Bernardino Verastique. Michoacan and Eden: Vasco de Quiroga and the Evangelization of Western Mexico. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2000. xviii + 194 pp. $40.00 (cloth) ISBN 0-292-78737-5; $19.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-292-78738-4. Reviewed by Charles C. Kolb Published on H-LatAm (June, 2000) [Disclaimer: The opinions expressed herein -- depending upon which biographer the reader are those of the reviewer and not of his employer consults (p. xiv). The significance of Bishop or any other federal agency.] Quiroga to Mexican history and historiography is The author of this important book-length syn‐ attested to by the fact that there have been more thesis, Bernardino Veastique, completed research than a dozen biographies by Mexican and Ameri‐ on his volume while at Harvard's Center for the can historians and religious scholars representing Study of World Religions; he is currently associate a number of theoretical orientations.[1] professor of Religious Studies at Our Lady of the As a Judge (oidor) and Bishop, Quiroga was Lake University in San Antonio, Texas. In this sig‐ driven by a profound respect for Spanish ju‐ nificant contribution to Mexican history, histori‐ risprudence and his desire to convert the Purhep‐ ography, anthropology, and religious studies, Ve‐ echa-Chichimeca to a purified form of Christianity rastique assesses the evangelization efforts of the free of the corruption of European Catholicism, first bishop of the west Mexican province of Mi‐ and strove to establish "New World Edens" in Mi‐ choacan (a region larger than the modern state), choacan by congregating the native populace into Don Vasco de Quiroga (1477 or 1478 to 1565). The "pueblo-hospital" communities. In these towns, author also places into context and evaluates the mendicant friars could more easily instruct them dramatic cultural and historical impacts resulting in the fundamental beliefs of Christianity as well from this effort by focusing on Quiroga who as the values of Spanish culture. Quiroga patron‐ served as bishop from 1535 until his death in ized the construction of three pueblos each of 1565. Quiroga remains a controversial fgure the which included a hospital, as well as the great Mexican historiography --Renaissance humanist, cathedral of Santa Ana, numerous churches and social liberal, reformer, "miracle worker," progen‐ schools, and the Colegio de San Nicolas Obispo. itor of the Mexican social security system, defend‐ These were no small feats, given that the Purhep‐ er of indigenous peoples, or violent authoritarian echa kingdom of Michoacan also included parts of H-Net Reviews the modern states of Guerrero, Guanajuato, and ing opinions and contradictions about Quiroga [1] Quetaro -- an area of 70,000 square kilometers "are due to the continual transmission of misin‐ and 1.5 million inhabitants. formation concerning the 'New World' and to his‐ Structurally, the volume contains an introduc‐ torical interpretations shaped by the authors' own tion, eight chapters, and an epilogue, 10 sets of prejudices and worldviews" (p. xiv). He further endnotes (a total of 404), a bibliography with 274 notes that he assumes that "a basic characteristic entries (78 in Spanish), and a 10-page double col‐ of a culture is its symbolic construction of bound‐ umn index of predominantly proper noun names, aries, both internal and external. In other words, supplemented by one map and 10 fgures, all of a culture's core identity is encapsulated in its per‐ which are line drawings. The fgures are adapted ception of differences: differences within a cul‐ from Craine and Reindorp's edited translation of ture, such as varying class and caste statuses, and The Chronicles of Michoacan (1970) -- sometimes differences between it and surrounding cultures. called the "Morelia edition," which served as Ve‐ A community and its members thus define them‐ rastique's primary source, in addition to the selves in relation to significant others" (p. xvii). three-volume Cronica de Michoacan (1932), and After the Metzica (Mexica or Aztecs), the Purhep‐ some documents from Mexico's Archivo General echa were the second most powerful Prehispanic de la Nacion (A.G.N.), Justicia.[2] He also relies Amerindian state in northern Mesoamerica, and heavily upon the writings of Americo Castro the Purhepecha elites saw themselves as heirs of (1971), Miguel Leon-Portilla (1963), Stanley Payne the Toltec monarchs and, therefore, that they had (1984), R.A.M. Van Zantwijc (1967), and J. Benedict a sacred entitlement to the land. They distin‐ Warren (1985) for background information.[3] In guished themselves from their enemies -- the Met‐ addition to the biographies of Quiroga noted pre‐ zica to the east, and the Chichimecs to the north. viously, Verastique employs Josefina Muriel's In the initial chapter, "The Purhepecha- (1980) enlightening essay and the Paulino Cas‐ Chichimeca of Michoacan" (pp. 1-19), the geo‐ taneda Delgado edition of Quiroga's report Infor‐ graphical and cultural landscape of the Purhep‐ macion en derecho (1974).