Philip Johnson Begins a Much-Needed Re-Evalu- Ation of the Intellectual Legacy of One of 20Th-Century Architecture’S Most Significant Figures
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Philip Johnson, Architecture, and the Rebellion of the Text: 1930-1934
PHILIP JOHNSON, ARCHITECTURE, AND THE REBELLION OF THE TEXT: 1930-1934 The architect Philip Johnson, intermittently famous for provocative buildings— his modernist Glass House, 1949, and the Postmodern AT&T (now Sony) Building, 1984—will be remembered less for his architecture than for his texts. He first made a reputation as co-author (with Henry Russell Hitchcock) of the 1932 book The Interna- tional Style, which presented the European Modern Movement as a set of formal rules and documented its forms in photographs. In 1947, on the verge of a career in archi- tectural practice, Johnson authored the first full-length monograph on Mies van der Rohe. To these seminal texts in modernism’s history in America should be added a number of occasional writings and lectures on modern architecture. In addition, the exhibitions on architecture and design Johnson curated for the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA), beginning with the seminal Modern Architecture in 1932, should also be considered texts, summarizing, or reducing, architectural experience through selected artifacts and carefully crafted timelines. In the course of a very long career, Johnson was under almost constant fire for de-radicalizing modernism, for reducing it to yet another value-free episode in the history of style, or even of taste. The nonagenarian Johnson himself cheerfully con- fessed to turning the avant-garde he presented to America into “just a garde” (qtd. in Somol 43). Yet in 1931 Johnson described the spirit of his campaign for modernism as “the romantic love for youth in revolt, especially in art, universal today” (Johnson, Writings 45). -
The Fate of National Socialist Visual Culture: Iconoclasm, Censorship, and Preservation in Germany, 1945–2020
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works School of Arts & Sciences Theses Hunter College Fall 1-5-2021 The Fate of National Socialist Visual Culture: Iconoclasm, Censorship, and Preservation in Germany, 1945–2020 Denali Elizabeth Kemper CUNY Hunter College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/hc_sas_etds/661 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] The Fate of National Socialist Visual Culture: Iconoclasm, Censorship, and Preservation in Germany, 1945–2020 By Denali Elizabeth Kemper Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Art History, Hunter College The City University of New York 2020 Thesis sponsor: January 5, 2021____ Emily Braun_________________________ Date Signature January 5, 2021____ Joachim Pissarro______________________ Date Signature Table of Contents Acronyms i List of Illustrations ii Introduction 1 Chapter 1: Points of Reckoning 14 Chapter 2: The Generational Shift 41 Chapter 3: The Return of the Repressed 63 Chapter 4: The Power of Nazi Images 74 Bibliography 93 Illustrations 101 i Acronyms CCP = Central Collecting Points FRG = Federal Republic of Germany, West Germany GDK = Grosse Deutsche Kunstaustellung (Great German Art Exhibitions) GDR = German Democratic Republic, East Germany HDK = Haus der Deutschen Kunst (House of German Art) MFAA = Monuments, Fine Arts, and Archives Program NSDAP = Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (National Socialist German Worker’s or Nazi Party) SS = Schutzstaffel, a former paramilitary organization in Nazi Germany ii List of Illustrations Figure 1: Anonymous photographer. -
United States
Cultural Policy and Political Oppression: Nazi Architecture and the Development of SS Forced Labor Concentration Camps* Paul B. Jaskot Beyond its use as propaganda, art was thoroughly integrated into the implementation of Nazi state and party policies. Because artistic and political goals were integrated, art was not only subject to repressive policies but also in turn influenced the formulation of those very repressive measures. In the Third Reich, art policy was increasingly authoritarian in character; however, art production also became one means by which other authoritarian institutions could develop their ability to oppress. The Problem We can analyze the particular political function of art by looking at the interest of the SS in orienting its forced labor operations to the monumental building economy. The SS control of forced labor concentration camps after 1936 linked state architectural policy to the political function of incarcerating and punishing perceived enemies of National Socialist Germany.1 The specific example of the Nuremberg Reich Party Rally Grounds reveals three key aspects of this SS process of adaptation. The first aspect is the relationship between architectural decisions at Nuremberg and developments in the German building economy during the early war years. Before the turning tide of the war led to a cessation of work at the site, agencies and firms involved with the design and construction of the Nuremberg buildings secured a steady and profitable supply of work as a result of Hitler’s emphasis on a few large architectural projects. The second aspect focuses on how the SS quarrying enterprises in the forced labor concentration camps were comparable to their private-sector competitors. -
