A Prison Chaplaincy Manual

Home , Prisoners (Gotham), Prison religion, Transference (Gotham)

The Canadian Context

by Donald Stoesz with Hank Dixon

Image on Front Cover of the book appears as the title page of Let’s Talk (Correctional Service Canada, Volume 24, No. 5, 1999).

The explanation below appears on page 2 of the same magazine:

A Portrait of What We Do

We serve a society made up of women, of men, of children, of people of different ages, beliefs, abilities, and trades. We respect the dignity of individuals and the rights of all members of society. We believe in the importance of humanity and human relationships. We share our ideas, knowledge, values and experience with a spirit of openness. We are accountable to the public through a democratically elected government. We assist those who have broken the law to become responsible and law- abiding citizens when they return to society. We help to maintain the peace and security of communities in all we do.

A new millennium is beginning. It is a time to reflect on how Canada has evolved and to celebrate our progress. At the same time, we must face a myriad of difficult challenges to ensure that our society continues to grow in a humane and peaceful manner. As Canada begins to embrace concepts such as alternatives to incarceration and restorative justice, the Correctional Service of Canada has created an image that illustrates the rich and diverse community that we serve.

It is a pleasure to present it to you now.

Table of Contents

Foreword ...... 3 Preface ...... 6 Acknowledgments ...... 8 Introduction ...... 10

Professionalization of Chaplaincy I. Criminal Justice Trends and Initiatives: 1960-2019 ...... 28 II. Canadian Federal Prison Chaplaincy: 1979-2019 ...... 47 III. Competencies and Job Descriptions ...... 52 IV. Chaplaincy: A Continuum of Care ...... 58 V. Assessment Tools for Chaplaincy ...... 65 VI. Chaplaincy Manuals, Books, Courses, and Programs ...... 68

Prison Dynamics VII. Prison Chaplain as Gate Keeper ...... 76 VIII. Dynamics of “Solid” and Sex Offenders in Jail ...... 80 IX. Role of Evangelization in Prison ...... 84 X. Three Examples of the Positive Use of Coercion ...... 87

Therapeutic Interventions XI. Purpose of a Pastoral Interview ...... 90 XII. Loss, Grief, and Mourning in Inmate Populations ...... 101 XIII. Authority, Peer Pressure, and Young Adults ...... 115 XIV. Unresolved Oedipal Issues in Incarcerated Men ...... 126

Programming Opportunities XV. Spiritually-Based Volunteer-Facilitated Programs ...... 133 XVI. Spiritually-Based Personal Development Courses ...... 144 XVII. Ascetical and Mystical Practises in a Prison Environment . . . 151 XVIII. Christian and Islamic Faith Formation Resources ...... 157

Ecumenism and Inter-Faith Dialogue XIX. Rationale for Religious Accommodation ...... 165 XX. Establishment of Wiccan Practices ...... 168 XXI. Value of Sociology in Comparing Religious Groups ...... 173

Establishment of Sacred Spaces XXII. How Post-Modern can a Prison Chapel Be? ...... 179 XXIII. Celebration of Spiritual Care Services at the Bowden Annex 187

Book Reviews XXIV. Inherent Goodness of Human Beings: Review of Two Books 204 XXV. Review of Correctional Chaplains, by Thomas Beckner . . . . 208

Conclusion ...... 235

Job Description of Prison Chaplain Appendix 1: Statement of Work Identified by Interfaith Committee on Chaplaincy

Commissioner’s Directive 750 Appendix 2: Correctional Service Canada: Chaplaincy Services

Chaplaincy Courses Appendix 3: Chaplaincy Course, Booth University College, Winnipeg, Manitoba Appendix 4: Chaplaincy Course, Acadia Divinity School, Wolfville, Nova Scotia Appendix 5: Chaplaincy Course at Ambrose University, Calgary, Alberta Appendix 6: Chaplaincy program outlined in www.pastoralcounselling.org Appendix 7: Islamic Chaplaincy Program, Hartford Seminary, Connecticut. Appendix 8: Chaplaincy Program at Saint Michael’s College, in conjunction with Cardiff University, Wales, England

Interview Questions Appendix 9: Excerpt of Interview Questions by Gary E. Berg

Appendix 10: Description of Offences, Sentences Received, and Staff Responses

Endnotes ...... 287

Bibliography ...... 304

Foreword

Chaplain Donald Stoesz’ A Prison Chaplaincy Manual is a wonderful practical resource for clergy, religious communities, volunteers, and correctional staff. While this manual outlines prison procedures, preventive measures, legal considerations, and religious interfaith requirements for incarcerated persons within a Canadian context, it speaks to international prison ministry best practices. This manual creates a quality framework for professional chaplaincy in terms of competences of leadership, spiritual care, and maintaining one’s own religious identity while serving in an interfaith pluralistic prison environment: • The manual begins with a philosophical and theological rationale for correctional chaplaincy. • It provides a history of prison chaplaincy and wider criminal justice initiatives. • It outlines the importance of balancing one’s pastoral presence and emotional intelligence with strong correctional practices of quality law enforcement and public safety prison leadership. • The manual outlines faith-based programming and therapeutic opportunities for inmates. • It explores interfaith religious accommodations and how best to create sacred spaces across faith lines for inmates. • The manual concludes with a vision for the future of correctional chaplaincy and several reviews of other correctional chaplaincy resources for further reading.

The prison chaplaincy passion, commitment, and experience are communicated effectively and persuasively in this manual. It is clear to me after reading it and con- necting with the author that this manual will further inform policies, procedures, and best practices of correctional chaplaincy for years to come. It is thoughtful and well researched as well as contains years of practical field expertise. I commend it to all those involved in the field of corrections: from officers to executives, volunteers to chaplains, administrators to community stakeholders. On behalf of others who have made corrections and chaplaincy their life’s work, I thank Chaplain Stoesz for his faithful public service and the lasting legacy that this manual offers to professional correctional chaplaincy.

Chaplain Heidi Kugler, Chaplaincy Administrator US Federal Bureau of Prisons December 2019

Preface

This book on Canadian prison chaplaincy can be situated between legalities that arise when religious accommodation becomes paramount and private faith-based initiatives that are a constant reality of prison ministries. Legal issues are the responsibility of the state, representing the backdrop of rules and policies that shape how chaplains conduct their ministry. Regional and national government managers of chaplains are responsible for setting policy and interpreting procedures when individual cases of religious accommodation in prisons are considered. The Commissioner’s Directive 750 within Correctional Service Canada represents the basis on which these decisions are made (Appendix 2). Literature on the relationship between law and religion as it relates to prison ministry is vast. Winnifred Sullivan has done the most work regarding this topic, outlining the parameters of chaplaincy within this debate. Her book, A Ministry of Presence,1 stands as a litmus test of what is possible. In her dual role as lawyer and scholar of religious studies, Sullivan is especially interested in what happens when religion and the law come into conflict. Her various books on the subject, Prison Religion,2 The Impossibility of Religious Freedom,3 and a recent manuscript, to be published as Church State Corporation,4 speak specifically to the American legal issues regarding religion. Private, faith-based initiatives stand on the other end of the spectrum between state obligations and evangelistic ventures. These voluntaristic programs are complementary to the work of chaplaincy in the sense that they help offenders come to terms with their offences, find meaning within the walls of incarceration, and successfully reintegrate into the community.5 Chaplaincy’s collaboration with these groups represents a continuum of care along which these faith-based initiatives can be situated. These faith-based initiatives sometimes come into conflict with the mandate of chaplaincy. While “the primary purpose of chaplaincy programs is to address the religious needs of incarcerated inmates, with neutrality and non-discrimination – and prohibiting indoctrination or compulsion – at the core of every prison chaplaincy program,”6 faith groups sometimes see evangelization as the heart of their ministries. The literature on private, faith-based ventures in prison is also burgeoning. Kent Kerley has done the most recent work on the subject. After publishing a book on the conversion experiences of inmates in 2014, entitled Religious Faith in Cor- rectional Contexts,7 he has edited a new volume, entitled Finding Freedom in Con- finement.8 The purpose of this book is to demonstrate on a more scientific basis the

6 role that faith and religion play in the lives of offenders. Kerley integrates the findings of others into this book, such as Byron Johnson’s More God, Less Crime9 and Michael Hallett et. al, The Angola Prison Seminary.10 These books are dedicated to showing how private, faith-based initiatives can help to reduce violence and crime. The focus of this chaplaincy manual is more specific than the two alternatives offered above. While legal issues are in a chaplain’s mind as they respond to the needs of an inmate, and resources of faith are part of what constitutes chaplaincy, law and religion form the framework rather than represent the content of chaplaincy ministry. As outlined in the job description (Appendix 1), chaplains provide a ministry of presence within which the parameters of faith and spirituality, religious rites and rituals, programming opportunities and integration of responsibilities come into view. A holistic approach that addresses emotional, social, spiritual, religious, and criminal factors produces the best chances for reintegration. Books on the subject are reviewed in Chapter Six. The content of this book provides a way forward for professional chaplaincy in Canada. The Introduction situates the debate between the sacred and the secular. The universality of religion provides the raison d’etre of chaplaincy in a government setting. Analysis of a pastoral interview helps chaplains be more intentional in their encounters with inmates. Various programs and courses that have been effective are outlined. Cases studies of religious accommodation are included so that chaplains know how to proceed with faith traditions different from their own. Analyses of various chapel arrangements assist chaplains in reflecting on the effectiveness of sacred spaces in their facilities. Three book reviews facilitate reader discernment about whether prison chaplaincy is for them. In summary, this book has been written to provide standards of spiritual care and establish benchmarks of accountability that can be incorporated into job descriptions and assessments of prison chaplains.

Acknowledgments

Collaboration with many people have made this book possible. Hank Dixon has provided the vision, resources, and wherewithal to ensure that a book such as this is published. After writing a manual together with Lloyd Bruce for Kairos Pneuma Chaplaincy (2014) that was never published,1 Hank has encouraged me to expand the parameters of this task to ensure that prison chaplaincy is established on a professional basis. We have collaborated on resources available (Chapter Six), tasks and competencies (Introduction, Chapters Three, and Four), as well as prison dynamics and programs (Chapters Eight to Eighteen). Hank has contributed his own piece to this book, a summary of his Doctor of Ministry dissertation on grief recovery that he completed for Providence Seminary in Manitoba (Chapter Twelve).2 John Williams, Adjunct Professor in the School of Epidemiology and Public Health at the University of Ottawa and long-time friend, has graciously edited the book. His comments about Winnifred Sullivan providing the philosophical rationale and Thomas Beckner representing the ministry anchor proved providential. Sulli- van’s unrestrained apology for chaplains as professionals along with her sustained discussion of what that looks like have been included in the Introduction to build on a vision of chaplaincy. Beckner’s book, Correctional Chaplains: Keepers of the Cloak,3 is reviewed in Chapter Twenty-five to undergird the personal, pastoral, administrative, and community dimensions of chaplains. Terry Richardson and Pierre Allard, retired Director Generals of Chaplaincy for Correctional Service Canada, have graciously added historical references and encouraged me to continue the vision, commitment, and hard work that they did in demonstrating the difference that prison chaplaincy makes. This book has been possible because of their longstanding involvement and dedication. Brian Harder, Regional Prairie Manager with Bridges of Canada, Bernie Mul- lins, provincial prison chaplain with the Government of Manitoba, Father Joseph Ostopowich, Catholic priest and institutional prison chaplain with the Government of British Columbia, Teresa Kellendonk, Director of Pastoral Services with the Cath- olic Archdiocese of Edmonton, Paul Vanderham, long-time Catholic chaplain at Ed- monton Institution, Winnifred Sullivan, fellow muse and inspiration for this book, Dr. Thomas Beckner, chaplaincy consultant and educator,4 Jo-Ann Badley, Dean of Ambrose University in Calgary, Alberta, Debbie Tanasiecuk and William Rasmus, respective National Directors of Chaplaincy and Reintegration with Correctional Service Canada, Lindsay Gallagher, Executive Director of Bridges of Canada, Wendy Cadge and Michael Skaggs, initiators of the Chaplaincy Innovation Lab at Brandeis University,5 and Heidi Kugler, Chaplaincy Administrator with the Federal

Bureau of Prisons in Washington, D.C. have ensured that the contents of this book are placed into a broader context. Heidi Kugler is to be especially thanked for writing a Foreword. Michael Skaggs was the one who initially suggested her name. She together with Winnifred Sullivan serve as members of the Advisory Group with the Chaplaincy Innovation Lab.

Donald Stoesz Site-Based chaplain Bowden Institution February, 2020

Introduction

The value of chaplaincy as a professional service, complementary to the mandate of corrections, integral to Correctional Service Canada’s Mission Statement, and allied with CSC staff has been questioned. Chaplaincy is no longer regarded as an essential resource in providing insight and direction to faith-based initiatives, “religions of one,”1 volunteers, reintegration, programming, rite and rituals, ecumenism, multifaith issues, and counselling. Part of the reason for this growing distance between chaplaincy and the correctional service has to do with separation of church and state. This distinction between the secular and sacred places faith in a privatized, non- rational box, unrelated to secular goals of programming, incarceration, security, and reintegration. The first section provides a historical background to this state of affairs. The next four sections respond with a proposal for the viability of chaplaincy.

