The Capabilities Approach and Violence Against Women

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Capabilities Approach and Violence Against Women CHAPTER 2 The Capabilities Approach and Violence Against Women Implications for Social Development Loretta Pyles ocial development approaches, welfare capabilities (Sen, 1999). Poor and impoverished policies, and antipoverty strategies have women who are victims of violence and abuse in S often been premised on the idea that an their isolation are especially vulnerable in the increase in income or the material wealth of sense that they have less freedom and access to households is the best means to end poverty and institutions. Unfortunately, social development thus the primary goal of social development. approaches have rarely incorporated the unique Neoliberal growth-oriented strategies of capital realities of poor women into their blueprints, accumulation, privatization, and investment in particularly the special concerns of women who developing countries with cheap labor markets are victims of violence. Though the Millennium are similarly focused on materialist underpin- Development Goals of the United Nations are nings, often ignoring human well-being and appropriately concerned with gender equality and human rights. the empowerment of women, their indicators on Many approaches to social development ignore these issues are not explicitly focused on violence the idea that how people live their lives and the against women. This is the case despite the evi- kinds of services and institutions that they have dence that violence against women and girls access to are potentially just as important as, and clearly has an adverse impact on women’s eco- tied in to, their annual income. Poor and low- nomic and overall well-being (Pyles, 2006a; income individuals are at risk and have low func- Raphael, 2000; Tolman and Rosen, 2001). tioning not just because they have no money, The capabilities perspective offers an alter- but because they may lack certain freedoms or native to development theories and policies Pyles, L. (2008). The capabilities approach and violence against women: Implications for social development. International Social Work, 51, 25–36. 31 32——PART I. Theoretical and Methodological Issues traditionally grounded in such materialism. The Many theories of welfare hold the position capabilities approach, as articulated by Sen that positive outcomes, such as working in the (1999), Nussbaum (2000), and the United formal wage-labor sector or achieving an income Nations Development Programme (UNDP; above the poverty line, contribute to well-being. 1999), is based on the notion that human free- The capabilities approach asserts that processes dom and access to opportunities are central to and human relationships are, in and of them- social development. Given that women represent selves, valuable and also valuable insofar as they the largest number of individuals living in pov- have a positive impact on material well-being erty and that they are vulnerable to violence and outcomes. According to the capabilities approach, other inequalities that exacerbate their vulnera- equality of opportunity is what matters most for bilities, the capabilities approach offers a social well-being (Pressman and Summerfield, 2000). development framework that can incorporate Sen has focused on “what is of intrinsic value in these realities. After clarifying the capabilities life, rather than on the goods that provide instru- approach, I review the literature on the economic mental value or utility” (Pressman and Summer- aspects of violence against women. I show how field, 2000: 97). While a utilitarian measure of the capabilities approach, especially the work of human welfare would indicate that people are Nussbaum (2000), offers new insights into worse off if their standard of living is lower, the understanding both violence against women and capabilities approach shows that with greater social development. freedom and choice, welfare may increase. Poverty is viewed as a deprivation of basic liber- ties as opposed to just low income (Sen, 1999). Capabilities Approach Income is not necessarily an end in itself but a means to an end. The end is to increase the func- The 1998 Nobel prize–winning economist tioning and capabilities of people, so that an Amartya Sen (1999) argues that while provid- adequate measure of welfare ought to measure ing primary goods to a society, as proposed by these capabilities. the philosopher John Rawls, is an important The United Nations Human Development moment in economic thinking, what use one Index (HDI) is an example of a way to measure makes of these primary goods “depends cru- development not based on income alone, but cially on a number of contingent circum- incorporating other valued aspects of human life. stances, both personal and social” (1971: 70). The HDI is a “weighted average of income These circumstances, or “diversities and hetero- adjusted for distribution and purchasing geneities,” as Sen calls them, include personal power, life expectancy and literacy and educa- heterogeneities, environmental diversities, vari- tion. It is expressed in terms of deprivation from ations in social climate, differences in relational what is potentially achievable” (Pressman and perspectives, and distribution within the fam- Summerfield, 2000: 101). ily. People’s abilities to activate these primary The basic capabilities advocated for by Sen goods