The Anatomy of Official Corruption

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Anatomy of Official Corruption VIII Congreso Internacional del CLAD sobre la Reforma del Estado y de la Administración Pública, Panamá, 28-31 Oct. 2003 The burden on our backs; corruption in Latin America Gerald E. Caiden University of Southern California Corruption has now become a popular subject in international circles. Not that it is new. Far from that, corruption has been with us since the dawn of government. But finally the world has decided that it has become too dysfunctional for global development for it to go unchallenged. Indeed, it has become so menacing that something has to be done about it. But are we taking about the same thing? Despite different words for it, there are common definitions and what is more there seems to be a remarkable degree of agreement in time and place. Ever since written records have survived, the same kinds of objectionable behavior have been identified, irrespective of language, religion, culture, ethnicity, governance, location, philosophy and social values. These have always been considered unworthy of individuals exercising power over others, epitomized in Lord Acton’s dictum that “Power corrupts; absolute power corrupts absolutely.” They have disappointed those over whom they have exercised their power. The Essence of Corruption The starting point in determining what constitutes corrupt practice is with the act itself, that specific form of behavior that is considered wrong and offensive. Those behaving in such a way must know that what they were doing was morally wrong, clearly out of line and unacceptable. They knowingly stole. They perjured themselves. They bribed or accepted bribes or passed on bribes or recorded bribes or disguised bribes. They interfered where they had no business interfering. Their acts were deliberate, not accidental or incidental. They were flagrant and worse still done without any pangs of conscience or shred of guilt. In short, they did know right from wrong but ventured on regardless. But what is considered right or wrong varies from place to place and in time. What was once considered natural, acceptable and even necessary, like cannibalism or infanticide, is later seen as wrong, just as what was seen as wrong, unconscionable and unnatural in the past becomes more acceptable and tolerated. What is seen as right or wrong in one culture or religion or ideology is not in another. Fortunately, in the case of corruption, there has been remarkable universal agreement over the centuries as to which specific acts fall within its rubric. Any differences have been marginal, not central. This convergence has been made possible by looking at the motivation of the actor. Why was the act done? They may protest otherwise but it seems fairly clear to others that they benefited in some way that would not otherwise have occurred. They had themselves or their closest and dearest in mind. They knew what they were doing and how advantaged they would be. Their actions were premeditated. They had thought things out or thought they had and had known what they were getting themselves into. They had been deliberate and must have felt that if discovered what they were doing would not be approved but seen as conduct unbecoming, wrong, unjust, immoral. Because they suspected that their acts would be resented, they tried to hide what they were about. They acted in the dark, confided only in a select group or inner circle that they thought they could trust also not to reveal anything, intimidated anyone who might spill the beans, silenced suspected whistle-blowers, preyed on the gullible and took advantage of the trust and goodwill vested in them. When discovered, they tried to brazen things out, destroy any incriminating evidence, used their position to hush up any incidents, and turn the tables on their accusers. Clearly, they knew they were up to no good. VIII Congreso Internacional del CLAD sobre la Reforma del Estado y de la Administración Pública, Panamá, 28-31 Oct. 2003 Again, attitudes are not necessarily consistent or absolute. Much depends on who it is who is being accused. Allowances are given for quite different reasons. On the one hand, the corrupt acts are so grave that if exposed, public trust in public institutions or anyone with authority might collapse into chaos, anarchy, violence and revolution, potential disasters that could damage the social fabric. Better then if such corruption was covered up and knowledge of it kept to very few trusted insiders. On the other hand, the corrupt acts committed might be considered so trivial and minor that they could be overlooked or forgiven because of the far greater good that the guilty perpetrators were doing (or had done) for the community as long as they were contrite or remorseful or ashamed on discovery, promised to refrain in the future, and make amends by offering compensation or doing penance. This contrasts to the obvious guilty and unapologetic who expose and testify against others in the inner circle on the promise of receiving a lighter punishment for spilling the beans and trapping the others. None of these cases fall into the exceptional category of heroic corruption where the actors gain nothing for themselves but risk much by acting for what they believe to be in the best interests of the community. They act selflessly and their motivation is idealistic on behalf of some justifiable, legitimate and harmless cause. Of course, they may be mistaken and their actions may be reprehensible but they may claim that they had no other option and their cause was in their eyes truly noble and deserving. They can be compared with whistle-blowers who make much the same case while being accused of being self-promoting or vengeful or otherwise less nobly motivated. Some of them are and others are not but every so often there are indeed individuals who act