A. Historical Background

(1, 2) Increasing Roles of the Courts and Conscience

Eight examples illustrate the current direction of government in using separation of church and state as a reason to establish an arms-length relationship with prison chaplaincy. Until 1991, Protestant chaplains were the only ones who were able to perform marriages in Quebec federal prisons.2 The Catholic Church did not consider prison to be a public place in which banns could be published beforehand so that objections could be heard before the formal rite was enacted. Catholic prison wed- dings were granted only in exceptional cases. This all changed in 1991, with a court decision which stated that civil marriages could be conducted in prisons. The onus now fell on marriage commissioners and court judges rather than on chaplains to perform such rituals. A similar legal change occurred regarding food diets for prisoners. Until the late 1990s, only prison chaplains could authorize religious diets. Diets based on conscience were granted in exceptional cases. Stoesz remembers only one such case among hundreds of religious diets that he authorized. After a year in which an inmate’s grievance about not receiving a vegetarian diet based on mental health reasons went through local, regional, and national management channels, Ottawa decided that a decision could be made at the local institutional level. After consultation with a mental health official, the Deputy Warden of the institution signed a religious diet form (the only legal one available), authorizing the inmate to receive vegetarian meals based on conscience.

This all changed after a civil lawsuit was launched by a federal prisoner in the 1990s. He requested the right to receive a vegetarian diet for other than religious reasons. After a ten-year waiting period during which this request went through the courts,3 the inmate was granted the right to a diet based on conscience. Diets of conscience have become a standard way of accommodating prisoners who require special meals that are not based on religious reasons.4 These two examples demonstrate the guiding and confirming role of the courts regarding direction and practice for the government pertaining to prison policies. Religion appears to be a difficult matter to deal with on a practical level. This situation places the sacred and secular functions of chaplaincy at a greater distance from each other than before. While chaplaincy along with multi-faith councils used to help the government in setting direction and forming policy,5 the state has now left this task to the civil and private sectors. The secularization of society has moved the rites of marriage along with food diets into the realm of a secularized, administrative body, leaving chaplaincy to look after other faith-related practices. The role of conscience shows how great the divide between subjectively held beliefs and practices -- on the one hand -- and objectively verifiable policies regarding religion -- on the other -- has become. A diet of conscience is granted based on an individual inmate’s explanation of their reasons for such a request. This request is reviewed and authorized by two staff people, generally serving in an administrative and civil rather than religious capacity.

(3) A Religion of One’s Own

A third illustration of the increasing divide between chaplaincy services and religious accommodation pertains to the individual choices of inmates regarding their faith. A Pagan inmate who practices in a solitary manner can ask for religious items that are specific to their faith, regardless of how other Pagan inmates interpret their religion. Gods and goddesses, individually selected by the practitioner, are valid based on their self-disclosed choice. If these beliefs do not undermine the good order of the institution, they are deemed by the service as valid religious options. Similar to the role of conscience in regard to diets, religious practices have become more individualistic.6 The divide between recognized practices of religion and required diets on the one hand, and individual choices based on conscience and subjectivity on the other, has grown to a point where there is little room left for the professionally trained religious practitioner and administrator, namely the chaplain, to find a meaningful place between privatistic religion and civil oversight.

(4) Defence of Chaplaincy based on the Charter of Rights

A fourth example of the distance between chaplaincy and the mandate of Correc- tional Service Canada can be found in the recent reason given for the continuation of chaplaincy within the service. After several part-time chaplaincy positions were cut in 2012 because of a controversy regarding the employment of a Wiccan chaplain,7 the government renewed its commitment to chaplaincy based on the Charter of Rights. The Charter guarantees the right of inmates to practice their faith within the confines of a prison. Chaplaincy was deemed as the proper avenue through which these rights could be facilitated. The defence of chaplaincy based on rights is a narrow, deontological reason to justify the existence of chaplaincy. The idea that the rule of law is the only basis for chaplaincy means that religious beliefs and practices may -- or may not -- have anything to do with the social, cultural, economic, personal, and rehabilitative aspects of inmates’ lives. Religion is viewed in an atomistic manner, reduced to its essential parts. It is not linked to responsibilities that the inmate -- and service -- may have regarding offenders’ reintegration into society. The matter was viewed quite differently twenty-five years ago, when the Cor- rectional Service adopted a Mission Statement that has continued to guide its work.8 Teleological language is used in this document to link the reality of incarceration with the goal of rehabilitation. Far from constituting an end, punishment is meaningful to the extent that it is connected to offenders’ feelings of remorse and empathy on the one hand, and their commitment to become law-abiding citizens on the other. Programs, opportunities, social supports, reduction of harm, and security of society are integrated by a holistic approach that links purpose with motivation and desire for change. According to this view, chaplaincy is part of an integrated team dedicated to assisting offenders in their rehabilitation. Feelings of remorse, shame, guilt, and empathy are dealt with in pastoral encounters. Programs such as grief recovery, relationship courses, and alternatives to violence are used to foster a positive view of self, cultivate ownership of wrongdoing, and build a sense of belonging to a greater good and community home. Religious resources of grace, forgiveness, confidence, goodness, creation, and re-creation build on spiritual fruits of faith, love, hope, and forgiveness to help offenders move from paralysis to re-engagement. Religious accommodation of spiritual needs along with faith community resources are linked to goals of purpose, direction, meaning, and restoration.

(5) Defence of the Contract System to Oversee Chaplaincy

A fifth example of the way chaplaincy has become increasingly distant from the correctional service has to do with the latter’s use of the contract system to oversee chaplaincy. Originally implemented in 1979 for expedient reasons,9 separation of church and state has become the ideological reason that the correctional service has continued to use the contract system to employ chaplains. Management of contracts was initially established in partnership with faith communities. Mostly Christian denominations, for example, Catholic, Anglican, Lutheran, Mennonite, Missionary Al- liance, and Nazarene churches received contracts for chaplains that were hired by the service and credentialed by their respective faith bodies. More recently, contracts have been awarded to a variety of faith bodies, such as Islamic, Wiccan, Sikh, and Buddhist agencies, mandated to provide faith representatives to serve as chaplains from their religious perspectives. After the controversy regarding the hiring of a Wiccan chaplain (2012), the Correctional Service switched to a one-contractor model to oversee chaplaincy. Kairos Pneuma Chaplaincy, a private company, was awarded the contract for federal prison chaplains in 2014. Bridges of Canada, a non-profit agency, was awarded the contract in 2016. A one-contractor model was viewed as easier to manage than the myriad of contracts that CSC had been awarding to different faith groups across Canada. The credentialing of chaplains according to their respective faith bodies has continued to be mandated in order for them to be employed as prison chaplains. Defence of the contractor model has slowly shifted from expedient to ideological reasons. Discussions have been ongoing for years about whether the contracting model saves the government money.10 An underlying reason for the involvement of third-parties to oversee chaplaincy has been separation of church and state. The government takes an arms-length approach in dealing with spiritual and religious matters. Private agencies are required to assist the government in overseeing religious accommodation issues, as well as to cover any liabilities that arise from the management of these matters.

(6) Case of InnerChange Freedom Initiative

The use of separation of church and state to take an arms-length approach to chaplaincy has left a vacuum into which a variety of agencies have found a voice and foothold. The best example of this ambivalent situation can be found south of the border, in the United States. In 1999, InnerChange Freedom Initiative, a subsidiary of Prison Fellowship International, was given a contract by the State of Iowa to provide faith-based, social rehabilitation programs in an Iowa prison.11 Government monies were procured on the basis that IFI was providing social rehabilitation and

13 community reintegration programs to the general prison population. The organization started a unit in the prison in which it accepted candidates who agreed to the terms of their program. In 2006, IFI was taken to court based on allegations that they were discrimi- nating against inmates who did not accept the specific evangelical principles that they were using to foster change.12 The group defended their position by emphasiz- ing the social values that were being taught. Integrity, fellowship, affirmation, responsibility, restoration, and productivity were six general principles that were being fostered in this program.13 IFI staff argued that the fact that these values were being taught almost exclusively based on biblical teachings, prayer meetings, and Chris- tian fellowship were “incidental” to the program. The faith-based group believed that inmates of any faith could learn pro-social values without having to convert to the group’s beliefs. In spite of these arguments, IFI was convicted of discrimination on the basis that their particular understanding of faith and religion were overriding components of their social rehabilitation program.14 Their Protestant, evangelical principles and beliefs made it virtually impossible for Catholics, Lutherans, Muslims, and indige- nous participants to learn pro-social values and graduate from the program without adopting, in some form or another, the groups’ particular understanding of the gospel. The negative outcome of this American, faith-based venture regarding prison programming and reform serves as a cautionary tale regarding church and state relations. Left to their own devices, faith-based agencies and programming may or may not serve the common good, along with respect for the religious rights and responsibilities of offenders that are mandated by the state.15

(7) Transformation of Angola Prison by Warden Burl Cain

The transformation of Angola Prison through the adoption of Christian principles is a seventh example of what can happen when the state distances itself from looking more closely at the religious consequences of having faith-based groups integrally involved in the reform and rehabilitation of offenders. As the result of a reduction of state monies for programming in 1995, Warden Burl Cain solicited private religious organizations to become involved in teaching courses at Angola Prison, a high-security prison located in Louisiana, U.S.A.16 Based on a book by Rev. Henry Blackaby, entitled Experiencing God,17 these courses led to the establishment of a seminary, in which inmates could take a degree program through the auspices of New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary. Sixteen hundred men completed the basic introductory course and almost three hundred inmates have graduated from the seminary.18

A significant reduction of violence and brutality by inmates in Angola Prison has occurred since these courses were implemented. Cain and others have been cred- ited with transforming the atmosphere of the prison because of their emphasis on religion and morality. Cain himself has said that a spiritual and moral inner transformation is needed for prisoners to become law-abiding citizens.19 According to Cain, faith-based programs and initiatives are necessary to make prisons a better place and prisoners better people. Separation of the functions of church and state are most pronounced in this situation. Increase in prison sentences for a variety of crimes has meant that most inmates in Angola Prison will never get out of jail. This punitive approach, delegated to the role of the state and implemented in terms of incarceration of the body, leaves the soul free to find redemption, salvation, and solace as it sees fit (to quote the title of Kerley’s new book, Freedom in Confinement).20 The seminary has been able to provide meaning, direction, sense of purpose, and faith to offenders who have very little left to live for in relation to real freedom. As Karl Marx knew so well,21 religion becomes an opiate of the people when body and soul are divided into two separate, dualistic parts. When incarceration becomes the overwhelming reality and endpoint of the discussion, faith becomes a pla- cebo that masks the more difficult problem of relating punishment to meaningful reintegration into society. In terms of this chaplaincy manual, the problem has to do with delineating the ways in which the secular and sacred can serve as useful engines for transformation and change that incorporate physical freedom into vision and policy.

(8) The Canadian Context

The two American examples have been cited because they have had an increasing influence on the way chaplaincy is conducted in Canada. In 2011, the Chaplaincy Department of Correctional Service Canada collaborated with Prison Fellowship In- ternational to hold a chaplaincy conference in Canada. Several years later, a chaplain began offering Experiencing God courses in a local federal prison. Some of the testimonies of transformation cited in this course are from inmates in Angola Prison. In 2015, Warden Cain was invited to a meeting with officials in a Canadian federal prison to give an account of the significant changes for the better that he had been able to implement in Angola. Following this meeting, Prison Fellowship and a local Bible College collaborated to provide college courses in English, Bible, and Apologetics to inmates at the prison. Chaplains have been involved in the facilitation and oversight of these courses.

The administrator who was the contact person for chaplaincy in this prison saw these private, faith-based ventures as a solution to the problem of faith and religion in prisons. According to him, these ministries spoke directly to the heart of the matter of spiritual transformation. He did not see a role for chaplaincy in this scheme of things. For him, the secular programming to which he gave oversight as a CSC staff person was separate from the explicitly faith-based nature of these evangelical groups. Faith was a personal, private matter that could not be correlated or integrated into the overall goals of the institution. Issues of faith were best left to prison ministry groups that were at an arms-length relationship to the correctional service and its overall goals.

Four Responses to the Current Situation

The next four sections provide specific responses to the current situation outlined above. The first section analyses chaplaincy in relation to the Mission Statement of Correctional Service Canada, adopted in 1991. The second section uses Winnifred Sullivan’s three categories of religious secularism, irreligious secularism, and areligious secularism to provide a viable vision and place for chaplaincy. The third section uses Sullivan’s latest book, A Ministry of Presence, to show how chaplaincy can be effective. The last section outlines six principles on which this manual is based.

B. Analysis of the 1991 CSC Mission Statement

The primary reason recently given for retaining chaplaincy as part of the Correc- tional Service is that offenders have a right to religious services. This right is included in the Mission Statement of Correctional Service Canada, first published in 1991, and guaranteed as part of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.22 The right of offenders to practice their religion within an incarcerated setting is an important part of why chaplaincy exists. The service along with chaplains are tasked with providing a sacred space within which offenders can worship, along with accommodating their religious needs. This rationale represents a narrow understanding of the role of chaplaincy. When inmates start using rights language to defend their right to certain aspects of their lives, Donald Stoesz tells them that they have responsibilities as well as rights. Along with their right to food, shelter, religious practices, etc. comes their responsibility to become law-abiding citizens. Part of this responsibility has to do with becoming gainfully employed while incarcerated, taking programming to address their offences, finding pro-social ways of getting along with staff and fellow inmates, and finding social supports in the community so that they can be reintegrated in society.