vary. Sen (1999: 73) thus emphasizes the (1999: 126) are “the ability to be well nourished, importance of looking into “the actual living to avoid escapable morbidity or mortality, to that people manage to achieve.” This emphasis read and write and communicate, to take part in on securing a real opportunity for every indi- the life of the community, to appear in public vidual to achieve functioning—what the per- without shame.” Nussbaum (2000), who broad- son can succeed in doing with the primary ens Sen’s capabilities, incorporating more explic- goods at one’s command—is the basis of the itly feminist concerns, articulates 10 central philosophy of the capabilities approach (Gotoh, human capabilities: life; bodily health; bodily 2001). integrity; senses, imagination, and thought; Chapter 2. The Capabilities Approach and Violence Against Women——33 emotions; practical reason; affiliation; other spe- choose to work in the formal sector (in a way that cies; play; and control over one’s environment. is safe and facilitates economic self-sufficiency) is Clearly, these perspectives reflect a different view the responsibility of society. So, under the capa- of economic development compared with the bilities approach, people should have the free- traditional goals of achieving a certain income or dom to choose and self-determine their lives. The owning property. To better grasp the idea of capabilities approach is ultimately congruent capabilities, it is important to understand the with social work perspectives on social justice, centrality of the concept of freedom. empowerment, and self-determination (Gutierrez and Lewis, 1994; Hill, 2003; Morris, 2002). Freedom as the Means and End Violence Against Freedom, liberties, agency, and choice are cen- Women and Economics tral tenets of the capabilities approach. According to Sen (1999), there are two aspects of freedom: Violence against women affects the ability of the processes that allow freedom of actions and women to achieve full functioning in the world. I decisions; and the opportunities that people define violence against women as physical, sex- have, given their particular personal and social ual, and emotional violence against women and situations. Freedom is both the primary end and girls by intimates, acquaintances, or strangers. principal means of development. Sen also Like many researchers, I view it as a patriarchal describes this dual function as the constitutive mechanism for controlling women, defined par- role and the instrumental role, respectively. He ticularly by the use of power, force, manipula- (1999) advocates for five basic instrumental free- tion, and isolation. In this section, I will discuss doms: political freedoms (i.e., civil rights and the ways in which violence against women tends other aspects of democratic processes); eco- to affect poor adult women. First, I will explain nomic facilities (i.e., access to credit and other how violence limits women’s access to certain distributional considerations); social opportuni- institutions; then, I will discuss the effects of vio- ties (i.e., access to education and health care); lence on the physical and emotional well-being transparency guarantees (i.e., societal preven- of women; and finally, I will articulate the explicit tions of corruption and financial irresponsibil- ramifications of abuse on the economic well- ity); and protective security (i.e., a social safety being of women. net providing income supplements and unem- ployment benefits). All of these instrumental freedoms are interconnected in their ability to Violence as a Limit to Women’s help facilitate the ends of development. Access to Institutions It is critical to grasp the distinction between functioning and capabilities. A functioning is Women who have been victimized by an what people actually do, whereas a capability is intimate partner or a stranger often experience what they are able to do given the personal and fear, shame, and isolation. People who abuse social situation. If one has the capability of being women may use the tactic of isolation by delib- able to eat, one can still always choose to fast. erately isolating them from friends, family, Thus, the capability may not necessarily
Recommended publications
  • Embodied Issues of Gender and Power in Aidoo's Changes
    POLITICS OF THE (TEXTUAL) BODY: EMBODIED ISSUES OF GENDER AND POWER IN AIDOO’S CHANGES: A LOVE STORY , FAQIR’S PILLARS OF SALT , AND WINTERSON’S WRITTEN ON THE BODY by Jessica Lynn Jones November 2013 Director of Thesis: Dr. Marame Gueye Major Department: English This thesis explores the literary manifestation of patriarchal embodiment in several multicultural novels: Ama Ata Aidoo’s Changes: A Love Story , Fadia Faqir’s Pillars of Salt , and Jeanette Winterson’s Written on the Body . Using theories of embodiment, gender, and power, I analyze how the female body is cast as a surface onto which gendered power structures can be inscribed, as well as the ways in which the body subverts cultural gender norms. The novels exemplify the relationship among literature, culture, and consciousness and offer visions of feminism outside of a Western paradigm. [Trigger Warning: This thesis features instances of sexual violence that may be triggering to some readers.] POLITICS OF THE (TEXTUAL) BODY: EMBODIED ISSUES OF GENDER AND POWER IN AIDOO’S CHANGES: A LOVE STORY , FAQIR’S PILLARS OF SALT , AND WINTERSON’S WRITTEN ON THE BODY A Thesis Presented To the Faculty of the Department of English East Carolina University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in English by Jessica Lynn Jones November 2013 © Jessica Lynn Jones, 2013 POLITICS OF THE (TEXTUAL) BODY: EMBODIED ISSUES OF GENDER AND POWER IN AIDOO’S CHANGES: A LOVE STORY , FAQIR’S PILLARS OF SALT , AND WINTERSON’S WRITTEN ON THE BODY by Jessica Lynn Jones APPROVED