righteously without thinking of themselves. Judgment depends much on what were the actual outcomes or results or consequences of the alleged corrupt act. Who benefited and who suffered? Apart from rare heroic corruption, the actors benefited or gained something that would not have happened otherwise, that is, if they had not acted as they did. Their intervention altered or changed outcomes. Resources were improperly redistributed. Some people gained unfairly at the expense of others whether or not the latter were aware of their loss. By not playing by the commonly accepted rules, the outcomes were deliberately changed in some pre- determined fashion. Harm was done to innocent, trusting, honest, moral folk who were kept in the dark. An inner circle manipulated things for some secret agenda and made sure its members were not injured. Others outside the circle suffered the consequences despite claims made that nobody lost and nobody was victim. Only in the case of heroic corruption can it be said that the winners deserved to win and the losers deserved to lose. Corruption distorts in favor of the undeserving and penalizes the truly deserving. The corrupt cheat the underprivileged by taking away what is rightfully theirs. This is the injustice and immorality of corruption that when revealed is understood by the deprived, reminds them of their powerlessness and inferiority, and goads them to seeking revenge. Corruption is the antithesis of morality which may be a better way of defining it than the tortuous and fruitless search for something that tries to be inclusive. Jim Wesberry has probably provided one of the best descriptions that captures the essence of corruption. Corruption thrives on darkness and invisibility. It is anonymous and unmeasurable. It is rooted in the very human vices of greed and lust for power… [It] is colorless, shapeless, odorless, collusive, secret, stealthy, shameless… It often leaves no trail but that impressed in human minds, memories and perceptions. (Caiden, Dwivedi & Jabbra, 2001, 1) In recent years, this will o’ the wisp has been imprinted on people’s minds by such concrete examples as the attempts of the Italian government to rein in the Mafia, the brutality of the Russian Mafiya, the decline in Japan’s economic fortunes, the 1990s recession in Southeast Asia, political upheavals in the 2 VIII Congreso Internacional del CLAD sobre la Reforma del Estado y de la Administración Pública, Panamá, 28-31 Oct. 2003 Philippines and Pakistan, the hollow governments in much of Southern Africa, the forced resignations of the European Commissioners, political party financial scandals in Western Europe, the operations of the narco-regimes in the Middle East and Asia, the off-shore banks around the globe, and the inside looting of some major American business corporations and manipulated trading on world stock exchanges, to say nothing of global trading in illegal goods and services, international smuggling, and money laundering encouraged by rogue governments. All these are unmistakable illustrations of corruption at work around the globe with serious repercussions for all. This obvious presence of corruption gave birth in the early 1990s of Transparency International (TI) to publicize this menace and record actions taken to combat it. As a result, the international community could no longer ignore corruption and reversed course by acknowledging it, promoting measures to combat it and employing TI to expose and contain it. The taboos that used to shield corruption have now fallen by the wayside. Corruption is acknowledged to be an obstacle to world development by discouraging investment, undermining stability, destroying effective governance and demoralizing people. The societal price being paid has become too high and needs to be reduced. Tackling Corruption The international concern with corruption has been accompanied by a burst of studies, much of it repetitive and exhortary, but rather short on practicalities. This should not surprise as the subject is rather messy and fuzzy.
Recommended publications
  • The Evolution of Corruption: from "Honest Graft" to Conflicts of Interest
    T ONE The Evolution of Corruption: From "Honest Graft" to Conflicts of Interest Supposin' it's a new bridge they're going to build. I get tipped off and I buy as much property as I can that has to be taken for the approaches. I sell at my own price later on and drop some more money in the bank. Wouldn't you? It's just like lookin' ahead in Wall Street or in the coffee or cotton market It's honest graft and I'm lookin' for it every day of the year. George Washington Plunkitt, as quoted in William L. Riordon, Plunkitt ofTammany Hall To understand the evolution of the anticorruption project, it is necessary to begin with some observations about corruption itself. This chapter deals with four basic issues: the subjectivity of the definition of corruption, the increasing gap between expectations of official behavior and actual behav­ ior, the special politics of scandal and reform, and the difficulty of measur­ ing corruption. Defining Corruption Corruption is neither a single form of behavior nor an obvious species of conduct. 1 Corruption is the name we apply to some reciprocities by some people in some contexts at some times. The popular use of the term does not require that the conduct labeled corrupt be illegal; it is enough that the la­ beler thinks it is immoral or unethicaL Since people's views about moral and ethical conduct differ in important respects, corruption is often a contested ~. labeL Indeed, these days public servants are admonished not only to adhere to the skein of laws prohibiting a wide variety of conduct, but to avoid "the appearance of corruption." Such a warning recognizes that the term corrup­ tion refers to more than just positive law, but fails to recognize that appear­ ance of corruption is in the eyes of the beholder.