The same responsibility rests with chaplaincy. Chaplains not only provide services to facilitate the rights of inmates to religious expression. Chaplains are also there to assist offenders in their reintegration. This becomes quite evident when one reads the Mission Statement of Correctional Service Canada. The Mission Statement says that it contributes to the protection of society by “actively encouraging and assisting offenders to become law-abiding citizens.”23 Rights language is deontological in the sense that it is based on a rule of law, in this case, the right of an offender to practice their religion. Teleological language is focused on the goal of an inmate’s reintegration, in this case, to become a law- abiding citizen. Teleological visions rather than deontological obligations help to establish chaplaincy on a professional basis. An accompaniment model of chaplaincy has to do with a goal-oriented approach in which an inmate becomes gainfully employed, takes a program, participates in faith and worship, and becomes pro-social in order to become a law-abiding citizen. This accompaniment model is more helpful in defending chaplaincy than a rule-based approach that has to do with an inmate’s right to worship. The Mission Statement is filled with teleological language that speaks about staff and inmates’ responsibilities regarding reintegration. The Mission Statement says that “our primary goal is the reintegration of offenders.”24

Staff are to recognize our responsibility for providing the best possible correctional services . . . We must provide programs and opportunities to meet the unique needs of the various types of offenders with whom we deal, to assist them in changing their criminal behaviour and to enhance their potential for successful reintegration with the community. Once released, offenders must continue to be provided with programs, support, and supervision. We must actively encourage offenders to benefit from the opportunities provided as we believe that the long-term protection of society cannot be accomplished by incarceration alone. While our obligation ends at warrant expiry, we must also prepare offenders to take advantage of community programs which may provide support beyond the Service’s mandate.25

Teleological language appears in other places of the Mission Statement. CSC is to “provide opportunities for offenders to contribute to the well-being of the community.”26 It will “strive to motivate them (offenders) in their development (to become law-abiding citizens).”27

We recognize that the establishment and maintenance of positive community and family relationships will normally assist offenders in their reintegration

as law-abiding citizens. The involvement of community organizations, volunteers and outside professionals in program development and delivery will be actively encouraged.28

This commitment to community is affirmed in CSC’s statement about volunteers: “To ensure volunteers form an integral part of our program delivery in institutions and the community, to mobilize community resources to ensure that offenders, upon release, are provided with support and assistance.”29 These Mission Statements have been quoted at length because the overall direction of CSC, at least regarding chaplaincy, has shifted away from this way of thinking. The simple fact that chaplaincy has been defended using rights language rather than responsibility language or teleological language or goal-oriented language or compatibility with the Mission Statement language shows that chaplaincy is now at a different place than where it was twenty-five years ago. In the past, the Mission Statement was cited to show how chaplains were involved in the reintegration process, the rehabilitation process, the restorative justice process, and the community chaplaincy process. A seamless continuity between the services chaplains provided in the institution and the ways that they were involved with ex-offenders in the community was evident. Chaplains found opportunities for offenders to be successfully reintegrated. They facilitated and established community resources and programs that addressed ex-offenders’ needs. Although CSC along with chaplaincy is still dedicated to reintegration, there has been a shift in thinking regarding what CSC and chaplaincy see as their responsibilities. Chaplaincy now regards its primary responsibility as providing religious services to offenders, without being sure of how this relates to the goal of reintegration. There is a greater disconnect between the way that CSC speaks about its institutions and the way it speaks about the community. One staff member recently told Stoesz that a line had to be “drawn in the sand” (sic) between institution and community. The idea of reintegration is harder to imagine and embrace from this perspective.

C. Religious Secularism, Irreligious Secularism, and Areligious Secularism

In her book on Prison Religion, Winnifred Sullivan analyses the InnerChange Free- dom Initiative that was established by Prison Fellowship in Iowa. She suggests that the categories of religious secularism, irreligious secularism, and areligious secularism are useful in explaining why the relation between religion and state can be viewed so differently.30

Prison Fellowship International operates from a religiously secular paradigm that assumes that the secularism inherent in state programming needs to be completely replaced by a religious model. This is the reason, for example, that Inner- Change staff had a hard time understanding why some inmates felt discriminated against when they were asked to embrace biblical principles as part of their rehabilitation exercises. InnerChange staff were assuming that their understanding of Christianity did not have to be defended because it was generic to American identity and values. They could not understand how different faith expressions within (Lutheran, Catho- lic) and without Christianity (Islam, Wiccan, Buddhist) differed in terms of beliefs, values, and practices. On the one hand, InnerChange staff believed that their religiosity could not be questioned because of its internal and subjective nature. On the other hand, they saw their use of the Bible in rehabilitation programs as benign, generic, and universalistic -- therefore -- not coming into conflict with individual expressions of religion. These two assumptions represent a dualistic understanding of spirituality and religion that has played havoc with how people view, for example, the role of chaplaincy within public institutions. Irreligious secularism is a second category that Sullivan has identified as operative within the American psyche. This phenomenon is most prevalent in the public-school system, which wants to make sure that discrimination and indoctrination do not occur within its precincts. According to this view, religion is a private matter that needs to be carefully circumscribed by law and practice so that it does not become part of a public spectacle. This circumscribed view of religion is reminiscent of recent events in Quebec. Before the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s, Quebec society was shaped and managed by Roman Catholic priests and religious leaders. The Catholic Church represented a religious monopoly that was closely tied to the state. The church saw itself as a public religious presence inherent to the proper functioning of the government. The Quebec government took an opposite view of religion after the Quiet Revolution. It turned the Catholic Church on its head by adopting a secular monopoly and limiting all religious faiths to private expressions.31 Winnifred Sullivan gives an example of the circumscribed role of American religion in her book, The Impossibility of Religious Freedom. The State of Florida decided in a court case in 2000 that the use of religious symbols and items to mark graves in a public cemetery needed to be restricted.32 According to Sullivan, adopting the two categories of religious and irreligious secularism as normative represents a choice between some type of theocracy,33 in which religion serves as a thin veneer over all of society, and a far-reaching secularity in which religious sectarianism is about all that can be validated and allowed to exist.

Sullivan introduces a third category that she views as a viable mediating option. Areligious secularism is a term that validates the importance of religion as a universal phenomenon while acknowledging its circumscribed role within secular societies.34 Sullivan suggests that chaplaincy can enhance the dynamic role between religion and secularity in the many public institutions of America: prisons, hospitals, the military, and other care facilities. Chaplaincy acknowledges the spiritual and religious aspects of human nature, while taking a pro-active stance regarding how spirituality and religion can help in the healing, rehabilitative, pro-social, and personal lives of human beings.

D. Positive Value of Chaplaincy

The genius of Sullivan’s second book on religion and chaplaincy, A Ministry of Pres- ence, lies in her ability to detail the many ways that chaplaincy has flourished in the United States without falling into the opposite traps of vacuous content and zealous religious exclusivism. She returns again and again to the possibilities within these unacceptable alternatives. In the Introduction, she asserts that the “language of universal spirituality” makes it possible for the “law to grasp the whole sprawling complexity and persistence of American religious life.” Chaplains represent a specific example of this diversity. “Her employment is highly regulated by federal, state, and local authorities, as well as by religious tradition, formal and informal.” Within this broad milieu, the chaplain’s work is characterized as “aspirational, inclusivist, therapeutic, and self-consciously constitutional.”35

Chapter One: Spiritual Governance

In the First Chapter on Spiritual Governance, Sullivan says that the “language of spirituality has allowed chaplains and others to generalise across and bridge differences among religious traditions,” moving it beyond theories of pluralism.36 The goal-oriented nature of chaplaincy entails respecting the religious rights of inmates as well as naming the motivating force of its endeavours. This teleological approach has been considered above regarding the Mission Statement of Correctional Service Canada. Like their atheist compatriots, advocates of religion can claim that they have been at the forefront of “prison reform, human treatment of the mentally ill, abolition of capital punishment, women’s right to vote, opposition to slavery,” etc.37 Sullivan illustrates her position with a case study in which Veterans Affairs chaplaincy was upheld in court against a suit, filed by The Freedom from Religion Foundation, that wanted to keep a sharp distinction between church and state. The court concluded that chaplains did not incorporate religious content into their pastoral care against the patient’s wishes, that they were more concerned about how the

20 patient’s belief and faith functioned as a coping mechanism than what the patient believed, and that chaplains saw spirituality as contributing to the improved health of their patients.38 Sullivan concludes the chapter in her usual pithy way, stating that hospital chaplains “are asked to do the hard work no one wants to do, like counselling patients and families about end-of-life decisions.” She frames the discussion of chaplaincy by suggesting that:

The diversity of their clientele, the ambiguity of lines of authority, the transi- ence of the encounter, and above all, the pressure to work in a radically unde- fined setting religious speaking, and a rapidly deconstructing religious field – while justifying that work using the seductively scientist language of spiritual assessment and care – characterizes the work that chaplains do in every place.39

Chapter Two: The Chaplain

Sullivan considers the work of prison chaplains in the Second Chapter. She regards them as being principally involved with the self-improvement and personal transformation of inmates. This approach is “continuous in the United States with Christian theologies of the self and partakes of perennial understandings of self and world.”40 Inmates are encouraged through volunteer programs, personal development courses, and pastoral interviews with chaplains to solidify their identity and work through deeply conflicted aspects of their personalities. The accompaniment model of chaplaincy involves showing inmates the way forward in becoming whole: emotionally, spiritually, religiously, economically, socially, and personally. A holistic theology of the self enables offenders to change in their personal lives,41 become engaged as equals in mutually beneficial ways (to use Sullivan’s language about the task of modernity) and express their spirituality in appropriate religious ways.

Chapter Three: Credentialing Chaplains

In her Third Chapter on Credentialing Chaplains, Sullivan notes that the same con- troversies regarding professionalization in chaplaincy are evident in the accreditation of colleges and seminaries. In order to avoid fraud, courts have been enlisted to sort out the colleges that received appropriate licenses to grant professional and academic degrees.42 Three areas of education are listed as prerequisites for chaplains, a Master of Divinity degree, Clinical Pastoral Education, and Ecclesiastical Endorse- ment.43

Sullivan outlines the various challenges associated with each of these requirements. She concludes the chapter with a comparison to Religious Studies Depart- ments in Universities. Like chaplaincy, which has had to work hard to prove its legitimacy to the state, religious studies “has attempted to separate itself from the particularity of Christian theology and to universalise its gaze, all the while insisting on the importance of understanding religion and its distinctiveness as a human activity.”44 Sullivan understands this challenge all too well as a professor of religious studies in the university.

Chapter Four: Chaplains and the Constitution

Sullivan considers alternatives to the legitimacy of professional chaplaincy that she has proposed. The Freedom from Religious Foundation has raised objections regarding chaplaincy as a state-funded profession. Sullivan takes note of the ironic fact that FFRF would like chaplaincy within Veterans Affairs to return to a sacramental form of ministry in which there is a greater accentuation of the difference between the roles of the state and the roles of the church.45 Sullivan outlines arguments of the 1970s Katcoff case. Two Harvard law students took the Department of Defense to court on the basis that chaplaincy represented “an establishment of religion.” This was contrary to the First Amendment, which guarded against the involvement of the state in religious matters. The students argued that “the religious needs of soldiers could and should be provided by a volunteer civilian clergy.”46 The students’ framing of the argument has had a significant impact on chaplaincy. One thinks of the Canadian government’s decision in 1979 to employ prison chaplains on a contractual basis instead of as employees. Separation of church and state represents a shadowy reason for the legitimacy of this shift in thinking. The free market economy of religious diversity represents a second underlying factor.47 The reality of many contractors serving public needs, legitimized by a separation of religion and state regarding chaplaincy, makes it difficult for chaplaincy to be integrated into corrections. Canadian Corrections’ recent defence of chaplaincy based on the religious rights of inmates parallels the United States Army’s defence of its military chaplains, outlined in Sullivan’s book. Like inmates in institutions, soldiers in the field do not have regular access to worship and counselling by their respective faith groups. Chaplains are required to fill the gap.48 The court in the Katcoff case addressed the students’ proposal of “volunteer private religious services” as a “neutral provider of opportunity” for the troops. The court ruled that this solution was not only impractical, but detrimental to the “morale

