in Morocco, wherein Amazigh communities are often at the forefront of public discourses and are often scapegoated as a source of political instability. Compared to Morocco, Algerian Imazighen generally experience higher acceptance levels due to numerous social, political, historical, and geographic factors that underpin the treatment and perceptions of Amazighté in Morocco and Algeria today. This article analyzes Algeria and Morocco's respective independence movements, political systems, language laws, and geographic topography to link the contemporary role of Amazigh identity to each national setting's unique history, politics, and geography.

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he Imazighen are an ethnic group in history can further account for the contrasting or other “Arab” Muslims of the Middle East and perceived “whiteness” of Imazighen and France’s indigenous to North Africa whose existence political developments in Algeria and Morocco, North Africa; until the twentieth century, European strategic decision to rule over a divided populace predates modern Arab society; though they respectively. Simultaneously, Algeria has civil settlers controversially referred to Imazighen as informed the French government’s relatively T society organizations facilitating the protection of “Caucasoid” or “pseudo-white,” suggesting their preferential treatment of Amazigh communities are sometimes referred to as “Berbers,” this term is rooted in colonial sentiments and has largely Amazigh heritage, and the unyielding Moroccan greater proximity to “whiteness” compared to over Arab ones. Consequently, Amazigh tribal been repurposed by Amazigh communities (El monarchy quashes many attempts by Imazighen their Arab counterparts (Fage & Tordoff 2013, leaders were elevated to positions of authority in Aissati 2001, 58). Many Imazighen currently live to self-organize (Chtatou 2019). Due to the 155). Observations about the physical and cultural Algeria throughout the 1850s and 60s (Calvet 2018). in dispersed communities across North Africa, primacy of the monarchy—which derives its differences between Imazighen and Arabs have The French use of Imazighen as proxy primarily in Morocco and Algeria. While both authority from Islam—in Moroccan politics, historically served as a basis for “othering” Amazigh leaders led to greater interaction between Amazigh countries have large Amazigh demographics, Amazigh communities are often scapegoated, communities as an ethnic group that is separate and communities and Arab ones. Though the privileges there exists a sharp difference between each as they are accused of being inherently opposed distinct from the rest of the modern Arab World. awarded to the “Caucasian” Imazighen were meant country's political frameworks and incorporation to national unity (Silverstein 2012, 131). In to drive a wedge between them and Arab Muslims, of Amazigh identity. The Moroccan government addition to these historical and political factors, Path to Self-Governance it also facilitated the diffusion of Amazigh identity geography has played a crucial role in the gradual and culture throughout Algeria. As Amazigh has been less accepting of Amazigh communities Algeria and Morocco’s distinctive paths acceptance of Amazigh minorities in Algeria, communities integrated into Arab ones, the than Algeria's, leading Amazigh activists in to independence help explain the differing roles many of whom have moved to find work in amalgamation of cultures created a discursive Morocco to become more politicized. It is worth played by Imazighen in their respective political major cities. In contrast, the larger, more isolated landscape wherein the Algerian Amazigh noting that, for this paper, I define politicization spheres. Whereas Algeria experienced arduous Amazigh communities in Morocco remain could later advocate on behalf of their formal as the degree to which something has been French colonial rule throughout the nineteenth and relatively concentrated in the Sahara Desert recognition. This early bondedness of Arab and transformed from an objective, nonpartisan entity twentieth centuries, Morocco was colonized later and surrounding mountainous regions. Finally, Amazigh communities can explain why Imazighen into a politically charged, often subjective one. and for a shorter time. The institutions put in place the Amazigh language, known as Tamazight, are less politicized in contemporary Algeria Politicization does not take place in a vacuum, and by France in Algeria greatly affected the Amazigh and the degree to which the language has been than Morocco; the French colonial era forcibly it often reflects myriad socio-political pressures. communities and the lengthy French presence in politicized, also illustrates different perceptions unified different ethnic groups in Algeria that had More specifically, Amazigh communities Algeria also inadvertently caused the Amazigh of Amazigh identity in Algeria and Morocco. previously lived in isolation from one another, and in Morocco are frequently scapegoated for people to band together with Arab people against while said unification did not lead to immediate political instability, making their “role” in their common enemy. Because Morocco evaded policy upheaval, it effectively laid the groundwork contemporary Moroccan society inherently some of the unyielding, drawn-out colonial practices Explanation of Amazigh Identity for future efforts by the Amazigh to gain cultural salient, albeit in an ostensibly negative manner. in Algeria, Amazigh and Arab Moroccans had fewer To understand how and why Algeria and recognition in the decades that followed. On the other hand, present-day