    [Show full text]
  • The Disappearance of Corruption and the New Path Forward in Campaign Finance
    MAZO 1.24.15 - MAZO FINAL VERSION (DO NOT DELETE) 1/25/2015 2:01 AM THE DISAPPEARANCE OF CORRUPTION AND THE NEW PATH FORWARD IN CAMPAIGN FINANCE EUGENE D. MAZO Reformers cloak their plans for changing the campaign finance system in the language of corruption because of the Supreme Court. In Buckley v. Valeo, the 1976 case that put corruption at the center of campaign finance law, the Supreme Court held that the only acceptable justifications that could be used to impose limits on campaign contributions were the government’s interests in preventing “corruption and the appearance of corruption.” All other justifications would result in laws being struck down for violating the freedoms of the First Amendment. This article argues that the Court’s “corruption paradigm” has outlived its usefulness, however. It has been inconsistently applied, and it has led to more confusion than clarity. Because new legislation regulating campaign finance is likely to be struck down by the Court, Congress no longer has the stomach to regulate in this important area of the law. For this reason, the champions of campaign finance need to find a new path forward. One such path, proposed in this article, is to let Congress regulate campaign finance through its internal ethics rules. Copyright © 2014, Eugene D. Mazo. Visiting Assistant Professor of Law, Wake Forest University. B.A. Columbia; M.A. Harvard; Ph.D. Oxford; J.D., Stanford. I presented earlier versions of this work at the conference on “The Future of Campaign Finance Reform” at Duke University School of Law on February 7, 2014; at the Election Law Scholars’ Schmooze that took place at the National Convention of the American Constitution Society on June 19, 2014; and at a discussion group I had organized called “The Evolution of Campaign Finance Reform: From Buckley to Citizens United to McCutcheon v.
    [Show full text]
  • The Price of Corruption Usha R
    The Price of Corruption Usha R. Rodrigues According to the Supreme Court, politicians can’t be bought for less than $5200, the maximum campaign contribution an individual can give a single legislator. Consequently the Court struck down aggregate contribution limits on the theory that confining individual donations to that base limit provides an adequate safeguard against corruption. But the Court was wrong. Coupling data from actual campaign contributions from the last election cycle with social science research, this Article demonstrates that corruption likely occurs below the base limit threshold. In one case, a CEO made a first-time $1000 donation to a member of Congress. The next day that representative introduced a securities bill tailored to the interests of that CEO’s firm. The fact that the price of corruption is lower than commonly understood has fundamental repercussions for the Court’s current protection of money as speech. M.E. Kilpatrick Professor of Law, University of Georgia School of Law. I thank participants at workshops Fordham Law School and Zicklin Center for Business Ethics Research at Wharton. Stephen M. Bainbridge, Kent Barnett, William Baude, Vincent Blasi, Nathan Chapman, Dan T. Coenen, Jill Fisch, Michael Guttentag, Erica Hashimoto, Timothy Meyer, James Nelson, Daniel Ortiz, Lori Ringhand, Peter “Bo” Rutledge, and Yesha Yadav. Mistakes are my own. 45 46 Journal of Law & Politics [Vol.XXXI:45 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 47 I. THE STORY OF SECTION 12(G) 51 A. On the Hill 53 B. Lobbying and Campaign Contributions 56 II. DO THE SECONDMARKET EMPLOYEE DONATIONS QUALIFY AS CORRUPT UNDER MCCUTCHEON? 63 A.