    [Show full text]
  • Glossary of Definitions of Rape, Femicide and Intimate Partner
    Glossary of definitions of rape, femicide and intimate partner violence The European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) is an autonomous body of the European Union, established to contribute to and strengthen the promotion of gender equality, including gender mainstreaming in all EU policies and the resulting national policies, and the fight against discrimination based on sex, as well as to raise EU citizens’ awareness of gender equality. The Glossary of definitions of rape, femicide and intimate partner violence has been prepared by Natha- lie Meurens and Hana Spanikova (Milieu Ltd) and reviewed by Els Leye (Ghent University) for EIGE under con- tract No. EIGE/2015/OPER/12 A. The views expressed herein are those of the consultants alone and do not necessarily represent the official views of EIGE. The European Institute for Gender Equality Gedimino pr. 16 LT-01103 Vilnius LITUANIA Tel. +370 52157444 E-mail: [email protected] http://eige.europa.eu http://www.twitter.com/eurogender http://www.facebook.com/eige.europa.eu EuroGender: http://eurogender.eige.europa.eu http://www.youtube.com/eurogender Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Freephone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) Certain mobile telephone operators do not allow access to 00 800 numbers or these calls may be billed. More information on the European Union is available on the internet (http://europa.eu). Print ISBN 978-92-9493-760-5 doi:10.2839/58061 MH-04-17-297-EN-C PDF ISBN 978-92-9493-759-9 doi:10.2839/918972 MH-04-17-297-EN-N © European Institute for Gender Equality, 2017 Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged.
    [Show full text]
  • Are You Afraid of the Dark?
    Global Political Studies One -Year Master Program, 60 credits Human Rights Master Thesis, 15 credits Spring 2015 Supervisor: Peter Hallberg Are You Afraid of The Dark? Addressing women’s fear of sexual violence as a Human Rights concern in Sweden Talina Marcusson Journiette Author: Talina Marcusson Journiette Title: Are You Afraid of the Dark? Addressing Women’s Fear of Sexual Violence as a Human Rights Concern Supervisor: Peter Hallberg Word count: 16495 This study is based on the statistical finding that every tenth women in Sweden refrains to go outside alone in their own residential area when it is dark because they are afraid (BRÅ 2015:88) and strives to discuss this problem further. The purpose of this study is to argue that there is a need to address women’s fear of sexual violence as a human rights concern in Sweden. Women’s ability to enjoy their human rights is restricted by their fear and the normalization of women’s fear contributes to this problem. Furthermore, Martha Nussbaum’s capability approach and her theoretical understanding of emotions enable an understanding of how the concept of bodily integrity is affected by women’s fear. Women’s fear of sexual violence can be understood as a problem of social inequality that is affected by the underlying structures of gender inequality. Therefore, it is essential to identify the nature of the attitudes that tend to undermine women and result in violence against women. The fear of sexual violence is dependent on the occurrence of violence against women, which is a human rights violation.
    [Show full text]
  • Transfeminist Perspectives in and Beyond Transgender and Gender Studies
    Transfeminist Perspectives Edited by ANNE ENKE Transfeminist Perspectives in and beyond Transgender and Gender Studies TEMPLE UNIVERSITY PRESS Philadelphia TEMPLE UNIVERSITY PRESS Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19122 www.temple.edu/tempress Copyright © 2012 by Temple University All rights reserved Published 2012 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Transfeminist perspectives in and beyond transgender and gender studies / edited by Anne Enke. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4399-0746-7 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-1-4399-0747-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN 978-1-4399-0748-1 (e-book) 1. Women’s studies. 2. Feminism. 3. Transgenderism. 4. Transsexualism. I. Enke, Anne, 1964– HQ1180.T72 2012 305.4—dc23 2011043061 Th e paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992 Printed in the United States of America 2 4 6 8 9 7 5 3 1 Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: Transfeminist Perspectives 1 A. Finn Enke Note on Terms and Concepts 16 A. Finn Enke PART I “This Much Knowledge”: Flexible Epistemologies 1 Gender/Sovereignty 23 Vic Muñoz 2 “Do Th ese Earrings Make Me Look Dumb?” Diversity, Privilege, and Heteronormative Perceptions of Competence within the Academy 34 Kate Forbes 3 Trans. Panic. Some Th oughts toward a Th eory of Feminist Fundamentalism 45 Bobby Noble 4 Th e Education of Little Cis: Cisgender and the Discipline of Opposing Bodies 60 A. Finn Enke PART II Categorical Insuffi ciencies and “Impossible People” 5 College Transitions: Recommended Policies for Trans Students and Employees 81 Clark A.