Algerian society is incentives to unify in the face of an external threat. Morocco treat Imazighen differently, it is first While Imazighen were considered relatively accepting of Amazigh minorities, who are Though both countries continued to “other” and essential to establish the meaning of “Amazigh “less Muslim,” and therefore better candidates increasingly integrated into political discussions. oppress Amazigh demographics after the colonial identity” and what constitutes Amazigh culture. for integration into positions of authority and Historical context, geographical differences, era, this distinction helps explain why divisions Most Imazighen in North Africa are Sunni Muslim, assimilation into French culture, the success varying civil society groups, and differing degrees between Arabs and Imazighen are currently more though there are large enclaves of Christian and of French divide and rule tactics in colonial of language acceptance can explain why Amazigh prominent in Morocco than Algeria and why Jewish Imazighen in France, many of whom Algeria were ultimately short-lived. By the late communities are more politicized in Morocco than they have been politicized to different degrees. emigrated in the 1960s and 70s (El Aissati 2001, nineteenth century, many Amazigh communities Algeria. Moreover, these factors can effectively Following France’s annexation of Algeria 60). Some contemporary Amazigh communities had already started to openly defy French rule account for why Amazigh identity is considered in 1848, approximately 7 per cent (roughly currently rely on farming and herding livestock in in tandem with Arab protests and organized less transgressive in Algeria and why Amazigh 110,000) of the Algerian population was European the mountainous regions of North Africa, whereas political dissidence (Yezza 2013). Tensions in communities are politically ostracized in Morocco (Hargreaves 1997, 41). Once the French had others are primarily nomadic. Their ancestral roots Algeria erupted shortly after World War Two, and depicted as counter-establishment agitators. successfully captured and quelled all of present- are in the Horn of Africa, but large numbers of igniting a lengthy war of independence between day Algeria, they began implementing specific Firstly, while Algeria’s path to independence was Imazighen migrated westward across North Africa, French forces and the native Algerian population. measures to fragment the native population. The marred by persistent French colonial rule and a settling in the area between Egypt and Mauritania The war, beginning in 1954, begat thousands of French colonial government’s main goal was bloody civil war, Morocco gained independence (Seligman 1930, 133-137). Nomadic practices Algerian casualties as anti-colonial associations to “eradicate Islam from the Algerian identity,” through a relatively quick process. Algeria’s continue to inform contemporary expressions of fought for the right to self-govern, which they while noting that “the Amazigh seemed keener lengthy experience under French rule inadvertently Amazigh culture, which is not spatially confined finally achieved when an armistice was reached to renounce their Muslim legacy, as they more resulted in a more unified population, staunchly or isolated within sovereign borders. Moreover, the in 1962 (El Aissati 2001, 60). While issues of closely resembled the French” (Calvet 2018). The resistant to imperial sentiments. This difference Amazigh do not closely resemble Central Africans Amazigh recognition were not central to Algeria’s

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war for independence, Amazigh identity gradually Moroccan Arab spheres to the same extent as towards independence can account for why the predominantly populated by Arab citizens (Calvet became more prevalent throughout Algeria during they were in Algeria. The remainder of the French Imazighen became more politicized in Morocco 2018). One of the largest Amazigh groups in the war. The Imazighen, together with their Arab occupation in Morocco was similarly undercut by during the second half of the twentieth century. Africa, the Kabyle, have occupied the mountainous allies, worked to expel the Europeans during the the Great Depression in the 1930s and the Second landscape of Northern Algeria for centuries. The war and later rebuilt the contemporary Algerian World War in the 1940s, during which France Topography and Demographics of the region from which they get their namesake, Kabylia, state (Yezza 2013). Struggle borne and necessity was occupied with domestic crises, precluding was, and continues to be, particularly relevant as it is driven, the Amazigh of Algeria were critical in the its ability to thoroughly occupy Morocco. By Region the birthplace of the Amazigh cultural renaissance dismemberment of French colonial establishment late 1956, Morocco gained full independence In addition to Morocco and Algeria’s and the Berber Spring of 1980. In spite of Kabylia’s that had plagued the country for over a century. from both France and Spain without resorting to respective paths to independence, their unique significance—and that of similar mountainous Through years of struggle and resistance to armed conflict, which was necessary in Algeria trajectories towards the increased acceptance of regions—in the articulation of Amazigh culture, French colonial rule, as well as their assigned role in (Silverstein 2012, 131). Morocco established itself Amazigh minorities can be further illustrated by during the French occupation and the subsequent French efforts to suppress Arab identity, Amazigh as a constitutional monarchy under the popular