    [Show full text]
  • The Appearance and the Reality of Quid Pro Quo Corruption: an Empirical Investigation
    THE APPEARANCE AND THE REALITY OF QUID PRO QUO CORRUPTION: AN EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION Christopher Robertson*, D. Alex Winkelman**, Kelly Bergstrand** and Darren Modzelewski** ABSTRACT The Supreme Court says that campaign finance regulations are unconstitutional unless they target “quid pro quo” corruption or its appearance. To test those appearances, we fielded two studies. First, in a highly realistic simulation, three grand juries deliberated on charges that a campaign spender bribed a Congressperson. Second, 1271 representative online respondents considered whether to convict, with five variables manipulated ran- domly. In both studies, jurors found quid pro quo corruption for behaviors they believed to be common. This research suggests that Supreme Court decisions were wrongly decided, and that Congress and the states have greater authority to regulate campaign finance. Prosecutions for bribery raise serious problems for the First Amendment, due process, and separation of powers. Safe harbors may be a solution. * Associate Dean for Research and Innovation, Professor of Law, James E. Rogers College of Law, The University of Arizona, 1201 East Speedway, Tucson, AZ 85721, USA, E-mail: [email protected]. ** The Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics at Harvard University provided funding for this research. Kelly Bergstrand is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at the University of Texas at Arlington. She and the other authors were research associates at University of Arizona, where they recently graduated with advanced degrees. Robertson discloses that he has previously represented criminal defendants in public corruption cases. The authors thank Tom Mauet, Will Pew, Anthony Caldwell, and Robert Farquharson for serving as actors in the grand jury experiment; Kathy Pollard, for cooperation in recruiting participants; and Elizabeth Strange, John Evans, and Karen Wyss, for advising on grand jury procedure.
    [Show full text]
  • Deregulating Corruption
    Deregulating Corruption Ciara Torres-Spelliscy* The Roberts Supreme Court has, or to be more precise the five most conservative members of the Roberts Court have, spent the last twelve years branding and rebranding the meaning of the word “corruption” both in campaign finance cases and in certain white- collar criminal cases. Not only are the Roberts Court conservatives doing this over the strenuous objections of their more liberal colleagues, they are also breaking with the Rehn- quist Court’s more expansive definition of corruption. The actions of the Roberts Court in defining corruption to mean less and less have been a welcome development among dishon- est politicians. In criminal prosecutions, politicians convicted of honest services fraud and other crimes are all too eager to argue to courts that their convictions should be overturned in light of the Supreme Court’s lax definition of corruption. In some cases, jury convictions have been set aside for politicians who cite the Supreme Court’s latest campaign finance and white-collar crime cases, especially Citizens United v. FEC and McDonnell v. United States. This Article explores what the Supreme Court has done to rebrand corrup- tion, as well as how this impacts the criminal prosecutions of corrupt elected officials. This Article is the basis of a chapter of Professor Torres-Spelliscy’s second book, Political Brands, which will be published by Edward Elgar Publishing in late 2019. INTRODUCTION ................................................. 471 I. HOW AVERAGE VOTERS VIEW CORRUPTION . 474 II. HOW THE SUPREME COURT HAS CHANGED THE MEANING OF CORRUPTION IN CAMPAIGN FINANCE JURISPRUDENCE . 479 A. A Reasonable Take on Campaign Finance Reform from the Rehnquist Court .......................................
    [Show full text]
  • Conventional and Unconventional Corruption
    Duquesne Law Review Volume 51 Number 2 Articles from the Current Article 2 Constitutional Issues in the Americas Seminar 2013 Conventional and Unconventional Corruption M. Patrick Yingling Follow this and additional works at: https://dsc.duq.edu/dlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation M. P. Yingling, Conventional and Unconventional Corruption, 51 Duq. L. Rev. 263 (2013). Available at: https://dsc.duq.edu/dlr/vol51/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Duquesne Scholarship Collection. It has been accepted for inclusion in Duquesne Law Review by an authorized editor of Duquesne Scholarship Collection. Conventional and Unconventional Corruption M. Patrick Yingling* I. DIFFERENT FORMS OF CORRUPTION .................... 266 A. Conventional Corruption ................. 266 B. Unconventional Corruption ....... ......... 267 II. SOLUTIONS FOR CONVENTIONAL AND UNCONVENTIONAL CORRUPTION ......... .......... 271 A. Solutions for Conventional Corruption............ 271 B. Solutions for Unconventional Corruption ....... 275 III. CORRUPTION IN THE UNITED STATES.......... ..... 277 A. Conventional Corruptionin the United States ................ ..... ...... 277 B. Unconventional Corruption in the United States........................... 282 1. The Framers'Definition of Corruption ........................... 282 2. The Effect of Money and Lobbying in Modern Campaigns .................. 284 3. The Effects of Unconventional Corruption: Troubles Unresolved............. 286 4. The Supreme Court on Corruptionand Campaign
    [Show full text]
  • Comparative Political Corruption in the United States: the Lorf Ida Perspective Andrew Jonathon Wilson University of South Florida, [email protected]
    University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School January 2013 Comparative Political Corruption in the United States: The lorF ida Perspective Andrew Jonathon Wilson University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons, and the Public Policy Commons Scholar Commons Citation Wilson, Andrew Jonathon, "Comparative Political Corruption in the United States: The Florida Perspective" (2013). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4613 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Comparative Political Corruption in the United States: The Florida Perspective by Andrew J. Wilson A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Government and International Affairs College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Darrell Slider, Ph.D. Judithanne Scourfield McLauchlan, Ph.D. Janna Merrick, Ph.D. Date of Approval: March 5, 2013 Keywords: Anti-Corruption Measures, Campaign Finance, Florida Politics, Florida Government, Domestic Comparative Corruption Copyright © 2013, Andrew J. Wilson DEDICATION This thesis is dedicated to my family, and particularly to my late grandfather Newton A. Wilson. Without their love, guidance, and support I would not have been able to conceive of, let alone finish an undertaking of this magnitude. I also wish to thank my wife and best friend, Marissa, for her love and support not just throughout this program, but every academic undertaking leading up to this.