Lawrence Dennis and the Coming of World War 11*
The Isolationist as Collectivist: Lawrence Dennis and the Coming of World War 11* by Justus D. Doenecke Departmenr of History, New College of the University of South Florida To most historians, and to much of the general public as well, the name of the late Lawrence Dennis has long been associated with American "fascism." Arthur S. Link calls him "the intellectual leader and principal adviser of the fascist groups." Charles C. Alexander sees him as "the leading intellectual fascist in America." When Dennis's thought is treated in depth, it is usually in the context of anti-democratic political philosophy and elitist theory.' Beginning in the sixties, some commentators have started to refer to Dennis in slightly more appreciative terms. In 1960 Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., while arguing that Dennis's formulas were both authoritarian and romantic, claimed that "his analysis cut through sentimental idealism with healthy effect." In 1969 Frederick L. Schuman, a "popular front" advocate who had debated Dennis in the 1930's, went much further, declaring that his pleas for isolation "would probably have contributed more to the welfare, health and survival of the human race than the course which Washington policy makers did in fact pursue . since 1917." Then, beginning in 1972, historians started to find Dennis a forerunner of Cold War revisionism, with Ronald Radosh calling him America's "earliest and most consistent critic of the Cold War." To Radosh, Dennis's stress on market factors alone shows the man's perception.' Despite such fresh examination, scholars have not yet described, much less explained, Dennis's reaction to the rise of the Axis powers, and to the outbreak of World War 11. -
German Memory of the Holocaust: the Emergence of Counter-Memorials," Penn History Review: Vol
Penn History Review Volume 17 Issue 2 Spring 2010 Article 3 May 2010 German Memory of the Holocaust: The Emergence of Counter- Memorials Cecily Harris University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/phr Recommended Citation Harris, Cecily (2010) "German Memory of the Holocaust: The Emergence of Counter-Memorials," Penn History Review: Vol. 17 : Iss. 2 , Article 3. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/phr/vol17/iss2/3 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/phr/vol17/iss2/3 For more information, please contact [email protected]. 34 GERMAN MEMORY OF THE HOLOCAUST THE EMERGENCE OF COUNTER -M EMORIALS Cecily Harris Germany faces what would seem like an insuperable difficulty in attempting to memorialize the Holocaust; how can the nation that perpetrated the largest and most systematic mass murder in modern history a mere sixty years ago honor the dead , and at the same time publicly assume the burden of guilt without disrupting all the con - ventions of public memorials. What exactly is such a state to com - memorate, and how do present day German artists show the answer to that question in the aesthetic and ethical gestures of their memo - rial forms? Stuck in a seemingly endless cycle of remembering, re - nouncing, regretting, and redeeming, the artists, statesmen , and citizens of today’s Germany lack even a first-hand memory on which they might draw to express both their shame and their wish to purge it. Haunted by the crimes of their not so distant forebears, Germans have been struggling for the past sixty years to depict this ghost, to show the weight of its burden on them, and to show as well their deep remorse for crimes they themselves did not commit but by which they feel tainted, and through which the world often views them. -
Günther Domenig's Documentation Center of the National Socialist
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Architecture Program: Faculty Scholarly and Architecture Program Creative Activity 2017 Presenting the Extremely Difficult Past: Günther Domenig’s Documentation Center of the National Socialist Party Rally Grounds, Nuremberg, Germany Rumiko Handa University of Nebraska-Lincoln, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/arch_facultyschol Part of the Architecture Commons, Modern Art and Architecture Commons, and the Theory and Criticism Commons Handa, Rumiko, "Presenting the Extremely Difficult Past: Günther Domenig’s Documentation Center of the National Socialist Party Rally Grounds, Nuremberg, Germany" (2017). Architecture Program: Faculty Scholarly and Creative Activity. 45. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/arch_facultyschol/45 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Architecture Program at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Architecture Program: Faculty Scholarly and Creative Activity by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Montreal Architectural Review Presenting the Extremely Difficult Past: Günther Domenig’s Documentation Center of the National Socialist Party Rally Grounds, Nuremberg, Germany Rumiko Handa University of Nebraska Abstract Buildings have a way of bringing the past into the present. This is important because experiences of the past often constitute impactful moments in everyday lives and allow a contemplation of existential meaning. It is an aspect often neglected by architectural professionals and critics because it lies outside the Vitruvian triad of aesthetic, functional, and structural virtues. It goes without saying that a building’s presentation of the past is ontological. In other words, individual perceptions of a building are subjective, and the building’s objective traits or histories do not guarantee that it will turn into a place of memory for everybody. -