22 of our soldiers, their willingness to serve, and the efficiency of the Army” in providing adequate spiritual and religious care.49 The court rejoinder to the idea of volunteers serving as substitutes for chaplains is relevant to the Canadian situation. National Chaplaincy Director Pierre Al- lard’s promotion of volunteers as indispensable members of the chaplaincy team within corrections in the 1990s had the unintended consequence of officials viewing this as a possible alternative to chaplaincy. Site-based chaplains are tasked with coordinating the work of many different faith representatives, paid and unpaid, along with other volunteers who are involved in religious activities in prisons. These mandated secular tasks of coordination have raised the question among some officials whether social program officers are all that are needed to uphold “the religious rights of inmates” to practice their faith as they choose. A distinct separation of church and state emerges when one takes the reality of difference seriously, both regarding the role of the state and the role of religion. Sullivan notes the arguments of Ira Lupu and Robert Tuttle, who are sceptical about the ability of governments to provide “constitutionally appropriate religion through its chaplaincies.”50 Lupu and Tuttle believe that chaplaincies are actually promoting a new type of religion and “truth” claim as they steer their way through religious accommodation toward something known as positive spirituality. This critique has been raised by evangelical chaplains, who believe that they are being made to believe in the “equality of all religions” when they are hired as chaplains. The fact that many denominational chaplains resigned when the Canadian government switched to a one-contractor model in 2014 supports Lupu and Tittle’s argument on an existential level.51 These chaplains were unwilling to continue under a private contractor system because of what they saw as their “new” mandate as site- based chaplains, namely, to serve all faiths in an integral manner. This task was contrary to what these denominational chaplains saw as their role. They saw themselves as providing faith-specific services in their “previous” roles as Protestant and Cath- olic, Islamic and Buddhist ministers.52 A final example demonstrates the choice before us today. In 1998, Correc- tional Service Canada undertook a major review of the denominational model of prison chaplaincy that had been in place for twenty years.53 As a long-time chaplain within the service, a reviewer wrote an unpublished article on the matter in hopes of having the system improved. He outlined two alternatives, one in which chaplains became more integrated into the service, and the second, a radically alternative vision in which the contractual relationship between faith groups and CSC became more pronounced. This is what he had to say about this latter model (quoted at length):

The primary pull of a chaplain vis-à-vis this separation model is to build up an alternate community to that offered by the social culture in the institution. The pull of this job description is less clinical, less “professional,” less defined by CSC mandates than by the challenge of creating a sacred space and place and body in which the inmate will find their true family, their true faith, their true identity. The pull for the chaplain in this model is away from psychology and social sciences and case management toward an alternative “lay” community in which the inmate can find a home. More naivete, not less, is needed in this model. The chaplain approaches the inmate as part of a family. Everything else tends to dehumanize them, whether that has to do with labeling in terms of offences, or with the assumed higher status of a priest. Evangelism and otherness take precedent in this model over presence. The idea is to establish less of an institutional spirituality rather than more. To take a pastoral example, a person who is dying is neither encouraged to enjoy the suffering nor given false hope that death will not come. The pastor speaks of another kingdom in which there will be no more suffering. While folly to the unbelieving, the longing for another world is real for many people. A chapel in an institution offers a similar type of hope and comfort. The role of a chaplain is not to make the inmate more content with their surroundings. The point of a chaplain’s identity within a faith community is to offer hope to the offender that there is something beyond the walls that is worth waiting for. This is still hope for a true family and a true community outside of the institutionalization of social life that is prison. The words that a chaplain speaks at Mass or at a Sunday evening worship service inspires them to work harder at establishing a link between community and institution, rather than normalizing life as an institutional chaplain. The chaplain becomes de-institutionalized every time they speak words of comfort that the ultimate host represents in a communion service. The host represents the body of Christ, located in visible form as church in the community.54

Sullivan has allowed for the possibility of such an alternative vision of chaplaincy while suggesting that it is impractical at best and schizophrenic at worst. This manual has followed Sullivan’s lead by rejecting such a radical alternative. The latter model fosters dualism instead of duality by suggesting that separation of church and state is the only way that differences in religion and faith, or lack thereof, can be respected. This manual outlines an approach by which religion can be respected in all its differences while maintaining that there are many ways in which ecumenism,

24 multi-faith accommodation, positive spirituality, individual faith groups, self-identity, religious expression, and genuine compassion and care can be incorporated into something called prison chaplaincy.

Chapter Five: Ministry of Presence

Sullivan’s Fifth Chapter on a Ministry of Presence throws into sharp relief the dynamic relationship between particularity and universality. A Catholic priest who is asked to provide a ministry of presence thinks immediately of the Eucharist, in which Jesus is presented in real form through the bread and cup. Mass represents a form of ministerial presence.55 For the Pentecostal chaplain conducting an evening worship service in prison, her inclusion on inmate testimonies about their conversion experiences represents the most real presence of God that she can think of. Subjective pietism and revivalism, integral to the Protestant evangelical tradition in the last two centuries, is palpably present in these audible, heart-felt expressions of remorse, forgiveness, transformation, grace, and acceptance. For a nun in the Pure Land Buddhist Tradition, presence is palpably real in the reality of suffering that is meditated upon in her religious rituals.56 Letting go of all to which they are attached represents the beginning of a long journey for inmates as they reflect on the stark reality in which they are living. For those meditation practitioners for whom Scott Peck is more approachable than that of Buddhism, his affirmation in The Road Less Travelled that “life is difficult”57 opens a way for offenders to reflect on what is necessary for them to find meaning and move on with their lives. While too vacuous for some, his spirituality, together with that of Victor Frankl58 and Bruno Bettelheim,59 represent a lifeline of divine presence for others. Sullivan’s point in all of this is that presence is both religiously specific and universally available. Shaped by religious educational institutions and credentialed by individual faith groups, chaplains use this formation and authorization to channel a ministry of presence according to the needs of the institution in which they work.

E. Outline of the Chaplaincy Manual

This chaplaincy manual has been written to provide prospective and current prison chaplains with a resource and guide to conduct their work on a professional basis. Chaplaincy within a correctional context requires taking the legal implications of spiritual care into account60 while offering healing, hope, compassion, worship, counselling, religious formation, and educational programs to offenders.61 This work is guided by six principles:

I. The Correctional Service’s inclusion of chaplaincy as an integral part of its mission and authority structure goes a long way in making chaplaincy more professional.

II. Chaplains should have a good understanding of prison dynamics. Training on security issues is necessary to keep chaplains safe.

III. Sociology and psychology are important complements to chaplains having a post-secondary degree in religion or faith formation, Clinical Pastoral Education training, spiritual and religious care experience, and credentials from their faith body and/or spiritual care association.62

IV. Chaplains develop their ministry in relation to faith formation, worship, meditation, programs, counselling, and presence, as well as facilitate and accommodate other faith-practitioners in these tasks.

V. Chaplains respect and accommodate a multitude of differences among religions and spiritualities.

VI. Retreats, conferences, courses, sabbaticals, and sharing sessions among chaplains are intrinsic to the ongoing formation, professionalization, and growing identity of chaplains. Mentoring by way of spiritual directors, ministerial oversight, consultation opportunities, and colleague sponsors, along with peer support enable chaplains to find their proper role within the broader circle known as ministry within corrections.

The sections of this book follow the six principles noted above. 1. The first Six Chapters deal with the professionalization of chaplaincy. 2. Chapters Seven to Ten take prison dynamics into account. 3. Chapters Eleven to Fourteen demonstrate the value of sociology and psychology in working therapeutically with offenders. 4. Chapters Fifteen to Eighteen outline a variety of programming opportunities. 5. Chapters Nineteen to Twenty-Three show the importance of religious accommodation and sacred space. 6. Chapters Twenty-Four and Twenty-Five include three book reviews that assist chaplains in their professional development.

Professionalization

of Chaplaincy

Chapter One

Criminal Justice Trends and Initiatives: 1960-2019

Introduction

In a 2012 article entitled, “What liberals can learn from conservatives,”1 Margaret Wente asks the question of how the majority Canadian Conservative government was able to push through their “get tough on crime” legislation. Using Jonathan Haidt’s book, The Righteous Mind,2 Wente suggests that the Conservative government was able to legislate its policies on crime because it had a better understanding of human nature than liberals did. While liberals were concerned about moral trajectories of compassion, liberty, and equality, conservatives were more concerned about loyalty, authority, and sanctity. The new legislation on crime had as much to do with criminals getting their “just desserts” as with their reform. Offenders’ rights needed to be balanced with harm done to victims. Reform of criminals had to be balanced with enforcement of laws the conservatives felt were being undermined. Narrow utilitarian arguments -- focused on the fact that society was relatively safe or that prisons cost a lot of money -- missed the point conservatives were trying to make. Greater punishment of criminals reinforced the collective moral values of sanctity, loyalty, and authority. These issues had more to do with the irrational fear of the societal beast than the instrumental rationality of the liberal mind. This chapter reflects on the shift in thinking in Canadian society. Haidt’s Durkheimian emphasis on the collective values of society needs to be taken seriously. Donald Stoesz experiences the correctional service’s emphasis on authority and loyalty daily in his work as a chaplain. He understands full well what Haidt means when he cites Emile Durkheim in his affirmation of religious values reinforc- ing the collective good.3 Christians can as easily be found on the front lines advocating for harsher penalties for offenders as showing compassion and forgiveness for wrongs committed. This polarity in the Christian community is the result of contrasting assumptions. Those advocating for harsher criminal sentences feel that society and its laws need to be more rigorously enforced. These are Christians who are more thoroughly Durkheimian in their perspective.4 They see faith as having primarily to do with a sense of belonging to an organic whole. Criminals who attack women and children,

28 rob banks, use and sell drugs, or murder, threaten the sanctity of families, the rights of businesses to function safely, and the smooth running of society. These traditional values are an important part of the conservative government’s agenda. Conservative Christians feel that internal authority is not strong enough to hold people back from breaking moral and legal taboos. These taboos need to be reinforced by the external authority of the justice system. Liberal Christians have a more positive view of human nature. They believe that individuals commit crimes because of the circumstances of their birth or upbringing, because of their need to fulfill immediate financial desires, because of their need to medicate their problems away, or because they see violence as a solution to their feelings of anger and rage. Criminal behaviour is the result of the way in which people have been nurtured. More money should be spent on programs that address specific deviant behaviours rather than on jails which simply lock people up. These liberals do not see society as needing to respond to criminal threats with greater external authority. They believe society is doing reasonably well. Individuals who have committed offences can be taught, mentored, and shown how to become part of the societal whole as law-abiding citizens.5 Prisoners need to be reminded of the good for which God created them. Re-ignition of the original spark of goodness puts people who have committed crimes on the right path. Liberal Christians place more emphasis on inmates’ liberties and rights than on their responsibilities and conformity to the law because of their assumption of the goodness of human nature. An individual should be given as much liberty as possible to fulfill the purpose for which they were created.6 To give a parallel example, liberals believe that the legal rights of people in regard to common-law relationships, divorce, gay marriages, and access to children should be upheld against a restrictive view of marriage in which moral, religious, hierarchical, and heterosexual expectations of familial commitment come into play. Liberals advocate for a similar stance regarding the justice system. The legal rights of prisoners should be upheld against the irrational, societal impetus to punish criminals as harshly as possible.

Brief History of the Justice System

A brief historical sketch of the justice system provides a broader perspective of this shift in thinking. The abolition of the death penalty in Canada in the 1970s can be viewed as a high point in the liberalization of the justice system.7 An “eye for an eye” philosophy was viewed as a pre-modern, irrational, and vengeful approach that had to be replaced by more enlightened thinking. Inmates convicted of first-degree murder received life sentences, twenty-five of which had to be spent in jail. Judicial reviews after fifteen years of incarceration were offered to these inmates. A Life- line program was established in which parolees who had been convicted of murder

-- and had successfully reintegrated into society -- were hired to help other “lifers” become law-abiding citizens. Other reforms were enacted that were more in line with European rehabilitation programs than American style justice.8 Immense sums of money were poured into employment training programs and behaviour modification therapies for inmates. A prisoner’s sentence consisted not only of a suspension of freedom but a mandatory program as well. These programs addressed factors that contributed to inmates’ offending patterns: addictions, violence, gang affiliation, sexual deviance, anti-authoritarianism, etc. Many of these programs were successful. The fact that less drugs were available in prison than on the street, and that staff were present to speak to inmates about their offending patterns meant offenders could find the help they needed. Staff availability, combined with motivating factors of gaining parole if inmates successfully completed their programming, meant that over half of the inmates took advantage of these opportunities. Studies have shown that offenders have a greater chance of becoming law-abiding citizens if they are granted gradual release into the community. Moving from a high-security to a lower-security prison, being granted day and full- parole instead of serving out the full sentence in prison, and having adequate community supports such as Circles of Support and Accountability, pro-social family and friends, as well as Alcoholics Anonymous and church groups all contribute to the successful reintegration of inmates in society. Despite this relative success, authors such as Stephen Duguid have shown how the general public changed its mind about criminals. Programs until the early 1990s were in line with the progressive reforming trends of the 60s and 70s. In the last decade of the twentieth century, American society began to view criminals in the more Durkheimian sense of being the “enemy from within.” Criminals were viewed as a disease that was poisoning the organic whole. This disease had to be “excised” from society by increasing the length of prison sentences. Duguid shows how the American incarceration rate increased 150% from 1980 to 1993. While 1 in 543 Americans were in jail in 1980, 1 in 189 were incarcerated by 1993.9 Duguid makes the compelling argument that the reason for this shift in thinking pertains to a new paradigm. While the liberal ethos of reform in the 1960s was based on a more positive view of human nature -- which assumed that offenders were able to change -- society in the early 1990s decided human beings could not change as much as they thought they could. Crime was a disease instead of a choice, and so had to be treated with a scalpel instead of a “talking cure” (Sigmund Freud). This analysis sounds very much like what Jonathan Haidt is attempting to describe in The Righteous Mind. Haidt is suggesting that utilitarian arguments about crime reduction and philosophical arguments about the ability of criminals to change miss the conservative point about the sanctity of the law and the need to punish