    [Show full text]
  • Anti-Corruption Policy 2
    FUCHS GROUP Anti-Corruption Policy 2 Content Preface 3 1. Goals and scope of this policy 4 2. What is corruption? 5 3. Consequences for employees and company 6 3.1 Consequences for employees 6 3.2 Consequences for the management of the company 6 3.3 Consequences for the company 6 4. The position of FUCHS PETROLUB 7 5. Standards of conduct for the prevention of corruption 8 5.1 Dealing with customers and suppliers 8 5.2 Presents and contributions for public officials 8 5.3 Presents and contributions in other business transactions 9 5.4 Using the services of representatives, consultants etc. 10 6. Chief Compliance Officer, whistleblower system and hotline 11 3 Preface Dear Employees, Compliance with the applicable laws and legal regulations is part of the corporate identity of FUCHS, which, last but not least, is also reflected in the FUCHS Code of Conduct. The prevention of and the fight against corruption are of particular significance since any breach of respective laws can lead to high fines, the obligation to pay damages and even criminal prosecution. Furthermore, it may considerably damage the public reputation of FUCHS. This policy explains the stan- dards regarding cooperation with business partners and authorities set out in section 3 of the Code of Conduct. It also contains rules to ensure compliance with the applicable anti-corruption laws con- cerning dealings with customers, public officials and other third parties. In connection with their business activities, FUCHS employees must, neither directly nor indirectly, offer, promise or confer an unjustified advantage in the form of money or other services, nor demand and accept nor make others promise such advantage.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethics Commission City and County of San Francisco
    ETHICS COMMISSION CITY AND COUNTY OF SAN FRANCISCO PETER KEANE Date: April 19, 2017 CHAIRPERSON DAINA CHIU To: Members of the Ethics Commission VICE-CHAIRPERSON From: Kyle Kundert, Senior Policy Analyst PAUL A. RENNE COMMISSIONER Re: AGENDA ITEM 4: Staff Memorandum Regarding Commissioner Keane’s QUENTIN L. KOPP Campaign Finance and Ethics Proposal, Introduced at the March 27, 2017 COMMISSIONER Ethics Commission Meeting. VACANT COMMISSIONER Summary: This memorandum discusses Staff’s research and identified policy LEEANN PELHAM considerations to date regarding the restoration of “Prop J,” as EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR submitted to the Ethics Commission on March 27, 2017. Action Requested: No action is required at this time by the Commission, but Staff seeks the Commission’s further policy guidance on issues highlighted in this memo and on its proposed plan for public engagement on potential Prop J and additional campaign finance reform recommendations. I. Introduction During the Commission’s March 27, 2017, regular meeting, Commission Chair Peter Keane introduced proposed revisions to San Francisco’s Campaign Finance Reform Ordinance (“CFRO”) designed to restore the November 2000 voter initiative commonly referred to as Proposition J (“Prop J”). Prop J, then-known as the “Oaks Initiative”1 or “Oaks Ordinance”2, sought to eliminate corruption by city officials (appointed and elected) by prohibiting those officials from accepting personal or campaign advantages from persons that had or were about to receive a public benefit from an official. In 2015, at the request of then-Chair Paul Renne, Commissioner Keane was tasked with exploring whether provisions of Prop. J that had been approved by local voters, and later superseded by another ballot measure, could be restored in City law.