[4] echa kingdom is reviewed, as are cultural precur‐ Bishop Quiroga's organizational model for sors from ca. 40,000 BCE to the end of the Postclas‐ these new communities derived from the Judeo- sic Toltec period ca. 1150 CE. Verastique uses an Christian myth of Eden and Plato's concept of the inappropriate Old World archaeological term, republic as a perfect commonwealth governed by "upper Paleolithic period," ca. 40,000 B.C., to de‐ intellectuals. Verastique states that Silvio Zavala scribe the entry of early humans into the Western exaggerates the claim that Quiroga was influ‐ Hemisphere across the Bering Strait land bridge -- enced extensively by Thomas More's Utopia (p. this is more correctly the Early Paleoindian peri‐ xiv, 113, 117). He contends that early chroniclers od of the New World. His discussion of "Michoa‐ such as Gomara and Oviedo, the philosophical can from the Olmecs to the Toltecs" relies upon concepts of Montesque and Raynal, and anthropo‐ the works of art historians George Kubler and logical theoreticians including Edward Burnett Laurette Sejourne, ethnohistorian Jacques Tylor and Louis Henry Morgan, colored the inter‐ Soustelle, and archaeologist R.E.W. Adams. Read‐ pretations of "Amerindian" culture. Verastique, ers would be advised to consult the writings of exhibiting cultural sensitivity, employs that term Pollard, Weaver, Williams, and Bell. [5] instead of Native American or Indian. He begins By page eight, the narrative has turned to a the volume with an illustrative introduction in consideration of the English-language The Chroni‐ which he states that his thesis is that these vary‐ cles of Michoacan (more properly La Relacion de 2 H-Net Reviews Michoacan in its original Spanish edition), a man‐ regeneration themes (agrarian festivals and hu‐ uscript prepared for the frst viceroy of New Spain man sacrifice). Lake Patzcuaro is seen as the sa‐ from 1535-1550, Don Antonio de Mendoza. The cred center of the world and the Purhepecha capi‐ original manuscript (Codex C-IV-5 or Codex del tal and major city, Tzintzuntzan, has fve-tiered Escorial_) consists of 140 sheets, 3 Purhepecha cal‐ pyramids. endric pages, and 44 illustrations, is deposited in The next two chapters, "The Historical Land‐ the Real Biblioteca del Escorial in Madrid. [6] The scape of Spain" (pp. 36-49) and "Religion in Spain disputed authorship (p. 9) -- Fray Martin de on the Eve of the Spanish Conquest" (pp. 50-65) Coruna or Fray Jeronimo de Alcala, among others provide essential background on the Iberian -- is evaluated cogently, but nonetheless the docu‐ Peninsula and its geographic and cultural hetero‐ ment is the primary source on the social history geneity. Verastique briefly traces the historical of the Purhepecha. landscape from the Neolithic to the Phoenecians, The relationship between the Purhepecha Carthaginians, Romans, and Visigoths to the Arabs and nomadic Chichimec tribes is reviewed, and and the introduction of Islam. The discussion of the misuse of the term "Tarascan" to describe the Spain (Al Andulas or "Hispania") during the Mid‐ Purhepecha kingdom is demonstrated. Tarascan dle Ages emphasizes Castilla, the Christian-domi‐ is a general term meaning all Amerindian peoples nated social order (clergy, nobility, and common‐ of Michoacan (including Otomi, Matlaltzinca, and ers), the nobility derived from Visigothic lords, Teco peoples) much as the generic term "indio" classes of nobles (hidalgos, caballeros, optimales, means "Indian." Verastique moves then to a dis‐ grandes senores, and magnates), commoners cussion of the founding of the Purhepecha king‐ (ranging from free peasants to serfs), and conver‐ dom, the succession of priest-king rulers (cazon‐ sos (especially Jews). Following the writings of ci), and the Purhepecha elite (nobles, priests, and Payne and Castro, Verastique also considers Santi‐ warriors). There is little information on the com‐ ago de Compostela, the "Warrior Apostle," and the moners. Nonetheless, there are similarities to synthesis of military and religious ideals into a Aztec social structure (calpullis [wards or dis‐ military patriotic ideology. He notes that "by the tricts], cities, towns, rancherias, and extended later 15th century, Roman Catholicism had be‐ families). The "dominant elite" occupied the apex come the spiritual and philosophical foundation of the social pyramid, and women fared better in of Spanish culture" (p. 50). The political unifica‐ Purhepecha society and politics than they would tion of Iberia under Ferdinand and Isabella was under the Spanish. Priestly class offices were in‐ not duplicated in religious culture, but the Span‐ heritable within a state religion. Verastique uses ish church was, in fact, governed by the Spanish the terms lineage and clan rather loosely (p. 15, crown (p. 52). Theological diversity (regionalism, 16); there have very precise anthropological con‐ reevaluation of faith, vernacular books, and con‐ notations and I would have wished for clarity. tending religious milieus of the period -- particu‐ In Chapter 2 "The Purhepecha Religious larly the Protestant Reformation) are also dis‐ Worldview" (pp.