30 criminals. Indeed, one could say that Haidt is arguing directly against Steven Duguid when Duguid affirms in his last chapter that inmates need to be treated as subjects.10 Haidt suggests that criminals have lost their right to self-determination because of their crimes. They should be treated as objects in need of punishment as recompense for the harm they have inflicted on their victims. They are being punished to uphold the sanctity and reverence for the law.11 The possibility of inmates being transformed is incidental to the purpose of incarceration. This shift from a progressive, individualized approach to a Durkheimian, collective one is evidenced by the recent action on the part of various jurisdictions to take away inmates’ right to vote. The subjective ability of offenders to act is being replaced by the right of the state to “act upon them.” To regard punishment as the primary role of prisons is reminiscent of Michel Foucault’s analysis of pre-modern society. Pre-modern societies had public execu- tions to demonstrate that the condemned person had committed an offence against the honour of the king. The criminal’s actions were like a slap to the face of the monarch because the king represented the embodiment of society’s laws. Corporal punishment was required as retribution because the offender had wounded the “body politic” of the state.12 Conservatives’ emphasis on loyalty, authority, and sanctity is reflective of this pre-modern approach. While the primary offence has been committed against an individual victim, the victim is representative of a larger social and moral whole that upholds the values of society. The offence committed against a victim is used in a global sense to underline the fact that the very values of the state have been “offended against.” Greater punishment and vilification of the criminal are needed to balance the wrong that has been committed. Christians are familiar with this type of language. Parishioners using the An- glican Book of Alternative Services or the Roman Catholic missal confess they have sinned against God in thought, word, and deed. Offences against one’s neighbours are confessed later in the prayer.13 The human offences committed against a neighbour have “actually” been committed against God, the upholder and final taskmaster of all that is precious and good. One can see how this emphasis on the collective good -- whether that refers to the state or the church or God -- can be used to undergird moral strictures against offenders. In the same way that offenders can never repay the wrong they have committed against a victim, no matter how long they are sentenced to a jail term, the state can now say that offenders need to “pay” larger amounts of their “lives” as recompense for their disregard of the law. This discussion is controversial because recompense can become arbitrary. With one stroke of the pen, the United States in the early 1990s doubled prison populations by introducing mandatory sentences.

Few jurisdictions have such power. Punishment becomes a sliding scale regarding the proportional amount of incarceration criminals deserve. A better understanding of the conservative emphasis on crime and punishment is now possible. The justice department represents a government agency that has quite a bit of power to act. It can more easily enact legislation to increase prison terms because it is acting as a righteous force on behalf of the people (Haidt). It is fighting to destroy the “disease from within” that criminals represent. The fact that the state can reach so far into the lives of its citizens demonstrates that the Durkheimian principles of authority and sanctity are alive and well in our society. We as citizens are allowing the state to act as our moral judge in these instances. In fact, we get a certain amount of pleasure in knowing that our concern for moral well-being is being reflected in our society. The state echoes our own moral concerns about the safety of our communities and the rights of victims when we see that an offender has been sentenced to a long period of incarceration. A group, psychological factor of wellbeing is reinforced when the state comes down hard on a criminal. We know that, in this case, we are morally right, and the offender is morally wrong. The full measure of the law can be brought to bear because of the righteousness of our cause. Let us return to the question of why this shift in thinking has occurred. Haidt and Durkheim make the point that societal mores are made up of a variety of networking factors. Overemphasis on liberty and care in the last fifty years has resulted in a pendulum swing to sanctity and authority. A slightly different way of saying the same thing is to note that an increase in liberty and care has occurred in some sectors of society while other areas have been prone to a greater emphasis on authority and sanctity. While taboos against incest, rape, murder, robbery, and general mayhem have increased, other social, ethical, and legal mores have been relaxed. The legal right to obtain an abortion, get a divorce, enter a gay marriage or common-law relationship, or ask for assisted death have found greater acceptance in society. A corollary reason for this moral emphasis in the justice system may be because of the ambiguous role of religion. As citizens of a largely “secular” nation, Canadians may be afraid of what might happen when religious or spiritual reasons are added to societal mores. Religion in general has gotten a bad name for being on the side of bigotry and prejudice. The criminal justice system offers a way of getting a “spiritual” as well as moral sense of righteousness appeased. As Durkheim knew so well, religion represents a canopy of societal norms that has implications for marriage vows, sanctity of life, familial life, sexual mores, economic restraint, and care for others.14 Implicitly religious taboos are entrenched in the criminal justice system. Invoking Durkheimian values of sanctity, loyalty, and authority represents a way of substituting religious convictions for moral ones in the justice system.

Fifteen years ago, a chapel volunteer told Stoesz that crime started to increase the day the Lord’s Prayer was taken out of public schools. For a long time, Stoesz had no idea how to put these two factors together. Reading Haidt’s book and reflecting on Durkheim’s understanding of religion helped Stoesz in this regard. This volunteer was telling him that the sense of sacredness with which he grew up was dis- appearing. The volunteer’s morality and religiosity were reflected and reinforced by society when he recited the Lord’s Prayer at the beginning of each school day. The respect that the volunteer and other students showed toward God was a way to reinforce respect for the general laws of society. The fact that prayers were removed from school meant that the canopy of faith and morality was being taken away. According to this volunteer, students became less respectful of the law because there was no morality or religion to back it up. This is the point Haidt is trying to make. He is suggesting that our society must be backed up by moral and religious frameworks in order to work. According to him, the ethical frameworks that need to be implemented more vigorously are concerns about authority, loyalty, and sanctity. Citizens who commit crimes (against society) show that they do not have respect for the law, are disloyal to the pro-social values of their fellow citizens, and do not consider their criminal actions as breaking sacred taboos. They therefore need to be punished more severely in order to show others the importance of these three values, expressed in ethical or religious terms.

Diverging Trajectories and Alternative Responses

Four alternatives are offered to the above description of the current state of affairs. Stoesz invites the reader first into what he regards as a perfect Durkheimian world, namely the prison system. A tour of this reality will help readers reflect more criti- cally on what is involved in “becoming righteous.” Assumptions made by Correctional Service Canada in its programs and religious services to inmates will be considered next. A comparison of these values to the ones highlighted by Haidt will illuminate the relative success of this second alternative. Restorative Justice practices along with Circles of Support and Accountability programs are offered as helpful sociological complements to the psychological programs offered in prisons. These working models of alternative communities represent a third way of diffusing society’s increasing tendency to globalize fears about criminality. Religion and chaplaincy are finally considered as a fourth response to the relative values of authority, loyalty, and sanctity.

1. Prison: A Perfect Durkheimian World

Jonathan Haidt’s Durkheimian analysis can be applied to the prison system. The moral values of authority, loyalty, and sanctity hold much greater sway in the prison system than ideas about care, liberty, and fairness. For starters, the justice system begins on the sure moral footing that it is right. Through the hard work of police, prosecutors, juries, and judges, the criminal has been convicted and sentenced to a term in prison. Loss of liberty is the result. The penal system enforces this punishment through the establishment of prisons. An inmate serves a length of time upon their conviction. This sense of moral rightness is reinforced by the authority of correctional officers. Their job is to ensure that inmates are productive within a safe environment during the day, that they are locked up at night, and that no-one escapes during the time they are incarcerated. There are times when an inmate pits one staff member against another one to receive favours or special treatment. Staff who work in prison soon find out they need to “watch each other’s backs” and work as a united team to ensure the smooth running of an institution. While an inmate’s need for respect and care are valid, offenders sometimes use these values to undermine a well-meaning staff member or interfere with the smooth operation of an institution. An official review of two riots within Canadian prisons in the late 1990s found that these riots were caused by too much free movement by inmates. Inmates took advantage of these opportunities to injure and kill fellow offenders. These prisons have subsequently enforced a stricter “inmate pass” system. Inmate attempts to use a staff member’s vulnerability to get what they want leads to a greater sense of loyalty among correctional officers. After a staff member has been “conned,” they are much more apt to see most offenders as trying to ma- nipulate them or the system. Fierce loyalty among staff members becomes upper most after they have seen a fellow staff member “let go” because of an indiscretion. The system becomes weighted against some inmates’ concerns because of the real threat of inmate manipulation of staff members to “bring in drugs,” “become personally involved in inmates’ problems,” “allow physical altercations between inmates,” etc. Loyalty and authority become indiscriminate ways of ensuring compliance and enforcing order. Moral sanctions represent another factor at play within the prison system. A pecking order among inmates means that murderers, drug dealers, and robbers rise to the top of the inmate hierarchy while offenders who have offended against women or children are relegated to the bottom of the totem pole. There are some prisons in which inmates on the upper rungs do not allow rapists or pedophiles to move around freely. The latter group are told to “go to segregation” with threats of severe physical

34 harm. Staff are placed in the awkward position of having to ensure the safety of an inmate for whom they may feel the greatest revulsion. A morally-based pecking order of inmates exists in prisons despite the official policy of management to have integrated inmate populations. Inmates have internalized the moral code of society which says that offences against women and children are the most reprehensible and should be punished the harshest. “Solid” offenders are more than happy to carry out this punishment on behalf of society because of their belief that these deviant criminals have not been vilified enough. One can see how care, liberty, and respect get lost within this system. Inmates take programs to earn their right to parole. They learn how to respect themselves, each other, and authority as they become involved in self-help groups, where sharing becomes part and parcel of healing and reform. They learn to feel empathy for their victims, remorse for their crimes, and a sense of responsibility to the rest of society. In spite of gains made in terms of care, liberty, and respect on the part of these offenders, inmate programs are offered within the confines of a Durkheimian world where authority, bullying, muscling, peer loyalty, and vindictiveness are an everyday reality. Inmates cannot sit at certain tables in the dining rooms because of the nature of their crimes. Food is thrown at them and they are called every name in the book as they make their way in the prison system. One hundred percent interest a week is charged to any inmate who borrows money from another inmate. Personal property of one inmate is confiscated by another inmate if they feel that they can get away with it. The vulnerability of insecure inmates who want to fit in and be accepted is used by other inmates to make them beat up other offenders, bring in drugs, or do sexual favours. The lack of inmate respect for each other slowly extends (upward) to every aspect of the prison system. Staff find it increasingly difficult to treat inmates with dignity when they are faced daily with recriminations and abuse. Authority becomes misused when it takes the shape of muscling and bullying. Loyalty becomes distorted when it is used to enforce a sharp “us/them” mentality between inmates and staff. The only way drugs can be “safely” smuggled into an institution is if inmates keep a code of silence about these clandestine activities. In- formants are threatened and beaten up by other inmates if they are found out. Mo- rality becomes questionable when it is used to create such a sharp pecking order. Robbers and drug dealers justify their actions on the basis that their deeds are “less violent” and “less hurtful” than what inmates convicted of domestic abuse and rape of children have done. What is one to make of this Durkheimian world? Is this something that should be exported to the larger society? An increased emphasis on authority and loyalty becomes necessary in prison because of the illegal activities in which inmates are engaged. A concerted effort by security intelligence officers, correctional staff, informants, program officers, and visitation coordinators is required for drugs to be

35 kept out of institutions. Demand for drugs is so high that some inmates along with family members, spouses, friends, gang affiliates, and offender cohorts in the community find ingenious ways of keeping the supply going. A libertarian approach and less restrictive policy toward offenders who are engaged in illegal activities will not do in this instance. A collective, authoritarian approach is needed. Similar interventions by the justice system are required to combat gangs and drugs in the community. Blatant disregard for the law by gangs, Mafia, Hells Angels, and other criminal organizations requires a measured, collective response. The deeply anti-authoritarian, and deliberately “sinful” (evil) intentions and actions of these groups bring out the best (and worst) of the justice system. Enforcement officers are sometimes tempted to use arbitrary and questionable means to fight “fire with fire.” The degree to which criminals are willing to flaunt the law needs to be matched by a similar collective and political will to bring these men to justice. The power of the state can become so assertive in its fight against drugs and crime that citizens begin to fear for their own rights. Stoesz can speak to this reality on an existential level. Any person working in the prison system understands the extent to which hierarchical authority, loyalty to fellow staff members, dynamic security, transparency of actions, information sharing, and willingness to get involved are needed to reduce criminal activity and risk of attack. Offenders need to be con- fronted about their distorted attitudes, sense of entitlement, deviant behaviours, and continuation of their criminal lifestyle. This questioning of inmates’ attitudes and behaviours can happen in a parole hearing, in programming, in work settings, and by staff in the living units and in the visiting areas. This type of dynamic interaction between staff and inmates is atypical regarding what would happen between an employer and employee in the community, among residents of a boarding house, between social workers and clients, and between police and citizens. There is an assumption of innocence and respect on the part of these community members which is not as evident within the prison system. The opposite attitude, in fact, is in effect. The fact that an offender has already committed a crime means that they are to be regarded with suspicion. This suspicion creates an uneven relationship between staff member and offender. It presumes that the offender must defend their actions, whether that has to do with an altercation with another inmate, possession of contraband, attitude toward a staff member, etc. A second prison dynamic has to do with the relatively quick enforcement of authority. A staff member wears a personal protective alarm which they can push at any time when they feel that they are in danger. The disobeying of a direct order can be perceived as a threat that results in immediate punitive action. While dynamic security is effective most of the time --- that is to say, when an informal resolution of a situation is possible through verbal communication --- all staff members know