    [Show full text]
  • Pregnancy, Femicide, and the Indispensability of Legalizing Abortion: a Comparison Between Argentina and Ireland
    Emory International Law Review Volume 34 Issue 3 2020 Pregnancy, Femicide, and the Indispensability of Legalizing Abortion: A Comparison Between Argentina and Ireland Agustina M. Buedo Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr Recommended Citation Agustina M. Buedo, Pregnancy, Femicide, and the Indispensability of Legalizing Abortion: A Comparison Between Argentina and Ireland, 34 Emory Int'l L. Rev. 825 (2020). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr/vol34/iss3/3 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Emory Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Emory International Law Review by an authorized editor of Emory Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BUEDOPROOFS_5.11.20 5/11/2020 1:12 PM PREGNANCY, FEMICIDE, AND THE INDISPENSABILITY OF LEGALIZING ABORTION: A COMPARISON BETWEEN ARGENTINA AND IRELAND INTRODUCTION Although Argentina has relatively high levels of education, strong civil- society groups, and a long history of feminist activism, the country remains stagnant on change regarding women’s rights, specifically, reproductive rights.1 Among the long-standing human rights problems in Argentina is the “endemic violence against women, restrictions on abortion, [and] difficulty accessing reproductive services.”2 Argentine law considers abortion a crime with the exception of two narrowly defined circumstances: (a) if the abortion is carried out with the purpose of averting risk to the mother’s life or health when that risk cannot be averted by any other measure; or (b) in the case of the rape of a mentally disabled woman.3 This kind of law perpetuates both the cultural and institutional restraints surrounding abortion that are “paradigmatic of how women’s bodies are socially regulated in Argentina.”4 Restricting abortion has severe implications—more violence against women.
    [Show full text]
  • TWENTY-ONE the Body As Property: a Feminist Re-Vision Rosalind
    TWENTY-ONE The Body as Property: A Feminist Re-vision Rosalind Pollack Petchesky Reproductive politics is in large part about language and the contestation of meanings. Since the 1980s, women's political struggles in the domains of reproductive rights, control over fertility, sexual freedom, and freedom from sexual violence have made the language of "owning" or "controlling" one's body a commonplace of feminist rhetoric. This is true not only in North America and Europe but in Latin America, South Asia, and parts of Africa, and certainly wherever international feminist activists gather. But this language has also been challenged, not only by conservatives and religious fundamentalists on the right but from within feminism: first, on moral grounds, by radical feminists, for whom such language evokes patriarchal and commercial practices of objectifying women's bodies, treating them as goods; and second, on analytical grounds, by postmodernists, for whom such language rests on the illusion of agentic, coherent, physically bounded selves. This chapter is part of a larger study that reconsiders these critiques of women's "right" to own their bodies with both a culturally and historically open lens on the meanings of property, especially "self-propriety" or self-ownership, and an understanding of the language of self/body ownership as a rhetorical strategy for political mobilization and defining identities, not a description of the world. I wish to recuperate the notion of self-propriety as an indispensable part of feminist conceptions of social democracy and even property more generally. Rhetorical claims on behalf of women's ownership of their bodies invoke meanings of ownership as a relationship of right, use, and caretaking-meanings that have different cultural moorings from the commercial idea of property that the regime of triumphal international capitalism conventionally takes for granted.