Life in Nazi Germany – Alarming Facts of the Past
Dear reader, This is a historical newspaper made by pupils of the 10 th grade. It´s in English because of the so called “bilingual lessons” which means that we have got some subjects in English. The following articles deal with the main topic “What was life in National Socialism like?” While reading you will see there are many articles on different topics made by different groups. In the index you may choose an article and turn to the page you like to. Please enjoy! Yours, 10bil (may 2008) Life in Nazi Germany – alarming facts of the past INDEX Women and Family in Nazi Germany Amelie 2 Laura 4 Young People in Germany at the time of National Socialism Linda & Marike 6 What happened to cultural life in National Socialism? Hannah & Leonie 9 Propaganda Sophie 13 Workers and work Basile 16 Economy in Nazi Germany Josephin 18 Terror in Nazi Germany Paul 20 Opposition / Resistance Greta & Stefanie Sa. 24 German Army Ian 27 Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP) (National Socialist German Workers’ Party) Marie 31 Fascism Stefanie St. 34 Sources 36 1 Women and Family in Nazi Germany Amelie In Nazi Germany women had to fulfil a specific role as mothers and wives. Instead of working they should stay at home, cook and take care of their children. Many high-skilled women like teachers, lawyers and doctors were dismissed. After 1939 only few women were left in professional jobs. A common rhyme for women was: "Take hold of kettle, broom and pan, Then you’ll surely get a man! Shop and office leave alone, Your true life work lies at home." To encourage married couples to get many children Hitler introduced the “Law for the Encouragement of Marriage”. -
Forced and Slave Labor in Nazi-Dominated Europe
UNITED STATES HOLOCAUST MEMORIAL MUSEUM CENTER FOR ADVANCED HOLOCAUST STUDIES Forced and Slave Labor in Nazi-Dominated Europe Symposium Presentations W A S H I N G T O N , D. C. Forced and Slave Labor in Nazi-Dominated Europe Symposium Presentations CENTER FOR ADVANCED HOLOCAUST STUDIES UNITED STATES HOLOCAUST MEMORIAL MUSEUM 2004 The assertions, opinions, and conclusions in this occasional paper are those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Holocaust Memorial Council or of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. First printing, April 2004 Copyright © 2004 by Peter Hayes, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2004 by Michael Thad Allen, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2004 by Paul Jaskot, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2004 by Wolf Gruner, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2004 by Randolph L. Braham, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2004 by Christopher R. Browning, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2004 by William Rosenzweig, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2004 by Andrej Angrick, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2004 by Sarah B. Farmer, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2004 by Rolf Keller, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Contents Foreword ................................................................................................................................................i -
Nazi Party from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
Create account Log in Article Talk Read View source View history Nazi Party From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia This article is about the German Nazi Party that existed from 1920–1945. For the ideology, see Nazism. For other Nazi Parties, see Nazi Navigation Party (disambiguation). Main page The National Socialist German Workers' Party (German: Contents National Socialist German Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (help·info), abbreviated NSDAP), commonly known Featured content Workers' Party in English as the Nazi Party, was a political party in Germany between 1920 and 1945. Its Current events Nationalsozialistische Deutsche predecessor, the German Workers' Party (DAP), existed from 1919 to 1920. The term Nazi is Random article Arbeiterpartei German and stems from Nationalsozialist,[6] due to the pronunciation of Latin -tion- as -tsion- in Donate to Wikipedia German (rather than -shon- as it is in English), with German Z being pronounced as 'ts'. Interaction Help About Wikipedia Community portal Recent changes Leader Karl Harrer Contact page 1919–1920 Anton Drexler 1920–1921 Toolbox Adolf Hitler What links here 1921–1945 Related changes Martin Bormann 1945 Upload file Special pages Founded 1920 Permanent link Dissolved 1945 Page information Preceded by German Workers' Party (DAP) Data item Succeeded by None (banned) Cite this page Ideologies continued with neo-Nazism Print/export Headquarters Munich, Germany[1] Newspaper Völkischer Beobachter Create a book Youth wing Hitler Youth Download as PDF Paramilitary Sturmabteilung -
Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948
Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 By Nicole M. Eaton A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Yuri Slezkine, chair Professor John Connelly Professor Victoria Bonnell Fall 2013 Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 © 2013 By Nicole M. Eaton 1 Abstract Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 by Nicole M. Eaton Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Yuri Slezkine, Chair “Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948,” looks at the history of one city in both Hitler’s Germany and Stalin’s Soviet Russia, follow- ing the transformation of Königsberg from an East Prussian city into a Nazi German city, its destruction in the war, and its postwar rebirth as the Soviet Russian city of Kaliningrad. The city is peculiar in the history of Europe as a double exclave, first separated from Germany by the Polish Corridor, later separated from the mainland of Soviet Russia. The dissertation analyzes the ways in which each regime tried to transform the city and its inhabitants, fo- cusing on Nazi and Soviet attempts to reconfigure urban space (the physical and symbolic landscape of the city, its public areas, markets, streets, and buildings); refashion the body (through work, leisure, nutrition, and healthcare); and reconstitute the mind (through vari- ous forms of education and propaganda). Between these two urban revolutions, it tells the story of the violent encounter between them in the spring of 1945: one of the largest offen- sives of the Second World War, one of the greatest civilian exoduses in human history, and one of the most violent encounters between the Soviet army and a civilian population. -
Assessing the Role of Architecture As Propaganda in the Third Reich
Page | 107 Assessing the role of architecture as propaganda in the Third Reich CAROLYN WOODS MHIS321 Twentieth Century Europe ArChiteCture played a Fundamental role in the propaganda oF the Third ReiCh. The aim oF any kind oF propaganda is to promote an idea or an ideology and Hitler and his Nazi Party used arChiteCture to promote their own program and ideology with an unquestionable emphasis on nationalism. The Nazi Party had several aims with their arChiteCtural propaganda. Firstly they aimed to promote and Create a single Cohesive Community through the idea oF ‘VolksgemeinsChaft’. ArChiteCture was one way they Could simultaneously express the values oF the Nazi party while teaChing the German people the ideal way to live. There was also a symboliC aim with Nazi arChiteCture. Hitler’s desire to Create a thousand year ReiCh would need buildings worthy oF standing the test oF time and through vast overstated struCtures Hitler and his Party attempted to reClaim the lost power oF the Holy Roman Empire. Lastly there was an aim to quell any demonstration oF an ideology or principle whiCh did not Correspond to the Nazi agenda. Fervently anti-Communist and anti- expressionist, the Nazi Party were able to promote their own ideology while at the same time persuade against any that they did not believe in. The Common thread through these key aims is the intense FoCus on nationalism. With each oF these three major aims oF Nazi arChiteCture we will see strong nationalistiC undertones and will Clearly see that advanCement oF the German nation through nationalism underpinned all arChiteCtural aims oF the Nazi regime. -
Isolationism
Isolationism Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History Isolationism Justus D. Doenecke Subject: 20th Century: Post-1945, Foreign Relations and Foreign Policy Online Publication Date: Aug 2017 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.49 Summary and Keywords For the United States, isolationism is best defined as avoidance of wars outside the Western Hemisphere, particularly in Europe; opposition to binding military alliances; and the unilateral freedom to act politically and commercially unrestrained by mandatory commitments to other nations. Until the controversy over American entry into the League of Nations, isolationism was never subject to debate. The United States could expand its territory, protect its commerce, and even fight foreign powers without violating its traditional tenets. Once President Woodrow Wilson sought membership in the League, however, Americans saw isolationism as a foreign policy option, not simply something taken for granted. A fundamental foreign policy tenet now became a faction, limited to a group of people branded as “isolationists.” Its high point came during the years 1934– 1937, when Congress, noting the challenge of the totalitarian nations to the international status quo, passed the neutrality acts to insulate the country from global entanglements. Once World War II broke out in Europe, President Franklin D. Roosevelt increasingly sought American participation on the side of the Allies. Isolationists unsuccessfully fought FDR’s legislative proposals, beginning with repeal of the arms embargo and ending with the convoying of supplies to Britain. The America First Committee (1940–1941), however, so effectively mobilized anti-interventionist opinion as to make the president more cautious in his diplomacy. Page 1 of 28 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, AMERICAN HISTORY (americanhistory.oxfordre.com).