topography and demographic divides. In Algeria, quest for independence, many Kabyle communities people and their culture became effectively Sultan Mohammed V as the official head of state large proportions of the Amazigh population migrated southward into cities like Algiers, where entrenched in the fibre of modern Algeria. Once (Fage and Tordoff 2013, 563). Morocco’s largely live in the Atlas Mountains that spread across Imazighen are estimated to constitute over 50 per the French were expelled from Algeria, Algerian non-violent struggle for self-rule did not yield the North Africa. However, an even larger number cent of the population (Encyclopædia Universalis). politics became increasingly prone to animosity as same level of Arab-Amazigh cooperation as it did of Imazighen live in cities, alongside the Arab With such an undisputable presence in the nation’s the government was forced to rebuild itself; these in Algeria. Accordingly, Amazigh identity was majority (Silverstein 2009, 170). In Morocco, capital, it is impossible for the Algerian government tensions culminated in violent outbursts between not embedded into Moroccan society throughout Amazigh and Arab communities were not induced to wholly disregard issues of Amazigh importance. Amazigh communities and Arab ones. However, the nineteenth and twentieth centuries since there to integrate during the nineteenth and twentieth Indeed, early efforts to do so during the 1960s the gradual reconciliation of some of these factions was no colonial enterprise or modern nation- centuries to the same extent as their Algerian and 1970s proved unsustainable, contributing has led to greater recognition of Amazigh identity. building project that warranted a unified populace. counterparts, given that neither the French colonial to the increased politicization of the Amazigh Amazigh identity is not wholly accepted in Algeria While both Algeria and Morocco endured government nor the Moroccan monarchy initiated cause since the 1980s. It is important to recall, today, but important landmarks in the history of French colonial leadership, their respective centralization or unification efforts. The prolonged however, that while Imazighen are recognized Algeria—such as the War of Independence— experiences under colonial rule impacted Amazigh bifurcation between Morocco’s Amazigh and throughout the country, this placid acceptance can account for why Imazighen are relatively communities differently. Amazigh identity is more Arab demographics has profoundly impacted the does not necessarily translate to political leverage. more accepted and less politicized in Algeria. accepted in contemporaryAlgeria asAmazigh culture living situations of Imazighen in contemporary Amazigh people in Algeria may not be overtly While the story in Algeria is one of a was compelled to mix with Arab culture throughout Morocco, the vast majority of whom live in politically ostracized today, but that does not mean historically rooted, inextricable—though not the twentieth century to resist French colonial rule. scattered “tribes,” extending from mountains and that they carry political clout that is comparable always amicable—linkage between Imazighen While said resistance did not immediately lead to valleys to the Western-most regions of the Sahara to that of their Arab counterparts in the region. and Arab demographics, the situation in Morocco the formal recognition of Amazigh identity since Desert bordering Algeria and Morocco (Silverstein French occupation was neither persistent throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the Algerian government essentially had to rebuild 2009, 173). Furthermore, the three wealthiest nor fully realized in Morocco. As such, Amazigh was relatively different. Prior to European expansion its governmental institutions, it would serve as cities in Morocco and on the African continent— communities had fewer incentives to integrate into North Africa in the late 1800s, Morocco was a precursor for Amazigh-Arab relations in the Tangier, Marrakesh, and Casablanca—located with Moroccan Arabs at the time. This led the ruled by a series of dynasties with a Sultan as decades that followed. It is also important to note along Morocco’s North-Western coast, all carry majority of Amazigh communities to remain the official head of state (Seligman 1930, 145). that, even though French colonial rule provided significant political clout, though none of them are in their ancestral homes, far removed from the France, along with Britain and Spain, used political a framework for greater Arab-Amazigh unity home to substantial numbers of Amazigh residents predominantly Arab cities of coastal Morocco maneuvers to occupy Morocco, subordinating the in Algeria, the formal recognition of Amazigh (Silverstein 2009, 170). Taken together, these (Silverstein and Crawford 2004, 47). Some groups Sultan to a figurehead status (Fage and Tordoff identity was not an immediate consequence of the geographic factors, and the varying degrees of in the country have tried—with little success—to 2013, 469). While France effectively secured War of Independence. Rather, this colonial legacy dispersion of the Amazigh populations in Algeria connect these scattered Amazigh communities Morocco in 1912, Algeria became a French colony resurfaced in the decades that followed amid state and Morocco, have greatly impacted the degree with the Arab government at large. Most notably, over 80 years before. These differing time horizons efforts to Arabize Algerian society at the expense to which Imazighen are accepted in each country. the Movement Populaire, a political party that does during the colonial era meant that