    [Show full text]
  • How the Global Political Economy Affects Reproductive Freedom in the Philippines
    International Feminist Journal of Politics ISSN: 1461-6742 (Print) 1468-4470 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rfjp20 Invisible labor, invisible bodies: how the global political economy affects reproductive freedom in the Philippines Maria Tanyag To cite this article: Maria Tanyag (2017) Invisible labor, invisible bodies: how the global political economy affects reproductive freedom in the Philippines, International Feminist Journal of Politics, 19:1, 39-54, DOI: 10.1080/14616742.2017.1289034 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2017.1289034 Published online: 04 Apr 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 944 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 2 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rfjp20 INTERNATIONAL FEMINIST JOURNAL OF POLITICS, 2017 VOL. 19, NO. 1, 39–54 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2017.1289034 Invisible labor, invisible bodies: how the global political economy affects reproductive freedom in the Philippines Maria Tanyag School of Social Sciences, Monash University, Clayton Campus, Australia ABSTRACT Feminist scholars have critically demonstrated the links between the global political economy, social reproduction and gender-based violence. This article builds on this scholarship by investigating restrictions to reproductive freedom and their connection to the depletion of women’s bodies in the global political economy. Specifically, I use the Depletion through Social Reproduction (DSR) framework to reveal how the work of social reproduction is harnessed to service economic activity at the cost of rights to bodily integrity with the aid of religious fundamentalist ideologies that (re)inscribe discourses of female altruism such as the “self-sacrificing mother” ideal.
    [Show full text]
  • Constituting Children's Bodily Integrity
    HILL IN PRINTER FINAL (DO NOT DELETE) 3/25/2015 12:23 PM CONSTITUTING CHILDREN’S BODILY INTEGRITY B. JESSIE HILL† ABSTRACT Children have a constitutional right to bodily integrity. Courts do not hesitate to vindicate that right when children are abused by state actors. Moreover, in at least some cases, a child’s right to bodily integrity applies within the family, giving the child the right to avoid unwanted physical intrusions regardless of the parents’ wishes. Nonetheless, the scope of this right vis-à-vis the parents is unclear; the extent to which it applies beyond the narrow context of abortion and contraception has been almost entirely unexplored and untheorized. This Article is the first in the legal literature to analyze the constitutional right of minors to bodily integrity within the family by spanning traditionally disparate doctrinal categories such as abortion rights; corporal punishment; medical decisionmaking; and nontherapeutic physical interventions such as tattooing, piercing, and circumcision. However, the constitutional right of minors to bodily integrity raises complex philosophical questions concerning the proper relationship between family and state, as well as difficult doctrinal and theoretical issues concerning the ever-murky idea of state action. This Article canvasses those issues with the ultimate goal of delineating a constitutional right of bodily security and autonomy for children. Copyright © 2015 B. Jessie Hill. † Professor of Law, Laura B. Chisolm Distinguished Research Scholar and Associate Dean for Faculty Development and Research, Case Western Reserve University School of Law. Earlier drafts of this Article were presented in faculty workshops at Cornell Law School, Mercer University School of Law, and UCLA School of Law and at the 35th Annual Health Law Professors Conference at Arizona State University.
    [Show full text]
  • The Conservative Resistance Against Women's Bodily Integrity in Latin America : the Case of Chile
    ORBIT-OnlineRepository ofBirkbeckInstitutionalTheses Enabling Open Access to Birkbeck’s Research Degree output The conservative resistance against women’s bodily integrity in Latin America : the case of Chile https://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/id/eprint/40282/ Version: Full Version Citation: Alvarez Minte, Gabriela (2017) The conservative resistance against women’s bodily integrity in Latin America : the case of Chile. [Thesis] (Unpublished) c 2020 The Author(s) All material available through ORBIT is protected by intellectual property law, including copy- right law. Any use made of the contents should comply with the relevant law. Deposit Guide Contact: email The Conservative Resistance Against Women's Bodily Integrity in Latin America; The Case of Chile Gabriela Alvarez Minte Birkbeck, University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy I declare that the work presented in this thesis is my genuine and original work. 1 Abstract This research analyses the conservative resistance to women's women's bodily integrity, specifically women's sexual and reproductive rights in Chile, responding to the questions (1) How are policies on sexual and reproductive rights contested and blocked in Chile? and (2) What drives this resistance? Using empirical analysis and qualitative research, it explores the historical legacies of the dictatorship (1973 - 1989) and its implications for current policy making and the history, strategies and influence of the Catholic Church. It also looks in de- tail at three current policy processes: sexuality education, access to emergency contraception and decriminalization of therapeutic abortion. It concludes that women's sexual and repro- ductive rights challenge core conservative principles and generate fear of social change.