    [Show full text]
  • Fighting Corruption in America and Abroad
    Fordham Law Review Volume 84 Issue 2 Article 1 2015 Fighting Corruption in America and Abroad Jed Handelsman Shugerman Fordham University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the State and Local Government Law Commons Recommended Citation Jed Handelsman Shugerman, Fighting Corruption in America and Abroad, 84 Fordham L. Rev. 407 (2015). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol84/iss2/1 This Foreword is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SYMPOSIUM FIGHTING CORRUPTION IN AMERICA AND ABROAD FOREWORD Jed Handelsman Shugerman* In the middle of the first panel of the Fordham Law Review symposium, Fighting Corruption in America and Abroad, there was a pivotal, clarifying moment. Zephyr Teachout and Lawrence Lessig had been framing modern campaign finance as a problem of corruption—systematic and institutional corruption. Richard Hasen rejected that framing, arguing that America’s campaign finance system is not truly “corruption” in a legal sense, but rather it is fundamentally a problem of inequality. In the middle of this debate, Lessig admitted that he had been making a legal argument about corruption pitched to the courts, but that the moral question is different: I find it difficult to look at politicians and feel the moral force of the sense that they are corrupt.
    [Show full text]
  • Appearance of Corruption": Citizen Attitudes and Behavior in 2012
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by The Catholic University of America Columbus School of Law Catholic University Law Review Volume 63 Issue 4 Summer 2014 Article 4 10-17-2014 Financing Elections and "Appearance of Corruption": Citizen Attitudes and Behavior in 2012 Molly J. Walker Wilson Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Election Law Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Recommended Citation Molly J. Walker Wilson, Financing Elections and "Appearance of Corruption": Citizen Attitudes and Behavior in 2012, 63 Cath. U. L. Rev. 953 (2014). Available at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview/vol63/iss4/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Catholic University Law Review by an authorized editor of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FINANCING ELECTIONS AND “APPEARANCE OF CORRUPTION”: CITIZEN ATTITUDES AND BEHAVIOR IN 2012 Molly J. Walker Wilson+ I. A HISTORY OF CAMPAIGN FINANCE JURISPRUDENCE AND THE “APPEARANCE OF CORRUPTION” .......................................................... 959 A. Pre-Citizens United ............................................................................ 960 B. Citizens United ................................................................................... 965 C. The Supreme Court Reaffirms Citizens United .................................
    [Show full text]
  • Blowing the Whistle on Wildlife Crime: How the Wildlife Conservation and Anti-Trafficking Act Will Incentivize Wildlife Whistleblowers
    Blowing the Whistle On Wildlife Crime: How the Wildlife Conservation and Anti-Trafficking Act Will Incentivize Wildlife Whistleblowers An in-depth analysis by National Whistleblower Center for the Whistleblower Protection Blog National Whistleblower Center In Support: Whistleblower Best Practices SECTION 1 The Importance of Whistleblower Laws and Rewards for Combating Crime A whistleblower is one who discloses infor- mation regarding potential violations of law to appropriate authorities under a whistleblower protection or reward program. These whis- tleblowers are crucial in revealing complicit Whistleblower reward laws are activities to the respective authorities, often activities which would normally go unnoticed, “the most powerful tool the uninvestigated, and, most detrimental to so- American people have to protect cietal rule of law, unpunished. For example, whistleblowers often known for action such the government from fraud.” as disclosing bribery of government officials by persons seeking to obtain a business ad- — Former Assistant Attorney General Stuart vantage, or other corrupt activity which under- Delery (2014) mines the rule of law. 1 In Support: Whistleblower Best Practices The Cycle of Accountability DETECTION PROSECUTION based on whistleblower by whistleblowers25% 25% disclosures ACTIVATION SANCTIONS collected25% proceeds which25% sponsors the benefit the public, as pay continued detection for restitution and rewards of wildlife crime The theory of why whistleblowing works is centered While awareness of the importance of whistleblow- on a cycle of accountability. Successful prosecu- ers is growing, until the protections and rewards tions resulting from whistleblower tips create this offered to these informants are widely known five-step cycle: (1) encouragement of whistleblow- and easy to use, having these laws on the books ing; (2) detection and reporting by whistleblowers; is just the beginning.
    [Show full text]