French influence of minority demographics, ultimately allowing The French occupation of Algeria allowed not “identify itself strictly as representative of the and control was much less prominent in Morocco. Algerian Imazighen to mobilize and reassert their for a more extensive diffusion of Amazigh culture Amazigh but rather of Moroccan rural people,” Since France lacked the time to fully presence in the national political sphere. Conversely, across the North African country. Because the strives to represent marginalized Imazighen consolidate its presence in Morocco—the First the lack of prominent French rule in Morocco French instituted Amazigh citizens as local leaders, who are afforded limited political representation World War broke out just two years later in 1914— precluded the same level of integration, both during many Amazigh communities travelled from their due to their rural status (UNHCR). The relative Amazigh communities were not integrated into and after the colonial era. Thus, each country’s path relatively secluded homes to cities that were lack of interdependence between Moroccan

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Imazighen and Arabs is a significant obstacle towards Amazigh identity compared to Algeria. of informal Amazigh parties and Amazigh civil policitization present in Algeria and Morocco can stymieing effective political representation for While neither country's governments society groups—have contributed to a latent also be explained by each country’s willingness to Amazigh communities. For instance, most high- formally recognize the existence of explicitly acceptance of Amazigh identity in the country. formally recognize Tamazight, the predominant ranking officials who are capable of influencing Amazigh political parties, Amazigh civil society In Morocco, the perceived “role” of Amazigh language. While neither country has national politics and the economy live in coastal groups are permitted in contemporary Algeria. Imazighen is one of insubordination and political wholly integrated Tamazight into the socio-political cities like Marrakesh or Tangier, and are therefore Collectives such as the Rally for Culture and unrest. The political sphere in Morocco is less realm, the Algerian government permits the use of more likely to overlook Amazigh interests and Democracy (RCD) and the Mouvement Culturel accepting of Amazigh communities, which has Tamazight more so than itsMoroccan counterpart. concerns. Moreover, the two ethnic groups are Berbère (MCB) are able to, “advocate for led Amazigh identity to be politicized and equated The politicization of Tamazight is an separated by a complex topography of desert greater recognition and acceptance of a distinct with civil unrest. The overt, political ostracization incredibly relevant topic in Algeria. Although the and mountains, the likes of which represent Amazigh cultural and linguistic identity and the of Amazigh communities in Morocco began during Algerian government recognized Tamazight as its additional divides between the two cultures. The protection of Amazigh human and legal rights” the 1960s and 70s, when an era of social reform second official language in 2016, this ostensibly geographical separation of the Imazighen and Arab (Chtatou 2019). This acceptance of non-Arab swept across the Middle East and the ideology progressive reform remains largely aspirational. Moroccans has allowed the central government identity in Algeria is largely due to the country’s of Arabization began to take shape. The notion Two years later, in 2018, the Algerian parliament to shun Amazigh identity under the banner of recent, brutal civil war that ended less than 20 of a Pan-Arabic identity was particularly popular vetoed an amendment that would have formalised “otherness,” making it all the more politicized. years ago; with its associated destruction still in in Morocco where “the hegemonic narrative the teaching of the Tamazight language in local The demographic makeup of key political the collective memory of Algerian society, the propagated by ruling elites advocated for the full schools. The rejection of Tamazight was met with cities in Algeria, such as Algiers, is distinctly more government is more careful, and it conducts itself Arabization of society and the reduction of Berber protests by students and other activists who wanted Amazigh due to the country’s history. Meanwhile, in such a way so as not to anger minority groups. culture to folklore status” (Maddy-Weitzman the Algerian government to fund the teaching of in contemporary Morocco, Amazigh grievances In addition, some parties in Algeria are 2012, 109). The Moroccan governments desire to Tamazight formally (Kestler-D’Amours 2017). can more easily be disregarded as rural and “tribal” able to indirectly cater to Imazighen without conform to a Pan-Arabic identity led to the othering This incident exemplifies how Amazigh identity issues given the limited Amazigh presence in being banned outright. One of these parties, of Amazigh communities and other minority continues to be politicized in Algeria despite politically significant cities such as Marrakesh and the Socialist Forces Front, even has four seats groups. Since the mid-twentieth century, Amazigh the many improvements that occurred since its Casablanca. The lack of Amazigh representation in the Council of the Nation and 14 seats in the identity has been politicized further, as protestors independence from France in 1962. However, it also in the Moroccan government allows policy People’s National Assembly—the two chambers in Morocco often don Amazigh flags as a symbol of illustrates Amazigh activists’ capacity to