    [Show full text]
  • Violence Against Women
    Abstraet Over the past three decades, women's organizations have created a par- adigm shift in understanding and acting to end violence against women. Where gender-based violence was once confined to whispers and silent suffering, it is now part of the public agenda. Women's groups and net- works have insisted that violence against women is not only a crime; it is a violation of women's human rights. Rape, for example, is not an "affront to a woman's chastity" but rather a profound violation of her bodily integrity and her right to dignity, security, and freedom from dis- crimination. This article examines a recent assessment of initiatives to end violence against women that was conducted in 2002 by the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) and connected to cur- rent research, advocacy, and antiviolence organizing. Au cours des trois dernieres d?cennies, les organisations f?minines ont d?velopp? de nouveaux modeles de r?f?rence en ce qui concerne ? la fois la compr?hension de la violence contre les femmes et l'action visant ? y mettre fin. Alors que la violence sexiste ?tait naguere confin?e ? des chu- chotements et ? des souffrances en silence, elle est maintenant ouverte- ment ? l'ordre du jour. Les groupements et r?seaux f?minins ont fait clairement comprendre que la violence contre les femmes n'est pas seulement un crime; c'est aussi une violation des droits humains des femmes. Le viol, par exemple, n'est pas un ? affront ? la chastet? d'une femme ?, mais plutot une violation profonde de son int?grit? corporelle et de son droit ? la dignit?, la s?curit? et la protection contre la discrim- ination.
    [Show full text]
  • Women's Voices, Work and Bodily Integrity in Pre
    1 WOMEN’S VOICES, WORK AND BODILY INTEGRITY IN PRE-CONFLICT, CONFLICT AND POST CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION PROCESSES IN SIERRA LEONE Country paper prepared for the West Africa Scoping Workshop of the Pathways of Women’s Empowerment Research Programme Consortium Meeting, Accra, Ghana, 4-7 July 2006 By Hussainatu J. Abdullah Aisha F. Ibrahim and Jamesina King INTRODUCTION 2 A study of the changes that have taken place in Sierra Leonean women’s lives in the last 20 years in the three thematic research areas of voice and participation, work and access to resources, and bodily integrity entails a situation analysis of women’s pre-conflict, conflict and post-conflict reconstruction activities in these fields. This is because the primary defining feature of the period 1986-2006 is the civil war years of 1991-2002. Armed conflicts, whether inter or intra state, leave behind not only human carnage, massive destruction of physical and socio-economic infrastructure (the Sierra Leone civil war was no exception to this reality)1, but also at the political level “a weak and collapsed state, with no effective local government structures and few remaining traditional authorities” (Eno, 2002:74). At the socio-cultural level, “War also destroys the patriarchal structures of society that confine and degrade women. In the very break down of morals, traditions, customs and community, war also opens up and creates new beginnings” (Turshen, 1998:20). Thus, in studying the changes in Sierra Leonean women’s lives in the period under review, we shall focus not only on the challenges brought on by the war, but also the opportunities created by it, to explore how women have or have not used these openings to transform their existence and status in society.
    [Show full text]
  • Feminist Declaration on the Occasion of the Twenty-Fifth Anniversary of the Fourth World Conference on Women* *This Document Is
    Feminist declaration on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Fourth World Conference on Women* *This document is drafted by the Women’s Rights Caucus: a global coalition of over 200 organizations working to advance women’s human rights internationally, regionally, nationally and locally. Introduction We, feminist groups, trade unionists, women’s and community-based organizations, indigenous groups, disability rights advocates, LBTQ+ and gender non-conforming people, intersex people, women human rights defenders and girls’ and youth-led organizations (among others): 1. Recognizing that several member states lack political courage or will to commit to an ambitious political declaration 25 years after the Fourth World Conference on Women, we undertake to offer what we believe is a truly meaningful and reflective feminist declaration; one that takes stock of the current state of the world and the realities of women, girls and gender-non-conforming people in all their diversities. This declaration identifies and addresses new and existing challenges, and outlines the necessary areas that a fresh, progressive and bold international agenda for gender equality and women’s and girls’ human rights can address. Preambular section 2. While recommitting to the Beijing Declaration and Platform For Action and its ambitious and visionary commitments across its twelve critical areas of concern, and to the women, peace and security agenda, we recognize that these historic commitments, as well as the more recent 2030 Agenda, will remain unachievable
    [Show full text]