36 they have quick and immediate access to security who can step in and make enforcement mandatory. Appeal to authority is somewhat different in the community. Presumption of respect and innocence in society means that an employer can fire an employee without feeling the need to call the police to remove the person from the building. An estranged spouse can usually break up a relationship and file for divorce without feeling the need to call the police or ask a judge for a restraining order. The police generally feel safe that they will not be insulted or vilified for writing out a speeding ticket. People in society live with a general assumption of respect for each other that does not require the immediate intervention of police, lawyers, or judges. Buffer zones of family members, friends, acquaintances, social networks, faith communities, and fellow employees, along with general assumptions of camaraderie, respect, compliance, humour, exit plans, ability to take an insult, and give and take attitudes are assumed on the part of much of the population. Dynamic interactions, informal resolutions, avoidance of high-risk situations, agreements to disagree, and freedom to exit the scene are more readily available in society. In prison, an inmate feels the need to defend their honour with violence if they are insulted or humiliated. People in society assume that their honour will remain intact even if one or two people call them names. The question being asked is this: To what extent do we want the type of Durk- heimian world described above applied to our society? While we may prefer more punishment for criminals, we are leery of having the same type of authority applied to us. We are, after all, law-abiding citizens. We should be treated with respect, dignity, and a presumption of innocence. The example of prison culture has been cited as a cautionary tale. People do desperate things when they feel trapped and have nothing to lose. A coveted pair of Adidas becomes a reason to injure or kill in prison. This sense of entitlement needs to be diffused. One way of doing this is to increase a sense of empowerment to resolve difficult situations.

2a. Rationality and Religion in the Prison System

The prison system can also become distorted in the opposite direction of liberality, namely in its offer of rationality and religion to provide healing and hope for inmates. The number of programs offered to inmates was a surprise to Stoesz when he began his work as a chaplain. Issues of spousal abuse, alcohol addiction, gang affiliation, violence as a solution, sexual assault, and drug dealing were all addressed through programming. These programs are an essential part of an inmate’s correctional plan and mandated as part of their sentence. Despite offenders’ initial resistance to this

37 idea in the early 1990s, programs in general have been viewed as an opportunity for inmates to address their criminal factors. Many offenders have taken advantage of these opportunities to gain a better understanding of their crime cycle. They have had to look deeply into the rationales and assumptions they made when committing their crimes. This emphasis on programming within the prison context can become distorted for two reasons. The first reason has to do with the artificial environment of a prison setting. Inmates who have used drugs for most of their lives suddenly find they can become clean in prison. Because of the limited amounts of drugs available relative to the street, inmates become involved in Alcoholics Anonymous, find that they can begin to cope with their emotional problems without medication, and hold out the hope they will never “use” again. These expectations are hard to judge based on the abnormal setting of a prison. The challenges of staying clean are much different in the community. Drug dealers and liquor stores on many street corners of the city offer tempting opportunities to relapse. Caution regarding correctional programming is also warranted considering its assumption of inmates as rational human beings. Programming is based on the idea that rational tools are available to the person to break their bad habits. It is presumed that an offender will take the time to consider the pros and cons of their actions, consider the consequences, take a time-out from a high-risk situation, and seek the help of a support group. The problem with rationality as a “tool” is its instrumentality. A tool is an external instrument that can be picked up, or vice-versa, left behind. As one inmate told Stoesz after he had been sent back to jail on a breach, “I left my (programming) tools behind when I passed by a casino after work and started gambling.”15 Only a rationality that is internalized will become useful. One needs to move from instrumental to essential reason to inculcate profound truths that will affect the being of a person. Entrenchment of instrumental rationality is typical of the box secular enlightenment has built for itself. In morning-programming sessions about addictions, inmates are told that they have the willpower to stop using drugs, that they can drink moderately if they are responsible, that they can use their reasoning skills to reduce risk, and that they can live as law-abiding citizens. In the evening, these same inmates attend self-help groups such as Alcoholic Anonymous. They are told that they are powerless over their addictions, that they need to turn their wills over to God, that they need to live one day at a time, and that they will always be in recovery. While A.A. assumes some human beings cannot control their drinking, the programming model is more positive in its assumption of what a human being is capable. Rationality in this instance replaces religion as the “go to” force.

Inmates are attracted to the chapel for the same reasons. Religion is like programming in that it provides an immediate and gratifying solution. Believing in God enables one to feel forgiven for what one has done, forget the past in order to move toward the future, and feel a sense of belonging to a larger group. In the same way programming groups empower inmates to share what they have done in the relatively safety of anonymity, chapel worship services enable offenders to discover an intimate relationship with God in the relatively safe confines of a chapel setting. Irra- tionality in the case of the latter and rationality in the case of the former spark motivation, initiative, self-esteem, remorse, empowerment, and hope for the future. A similar distortion regarding rationality and religion on the progressive side of things is as evident as an over-emphasis on authority and loyalty on the Durk- heimian side of the pendulum. Real threat of criminal behaviour within prison reinforces the need for a united, authoritative front on the part of security. Real possibilities of transformation on the programming and religious end of things result in over- indulgence in rational and irrational euphoria. Stoesz remembers a psychologist telling him that inmates “flourished” after they were accepted into a high-intensity, group treatment program. These inmates discovered what real feelings, real hurt, real remorse, real responsibility, and real social interaction were like in this closed group. Stoesz discovered the same reaction regarding religion. Inmates become highly enthused about the possibilities of faith as they discover the real effects of forgiveness, mercy, grace, acceptance, belonging, and love. At the same time, they learn what it means to take responsibility for their crimes and be accountable to other members of the faith community.

2b. Relative Effects of Transformation

Over ninety percent of the men Stoesz has interviewed over the last twenty-five years are deeply remorseful for what they have done, know what a conscience is, promise never to commit another offence, are genuinely baffled at the hurt, grief, harm, and injury they have caused, and deeply grieve over the broken relationships, loss of money, loss of respect, and lives they have taken as a result of their offences. These men are motivated to change precisely because of the unfathomable amount of damage they have caused others. Some of them will never be released from prison, some of them will never see their ex-wives or children again, some of them will never be able to go back to their communities, all of them live with a tremendous amount of guilt and shame, while some of them will be accountable to the Parole Board of Canada for the rest of their lives. Despite the fact they have “literally” destroyed themselves along with their victims, these offenders have a deep need to understand what went wrong. They are more motivated than most people to tell “all” in the hope that some emotional and spiritual release is available, if

39 not liberty in the physical sense. They want to feel right before God, themselves, and if possible, before others for what they have done. Chaplains have been given the privilege of hearing these stories. Genuine transformation is evident in many of the men. A similar feeling is shared among program officers, psychologists, and other staff who have worked with these inmates. An amazing amount of healing takes place despite the vindictive environment. These transformative reflections come with a caveat. These discussions have taken place in the relative anonymity of a chaplain’s office, in the relative safety of a group therapy session, in the relative fellowship of a chapel setting, and in the aura of acceptance within a group of offenders who have committed similar crimes. These are abnormal, one-dimensional settings in which murder victims, estranged family members, disgruntled employers, defrauded communities, and fearful society are not present. Chaplains work in a restricted and limited place in which the larger community is not visible. This broader consciousness means that genuine healing and hope need to be viewed from a long-term perspective. Prisoners act more like themselves as they descend from higher-security to lower-security facilities. This means that while they may have been active in chapel activities in a maximum prison, they develop a different routine when they cascade down to a medium-security prison. While faith and religion helped them cope in the hostile environment of remand centres, these same inmates find other avenues of involvement and belonging when they are transferred to a different prison. The relative value of religion and programming is evident from these experiences. We all reach out for what we need as we need it. Given more options, we may decide that faith and reason are not as important as they first seemed. Internalization of values takes a while. Essential reason is offered as a goal. The routinized practice of faith within the community should be the intended result of the irrational longings of spirituality by offenders. The abnormal setting of prison religion and programming success are balanced by social realities of everyday life.

3a. Circles of Support and Accountability

Fourteen years ago, Stoesz met an inmate who was deeply religious, somewhat schizophrenic, unable to complete programming, and difficult to work with.16 If things were not going his way, he would threaten a staff member, be thrown into the “hole,” quit taking his medication, lose his job, and vent about his issues before starting the process all over again. As the chaplain got to know this person, he realized that the only way he would survive “on the street” was if there were a group of dedicated volunteers who would be willing to meet with him on a regular basis.

Stoesz referred the man to an agency that was involved in Circles of Support and Accountability. This CoSA group worked closely with the High-Risk Police Unit as well as the Forensics Department in the hospital to keep ex-offenders on the “straight and narrow.” When the above offender was released on his Warrant Expiry Date, a circle of volunteers was set up so that they could met with him weekly. As a result of this initiative, the man was able to cope reasonably well without receiving another federal sentence. He would occasionally go back to drinking, be charged with minor assaults, and spend some time in the remand centre. This man worked on a part-time basis, reconnected with his family, worked through childhood abuse issues, entered a relationship with a girlfriend, and established long-term friendships with this circle of volunteers. While not a success story according to a strict interpretation of this word, this man accessed community supports to help him with his addictions, mental health issues, work habits, and relationships. This example is somewhat typical of what is involved in helping ex-offenders reintegrate into society. A myriad of issues keeps raising their head. Just when one feels success on one level, another crisis occurs that makes it feel as though one is starting all over again. Taking the whole person seriously means that a volunteer, staff person, friend, or acquaintance needs to be ready to deal with a variety of issues for which one is often not prepared. One must be careful about the parameters of one’s involvement so that one does not feel overwhelmed. Many of these men are survivors who know how to access resources. One must know what one can give in order to feel a sense of success and rapport in one’s involvement. This initial CoSA involvement with one inmate resulted in fifteen more Cir- cles being established for ex-offenders over a ten-year period.17 While initially conceived as a year-long covenant between four volunteers and a core member, this commitment led to the formation of a community in which core members, volunteers, and staff met on significant social occasions. The surplus value of the initiative had to do with moving from acting to being. While each volunteer set parameters of their involvement (meeting once a week, abiding by conditions, being transparent about their activities, accepting phone calls, helping the person find a job), these actions fostered a relationship in which trust, respect, mutuality, and interdepend- ence were established. The surplus value of this project had to do with establishing a sense of belonging, acceptance, and community. While the tools of instrumental rationality were present in the form of specific commitments and actions, this rationality turned into an essential situation in which communal wellbeing was experienced by all concerned. This state of being is required if reintegration of offenders is to be successful. While the CoSA project did not start with this agenda in mind, staff soon realized that a community of people could become a source of authority in a way that individual commitments and relationships could not. Durkheim would understand this

41 sentiment well. A we-consciousness develops in which individuals feel they are part of a greater whole. While this could be stated in religious terms, any social network with a common goal or bond can serve as this canopy of sanctity. Stoesz made the referral to CoSA as much for the community as for the core member. The core member and the chaplain agreed that there were to be no more victims. Reduction of harm was a priority. This person had been victimized at an early age. His acknowledgement of his own suffering along with his empathy for the suffering that his victims had to endure, was the basis on which this man was able to cope in society. Commitment to “no more harm” is a way of integrating a chaplain’s identity as a citizen, pastor, family, and community member with their involvement with ex- offenders. The overarching Durkheimian commitment of loyalty and sanctity is pre- served in chaplains’ identification with people who could potentially be harmed by the man with whom they are working. Normalization of values occurs when the chaplain, together with the core member, work toward a reduction of risk through positive social, community, and religious networks.