protest makers to scapegoat the Amazigh for political of Algeria’s legislature (El Aissati 2001, 65). government resistance and counter-establishment decisions that negatively impact their community. inefficiency (Silverstein 2012, 131). Amazigh Following the Algerian Civil War, Algerians ideals (Chtatou 2019). These protestors are often In addition, the very presence of a referendum on people in Morocco are regularly depicted as being sought an agreement to better reconcile the arrested publicly, causing Amazigh culture to Tamazight effectively illustrates the recognition political agitators, insurgents, and renegades country’s political system with its constitution. be further scapegoated and depicted as a source that Amazigh identity is allotted in Algeria. whose morals are not closely aligned with One outcome of the civil war was the Sant'Egidio of political instability (Maddy-Weitzman 2012, Compared to Algeria, the Moroccan those of the Arab elites. Comparably, Amazigh platform of 1995, formed by opposition parties and 113). Even though around 50 per cent of Morocco government has proved to be more unyielding communities in Algeria are not politicized to adopted largely by the Socialist Forces Front, the is believed to be Amazigh, the Arab elites of the towards Amazigh communities, especially in the same degree and they are more integrated aforementioned Amazigh-sympathetic party. The country have persistently sought the installation of the contexts of peaceful protests and language into public discourses and policy decisions. goal of the platform was to bring about a more Arabization policies in government and the political recognition. Protests in Morocco that call for inclusive civic discourse, embracing Arab and non- fibre of the country. Amazigh identity in Morocco advancements in the Amazigh language are typically Arab identities alike (Naylor 2000). The Algerian is suppressed, subdued, and politicized; Amazigh met with immediate, sometimes violent police Political Organization Civil War thus had a profound impact on domestic communities are seen as subservient to Arab ones suppression. Government space, school classes, Along with the historical and geo-political politics, planting the seeds for further mobilization (Chtatou 2019). Whereas the Imazighen in Algeria and office meetings must be conducted exclusively underpinnings of contemporary disparities during the Arab Spring. In the aftermath of the are included in political discussions, Amazigh in Arabic, and the use of Tamazight in public between Imazighen and Arabs in North Africa, Arab Spring, Amazigh grievances were similarly communities in Morocco are rarely recognized. can even lead to arrest (Chtatou 2019). Amazigh Algeria and Morocco’s political frameworks have recognized as being critical to national stability, In addition, while political parties in Algeria are identity is extremely politicized in Morocco, also contributed to the degree to which Amazigh albeit in a more diminished capacity than Arab allowed to cater to Amazigh interests, the Moroccan so it is no surprise that the Amazigh language is identity has been able to achieve recognition. While ones (Maddy-Weitzman 2015, 2500). During the government ignores the Imazighen and their identity similarly suppressed and ostracized. Although the Algerian society continues to grapple with issues of periods of reconstruction that have taken place unless it is being used as part of a political protest. Moroccan government ostensibly made strides Amazigh acceptance (carrying the Berber flag is still in Algeria over the last two decades, Amazigh regarding the acceptance of Amazigh identity met with hostilities in some regions), the Moroccan issues have remained a topic of interest in the and language in recent years, in reality, Amazigh political system, which remains deeply connected country. Algeria’s history, coupled with its Politicization of the Amazigh Language identity is still heavily politicized in Morocco. to the monarchy, is generally less accepting political structure—one that permits the existence The differing degrees of Amazigh- Following the Arab Spring in 2011, the

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Moroccan monarchy recognized Tamazight, the where roughly 25 per cent of the population is References Maddy-Weitzman, Bruce. 2012. “Arabization and language spoken by many native Amazigh people, believed to be of Amazigh descent, many Amazigh Aissati, Abderrahman El. 2001. “Ethnic Identity, Its Discontents: The Rise of the Amazigh as the second official language of Morocco (Sater groups are currently pushing for increased Language Shift, and The Amazigh Voice in Movement in North Africa.” The Journal of the 2011). While Moroccan law formally recognizes cultural acknowledgement (Ennaji 2014, 96-97). 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Accessed November 18, Conclusion ensure that the language remains second-class and The Arab Spring and the Amazigh movement.” 2019.https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/north- As Amazigh identity is more politicized ultimately subservient to Arabic. In light of these Ethnic and Racial Studies, 38(14), 2499–2515. africa-west-asia/beyond-arab-vs-berber-rich-c in Morocco than in Algeria, Moroccan Amazigh factors, it is clear that Amazigh communities— https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.10611 mplexities-of-algerian-identity-should-be-c/. communities can influence societal discourse and by extension other ethnic minorities— 39 more significantly. In contemporary Algeria, are more politicized in Morocco than Algeria.

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