3b. Restorative Justice Initiatives

Restorative Justice practitioners work from a paradigm in which emphasis is placed on the harm done to a victim. Neither Durkheim’s idea that society has been harmed by crime nor the religious sentiment that God has been offended should lessen the real hurt caused by the offender. Restorative Justice practitioners are clearly within the liberal paradigm of reduction of harm, commitment to care, and affirmation of liberty instead of the Durkheimian emphasis on collectivity and authority. The sentence handed down to an inmate by the state, as representative of the victim, is replaced in restorative justice by an emphasis on the specific harm that has been done.18 Restorative Justice is committed to this relational approach because of its belief that the offender, victim, and community can find healing through a restoration of the relationship. Whether that means saying sorry, providing monetary restitution, having an empathetic understanding of the harm one has caused, or being willing to hear about the impact of the crime from the victim themselves, this approach assumes healing starts first and foremost in relation to the specific crime committed. Broader principles of retribution are subsumed under a prioritizing of harm that has occurred in the context of relationships. This localization and specification of harm is one way of providing an accu- rate measure of the degree and proportionality of hurt that has occurred. We have seen how a more comprehensive and even ideological approach to crime has resulted in the doubling of prison populations in the United States. Once the idea has taken

42 hold that the criminal has offended God and the State, the proportionality of punishment can easily get out of hand. To take a simple and tragic example, a family member was asked during a television interview whether he felt justice had been done, now that the murderer of his child had been executed. The victim replied that nothing the state could do would bring his son back. Therefore, justice had not been served. Restorative Justice practitioners believe that healing is possible regardless of the sentence and punishment handed down by the state. While a chaplain might use religious or spiritual language to speak about the effects of retribution, revenge, justice, and restitution, restorative justice adherents have generally used secular language to speak about how restoration is possible for all parties involved. Victim impact statements are significant in chaplains’ work with inmates for their upcoming parole hearings. The Parole Board of Canada encourages victims to take an active role in the parole hearing process. Victim impact statements are submitted at the time of sentencing. Years and decades later, victims can write to the Parole Board, letting them know the continuing impact that the inmate’s crime has had on them. They can also attend the hearing and read their statements. These opportunities within the parole hearing process represent occasions, albeit imperfect, for the victims to speak directly to the men or women who have offended against them. Victims’ statements have a much more real impact on the inmate than anything the chaplain can say or do in helping the inmate develop empathy, remorse, regret, and possible restitution. The victims along with the parole board represent the larger community against whom the inmate has offended. It is only right that they are included as part of the ongoing process of reintegration. In conclusion, CoSA projects and Restorative Justice initiatives are but small communitarian responses to the larger issues of crime. Community policing, psychological counselling, social networking, familial accountability, peace bonds, and societal involvement are as paramount for people who have committed crimes as youth programs, sports venues, children’s activities, health initiatives, and seniors’ days are for general citizens. Safe reintegration of offenders is part of a larger whole called healthy communities and a protected society.

4. Role of Chaplaincy and Religion

A religious or spiritual response to the issue of criminality has been delayed up to this point. A variety of social and communitarian solutions have been offered. These solutions have as much to do with authority, loyalty, and sanctity as with care, liberty, and harm. We do not have to be liberals to believe in the safe reintegration of offenders. We do not have to be conservatives to believe in the importance of authority and social cohesion. A variety of moral and social factors come into play as we consider viable pluralistic alternatives to the problem of crime in our society.

Why do chaplains continue to offer a religious solution to a particularly per- nicious, social, and moral problem? Why do they not become program officers, managers of CoSA projects, more involved with Restorative Justice Initiatives, or community social workers as part of their commitment to safe reintegration of offenders? Why do chaplains continue to see religion as part of the solution? First, criminality is ultimately as much a religious issue as a social or moral one. It is not enough for chaplains to offer the possibilities of remorse, care, forgiveness, accountability, reconciliation, and parole to an offender. While all these things may be possible on a human level, there are times when only a direct appeal to God will do. Chaplains may not be able on a human level to offer forgiveness to an offender for what they have done. Chaplains as human beings may struggle with assurance of salvation for this person even as they offer the possibility of forgiveness on a divine level. Forgiveness is available in three different ways, on an individual level, on a spiritual level, and on an interpersonal level. While the victim may never forgive the offender, and while the individual may never forgive themselves for what they have done, forgiveness is still possible from God. A direct communication with God enables a subjective feeling of grace to be felt even as the objective fact of punishment and retribution is being carried out against the person in the form of incarceration. One could even say that this act of divine grace is objectively present in an eschato- logical sense. The objective sign of communion enables the offender to be reconciled in a tangential way with fellow believers even as the wider community of victims, church, and family members still suffer greatly, mourn deeply, and retain deep feelings of anger, hurt, and resentment against this person. The twelve-step approach to recovery understands this three-step process of forgiveness, reconciliation, and restoration. The Alcoholics Anonymous program suggests that one must be made right first with God, then with oneself, and finally, if possible, with those against whom one has offended. The idea that God forgives a person ripples into a self-forgiveness which is extended into an infinite empathy and sorrow for the victim who was harmed. True forgiveness, remorse, regret, and willingness to be reconciled can take a life-time. A second reason chaplains continue to view religion as a solution to the problem is because it has a more realistic view of sin and evil than some of the stated goals of rehabilitation programs. Chaplains are less devastated by the fact that an inmate with whom they have worked for a long time has reoffended when they view this reality from a broader, spiritual vantage point. Religion continues to be a powerful force in our society because of the reality of evil. All the enlightenment ideals in the world do not answer the question of why human beings are willing and capable of exacting so much harm on others. There is a self-destructive tendency within each of us that can cause irreparable harm to others. A healthy respect for sin and evil

44 enables us to view the goodness of our natures as a divine destiny. The human ability to love, to be committed, to feel remorse, and to forgive sometimes needs a divine reminder. The flip side of underestimating the reality of evil is to place too many expectations on the human side of things. A misplaced belief in rationality, progress, goodness, and reform can cause the opposite response of retribution and punishment when the former fails to produce the desired result. One could say that the current emphasis on punishment and incarceration is because of society’s disappointment over the failure of its high ideals in the 1960s. A misplaced belief in the possibility of reform can turn vicious when offenders do not live up to our expectations. A more realistic view of the fallen nature of humanity puts our high ideals into a more pliable state of affairs. A third reason chaplains continue to view faith and religion as a helpful response to the reality of crime is because it parallels and reinforces the justice system’s commitment to society. A prisoner who becomes a believer and participates in chapel services becomes part of a larger community. The chapel fellowship in prison participates in an existential and vicarious way as part of the larger body called the faith community. This membership in a “visible body” is a universal and eternal commitment that extends beyond the fences of the jail and beyond the human signposts of initiation. Participation in this body represents a sense of belonging that reaches beyond the specific acceptance or lack thereof that the offender experiences on a human level. This eternal acceptance inculcates within an offender societal norms and practices that keep communities safe. Durkheim would have much to say about this canopy of faith. The religious body serves as a source of authority, loyalty, and sanctity that replaces the specific rights and privileges an offender feels entitled to as an individual. The fellowship engendered by a chapel community of worship models the larger pro-social aims of the criminal justice system, along with the concerns and cares of society. Acceptance of divine authority, loyalty to others, and a sense of respect within a chapel community are analogous to what can occur within society.

Conclusion

This chapter has traced the shift in thinking from the high ideals of the 1960s to the conservative retreat during the 1990s. While reform and rehabilitation are evident in the abolition of the death penalty in Canada, along with programs and training courses offered to prisoners, the end of the 20th century has seen a retreat toward warehousing and punishment. Part of the reason for this Durkheimian retrenchment toward authority, loyalty, and sanctity has had to do with disappointment in the possibility of change. Human beings appear to be more stubborn and intractable than

45 first surmised. The authority of the state, along with the sanctity of law, have been viewed as priorities regardless of any change evident or expected of an inmate. Pun- ishment of wrongs through incarceration is a form of recompense to the suffering of victims. Jonathan Haidt is correct in his evaluation of the importance of Durkheimian values vis-à-vis libertarian and progressive attitudes toward justice. A narrow focus on liberty, compassion, and individual rights obscures the larger issues of safety, fear, and sense of moral rightness in the punishment of offenders. At the same time, we need to be careful of the extent to which we use the power of the state or the righteousness of our cause to come down hard on criminals. The dynamics of prison life provide glimpses into what can happen when the use of authority becomes readily available, and a strict moral code becomes entrenched in the system. The use of collective authority has its place in fighting organized crime. It can also become overextended when given too much rein. Social and corporate values of no harm, restitution to victims, safety of society, and sense of belonging to a community are part and parcel of progressive initiatives such as CoSA and Restorative Justice. A narrow focus on rights, liberty, and healing is balanced with the obligation of the core member to the larger community, to their victims, and to the laws of the land. Religion has been offered as a source of comfort, accountability, and restoration. An appeal to God for justice for all concerned can augment the specific ways in which justice is being realized through the courts and penal system. Religion re- tains a profound understanding of evil. The idea that we, by nature, are self-destructive helps to put the horror of sin into a broader perspective. Durkheimian values of belonging, authority, sanctity, and safety can be inculcated within a community of faith. The idea that there is an ultimate authority to whom everyone must answer helps us abide by human laws and live safely within social communities.

Chapter Two

Canadian Federal Prison Chaplaincy: 1979-2019

In 1988, Rev. Dr. Pierre Allard was installed as the new National Director of Chaplaincy for Correctional Ser- vice Canada.1 The occasion was the signing of the second Memorandum of Understanding between CSC and the Interfaith Committee on Chaplaincy.2 Rev. Allard’s previous chaplaincy experience included fourteen years as institutional chaplain in Quebec (1972-1977)3 and New Brunswick (1977-1987),4 as well as three years as Regional Chaplain in the Atlantic Region (1985-1987). During his sojourn as institutional and Regional Chaplain in the Atlantic Region, Rev. Allard enrolled in a graduate program at the North Baptist Theological Semi- nary in Lombard, Illinois. In 1985, he took a three-month sabbatical to write his Doctor of Ministry thesis, entitled The Statement of the Correctional Service of Can- ada Values and a Biblical Perspective for the Role of Chaplain.5 He graduated from the program in May of 1986. In September of 1987, Rev. Dr. Allard moved to Ottawa and became National Director of Chaplaincy. He would spend the next eleven years (1987-1998) implementing the vision for chaplaincy outlined in his thesis. His dissertation begins with an analysis of the progressive shift in thinking that had occurred in the Penitentiary’s attitude toward and management of inmates. Whereas control and punishment were regarded as the most important roles of corrections up to the 1960s, a new study, commissioned by the government in 1984, stated that Correctional Service Canada’s “relationship with offenders is the most important aspect of our work . . . Offenders are seen by CSC as individuals.”6 Allard comments on the fact that “the section on offenders (in the report) precedes the one on staff and management.”7 He regards as revolutionary this prioritizing of the individual inmate as subject.8 He compares this new approach to the 1960s Vatican II report of the Roman Catholic Church, which placed a chapter on the Peo-

47 ple of God before the “one on hierarchy.”9 Correctional Service Canada’s “safe, secure and human control of offenders” was done in the context of “helping them become law-abiding citizens.”10 The goal of reintegration was integrally linked to the dynamic and static security of incarceration. Allard balanced his analysis of the 1984 government statement on CSC values with theological insights that could contribute to reform and reintegration. Biblical concepts of justice -- as found in Isaiah and Micah -- of human beings being created in the image of God -- as outlined in the book of Genesis -- and of God’s reconciliation of the world -- as outlined in 1 Corinthians -- could be brought to bear on evil and sin in the world.11 Paul’s proclamation in Ephesians 2:14 that “God has broken down the dividing wall of hostility” represented a litmus test of how chaplains and correctional staff could make a difference in their work with inmates.12 Offenders could find healing and hope along their journey from remorse and forgiveness to grace and compassion, to reconciliation and restoration. Rev. Allard used these guiding principles to initiate change and transformation. He assisted in (1) the formulation of a CSC Mission Statement, adopted in 1991,13 (2) writing a Correctional Service Canada Prayer,14 (3) the establishment of community chaplaincies, (4) building of morale and vision in institutional chaplaincies, (5) integrating volunteers into the work of the Correctional Service,15 and (6) the establishment of CSC Awards for exemplary services by staff and volunteers.16 He believed that chaplains, the church, and faith communities had unique perspectives on faith and restoration that could be dovetailed with the mission and daily life of the service. In 1998, Pierre Allard was named as Acting Assistant Commissioner, Correc- tional Operations and Programs for Correctional Service Canada. Two years later, in 2000, he became the Assistant Commissioner, Community Engagement. Rev. Dr. Allard became a spokesperson for restorative justice, reintegration, faith, and healing during the next six years,17 before retiring from the Service in 2006.18 His fluency in French and English, his work within the Catholic Church and later as a Baptist minister, his inspirational lectures and courses on restorative justice, and his understanding of federal and provincial politics -- alongside the rise of Quebec nationalism -- went a long way in providing an ecumenical and inter-faith spirit that became a model for many. Hank Dixon and Don Stoesz were ministers caught up in Pierre Allard’s vision. Like many others, they were moved by his strong commitment to faith, hope, love, compassion, and empathy for prisoners. Dixon enrolled in a Master of Divinity program at Providence Seminary in Manitoba and became a Baptist minister for six years in the Atlantic Region before becoming a full-time institutional chaplain.19 After filling in during the summer of 1987 for a Protestant chaplain at Leclerc Institution in Quebec, Stoesz became involved in full-time chaplaincy. He fell in

48 love with the ministry, although it represented his third career and something that he never dreamed of doing. As National Director of Chaplaincy, Pierre Allard was tasked with implementing a contract system, established in 1979 between state and church.20 A denominational model was adopted, in which churches and other faith groups received contracts to oversee the work of correctional chaplains. The Correctional Service continued to (1) employ National and Regional chaplains to manage contracts, (2) be involved in the hiring process of institutional and community chaplains, (3) provide some training, and (4) delegate an institutional contact for chaplains at the Deputy or Assistant Warden level. The churches and faith groups were responsible for ad- ministrating the contracts of individual chaplains. Twenty years after the implementation of the contract model, a year-long national review of deficiencies within the contract system was undertaken (1999).21 On the basis of the committee’s findings, an enhanced contract model was implemented that shored up the partnership model between CSC and faith groups. The contract model was adopted and has been defended largely because of a belief in separation of church and state. In 2012, a controversy erupted over the hiring of a Wiccan chaplain in the Pacific Region.22 The government decided to implement a one-contract model for CSC chaplaincy as a result of this incident. Kairos Pneuma Chaplaincy was granted the national contract in 2014. Bridges of Canada was awarded the contract in 2016. The federal government is currently conducting its second major review of the contract system for chaplaincy (2019). Impetus for this book stems from difficulties that have arisen over the use of the contract system to employ federal prison chaplains.23 Although Stoesz is a Men- nonite minister, deeply empathetic to separation of church and state regarding a variety of issues, he has come to the opposite conclusion regarding prison chaplaincy. He no longer believes that chaplaincy should be kept at an arm’s length relationship from the service. Chaplaincy should be integrated into the warp and woof of the mission and daily affairs of the Correctional Service so that it can be effective. Chap- lains stand beside other members of the correctional team, correctional officers, management, program officers, parole officers, social program officers, Corcan staff (representing the production and sales department of CSC), teachers, mental health workers, nurses and doctors, volunteers, as well as faith communities who are committed to the safe reintegration of offenders in the community. Pierre Allard comments on the deficiencies of the contract system in his 1986 doctoral dissertation: Although theoretically these (contract) employees have all the rights and privileges of indeterminate employees, this has occasioned many administrative

headaches. An even more important result has been the distancing of the contract chaplain from the core life of the institution. Contract people tend to be viewed as not completely belonging except to render their services (italics added).24 Allard goes on to say: “In England, in the early 1970s, the contract hiring procedure was followed for a few years and then abandoned. It is hoped that the same might happen in Canada.” A quote from J. T. L. James’ 1990 history of federal prison chaplaincy reinforces this point. When CSC changed in 1979 from hiring chaplains as employees to hiring them on a contract basis, Rev. Wilkinson, Secretary-Treasurer for the In- terfaith Committee on Chaplaincy, had this to say:

Correctional Chaplaincy requires special skills and commitment which few people are able or prepared to give and which make it a career vocation. No person should be expected to make that kind of commitment on the basis of uncertainty of employment, erratic pay days and lack of fringe benefits which are part of the present contract pattern. Moreover, by its very nature recruitment for contract positions is limited in effect to the region in which the institution is located, thus severely reducing the possibility of locating trained and qualified personnel for such positions. Also, contract employment of chaplains in the past has often led to back-door entry to full-time positions on the part of individuals who were poorly qualified with consequent deleterious effects on the quality of chaplaincy service (italics added).25 The failure of contract chaplains to be integrated into the service is not hard to understand. History has repeatedly demonstrated that charismatic authority is only as effective as it is able to be implemented institutionally.26 Roman Catholics found this out for themselves when the high ideals of Vatican II (1960s) came crashing down on the heels of lay and hierarchical resistance in the 1970s and 80s.27 The same thing has happened to chaplaincy. Despite Pierre Allard’s life-long commitment, contagious energy, and charismatic ability to create change, federal chaplaincy has continued to lack institutional support. The arms length relationship integral to the contract system makes it difficult for chaplains to know how they are connected in a significantly structural manner to the every-day workings of CSC. The purpose of this book is to follow in Pierre Allard’s footsteps by providing a vision that can be implemented structurally within the warp and woof of CSC. Winnifred Sullivan’s contemporary vision of chaplaincy, articulated in her recent book, A Ministry of Presence, stands as a litmus test for what is possible.

The correctional chaplain has acquired a greatly enhanced role, one that argu- ably once again expansively integrates him into the prison project while embracing the prisoner as religious well beyond the specific constitutionally protected religious needs of the prisoner . . . Offenders are understood to need to acquire a positive spiritual reality through spiritual growth, not just to have a constitutionally protected right to the free exercise of religion (italics added).28

Sullivan also suggests that a chaplain is:

. . . the religious professional best suited to public ministry in the twenty-first century, the one best able to broker between the institutions of the secular, religious hierarchies and the presumed universal spiritual nature of the individual. Beholden primarily neither to a local congregation nor to a religious canon and hierarchies in the chain-of-command model of ministry, chaplains meet both a more diverse and often constantly changing clientele and are freer from strictures of orthodoxy in doctrine and practice than other religious specialists. They are committed to the mission of and usually paid by the secular institutions in which they work, whether that be a school, prison, branch of the armed services, business, hospital, park service, or other special purpose facility. Licensed to preach by once-well-defined religious hierarchies but finding their calling as clinicians for the religiosity of human beings in general, chaplains offer themselves as spiritual ministers without portfolio while still being bound by webs of authority, sacred and secular, past and present, that are not always fully acknowledged (italics added).29

These words echo much of what correctional chaplains in 1984 had to say in regard the new Statement on CSC values. Where the document suggested that religion and spirituality represented the special needs of offenders, chaplains responded with a statement of their own: It follows from our approach to offenders as individuals that we will attend to meet their needs to the greatest degree possible. Chaplains provide an essential service as to the spiritual dimension of life. We will also accommodate the special needs of individuals, and minority groups, be they religious, spiritual, cultural . . . (italics added).30 This statement reiterates Winnifred Sullivan’s comments about spirituality as universal and a positive agent of change.

Chapter Three

Competencies and Job Descriptions

Introduction

A Consortium of Alberta Theological Colleges met in Red Deer in June of 2019 to map a chaplaincy curriculum that would be used by each of the universities represented. Universities and Seminaries in the Consortium included Ambrose University in Calgary, Saint Stephens Seminary in Edmonton, Southern Baptist Seminary in Cochrane, Taylor University in Edmonton, and Concordia University in Edmonton. Forty people were present at the day-long working session. The workshop was organized to build on the findings of Lee Tunstall regarding the feasibility of establishing a collaborative chaplaincy education program in Alberta. Tunstall had been commissioned in 2018 to determine “the extent and character of chaplaincy employment in Alberta” as well as to “identify the curricular requirements of spiritual care education.”1 She conducted a survey to which sixty- five educators and chaplains responded. She interviewed twenty-one educators and chaplains. Among her twelve recommendations were 1) “beginning small and growing incrementally,” 2) “expanding stakeholders to ensure buy-in,” 3) “paying special attention to multi-faith and multi-cultural groups,” 4) “ensuring elements of CPE are built into the degrees available,” 5) “focus on mentorship and internship,” 6) “focus on competencies,” and 7) “focus on practicality.”2 Based on Tunstall’s findings, the Consortium recommended implementing a study track for students that would include required courses to obtain a diploma degree in chaplaincy.3 In addition to general and specific courses offered in a classroom setting, an internship component and/or Clinical Pastoral Education unit could be included for credit. Two recent 3-credit courses offered at Ambrose University have been Foundations of Spiritual Care and Introduction to Prison Chaplaincy. CPE units in the hospital have also been offered for credit at the university. The purpose of the meeting in Red Deer was to refine five competencies identified as necessary for spiritual care providers, faith representatives, pastors, and ministers to become chaplains. These included 1) leadership, 2) body of knowledge, 3) self-knowledge and self-care, 4) diversity, and 5) professional practice skills (Fig- ure 1). Participants were asked to add details required in each competence as well as

Figure 1: Five Chaplaincy Competencies Identified at the Red Deer Symposium

53 to prioritize the relative importance of each category. Body of Knowledge received 29 votes while Leadership and Diversity received 34 votes each. Self-Knowledge and Professional Practice skills received the highest number of votes, 43 each. These results demonstrated that in addition to knowledge learned at seminary and leadership experiences gained in pastoral ministry, chaplains needed to acquire an aptitude for emotional intelligence as well as hone their counselling and communication skills. The purpose of this chapter is to compare this list of spiritual care skills with the job description provided for prison chaplains in Appendix 1. The five areas identified in the latter job description are 1) visible presence, 2) worship and sacraments, 3) religious education, 4) community involvement, and 5) institutional integration.

Bias toward Communal Faith-Specific Formation and Leadership

The fact that worship and sacraments along with religious education represent two competencies for prison chaplains in Appendix 1 shows that pastoral ministry represents the backdrop of this job description. The primary work of Christian pastoral ministers has to do with conducting worship services on Sundays and facilitating Bible studies on weekday evenings. Faith-based rituals on sacred holidays and religious formation during the week can represent a large part of a chaplain’s work. Up to one hundred inmates can show up for worship services in an institution. Offenders are looking for book and Bible studies that will help them in their faith and search for meaning. Many group activities take place on a weekly basis in a prison. These rituals and communal activities dovetail nicely with the tasks that a minister attended to in the community. Chaplains can use their ministerial gifts of leadership, organization, group dynamics, and theological knowledge to provide meaningful worship services and religious education sessions in a prison. Several ministers consider the fellowship of believers that meets in prison on a weekly basis as their congregation. The similarities between leadership and body of knowledge identified as two chaplaincy competences in the Red Deer symposium on the one hand, and worship and sacraments along with religious education identified as two prison chaplaincy tasks on the other, would make it appear that ministers and spiritual caregivers with congregational and faith formation experience would make the best chaplains. They come to chaplaincy with expertise in managing congregations in the community.

Additional Skills Required to become a Prison Chaplain

The fact of the matter remains that these skills represent only forty percent of the competencies required to be an effective chaplain. The reason that emotional intelligence (self-knowledge) and spiritual care interview skills (professional practice 54 skills) received higher votes in the prioritizing of chaplaincy competencies at the Red Deer workshop was because of the unique challenges of institutional chaplaincy. While inmates worshipping on a Sunday evening may look like a congregation to a chaplain who is conducting the service, this is only partially true. Offenders who have decided to come to a chapel service are often more interested in the sense of belonging, healing, comfort, grace, and safety offered there than strictures of adherence, doctrinal particularities, or friendships that may develop. These alternate rationales for attendance at a worship service is the reason why the other competences are so important. Inmates will feel comfortable sharing only if they are able to find a level of acceptance and belonging that goes over and beyond the core knowledge and leadership abilities of a chaplain. A chaplain must be aware of the effect they are having as they interact with inmates, as well as acquire skills that can address the numerous reasons an inmate has sought out a chaplain. Issues of grief, feelings of being lost, shame and guilt over offences, fear of other inmates, prejudice against authority, and the fragile faith of offenders may be more important than the religious knowledge and expertise that chaplains have in facilitating a worship service. The group ritual may simply represent the occasion on which an inmate seeks out a chaplain to begin to share about their lives. The Red Deer symposium concluded that self-awareness and specific counselling skills are particularly important for a chaplain to deal with the myriad of psychological, sociological, spiritual, personal, and religious aspects of an inmate’s life. A minister becomes competent as a chaplain as they balance the gifts that they bring as congregational leaders with the deeply personal relationships that are needed to be effective in institutional settings such as a hospital and prison.

Other Tasks in the Job Description

Three other tasks noted in the job description of a prison chaplain are 1) visible presence, 4) community involvement, and 5) integration. Winnifred Sullivan has suggested that the ecclesiological significance of 1) the Eucharist as the presence of Christ and 2) the conversion experience of an inmate as determinate of how a Pen- tecostal minister identifies divine presence can be universalized into a theology that links the particularities of religious expression and adherence of a chaplain with the spiritual care that they provide in an institutional setting.4 Each encounter, each ritual, each prayer, and each meditation represents a sacred moment that moves the discussion from the secular to the spiritual, from offender-based evaluations to validation of the divinely human, from atomistic preoccupations to social and religious solidarities. Sullivan provides tentative descriptions of what a theology of presence looks like. She specifies the real, scientific, political, and minimalistic implications of a theology of incarnation.5

The fourth category of community involvement is related directly to the Mis- sion Statement of Corrections, which states that it is committed to the safe reintegration of offenders into the community.6 This teleological goal of incarceration can be compared to the health care sector, which is committed to the healing and eventual release of the patient back into the community. Chaplaincy can become institutionalized in its emphasis on worship and religious education if it does not link these important faith rituals with the way in which faith becomes a resource for an offender when they are released into the community. Commitment to safe reintegration modifies the way in which a chaplain brings faith and spirituality to bear on their encounters with inmates. The deontological rights of an inmate to worship and practice their religion and spirituality in prison are balanced with the teleological responsibilities that they have in becoming law-abiding citizens. The priorities of chaplains are influenced by this commitment to community involvement. Integration of chaplaincy into the life of the institution serves as a third modifying factor. In the same way that they were sensitive of the health of the congregation when they served in a parish, chaplains need to be aware of the way in which they are collaborating with other staff in an institution. A lone ranger approach rarely works well in the long run, whether in a parish or institutional setting. Staff are allies that can help keep chaplains safe as well as enhance and reinforce the effectiveness of a chaplain’s work with inmates.

Role of Diversity

Diversity was regarded as a lower priority at the Red Deer symposium than was expected. Prison chaplaincy entails working with offenders with wide ranging beliefs, practices, and behaviours. A chaplain needs to be flexible and adaptable in order to speak into each situation. Radicalization regarding Islam, fundamentalism in relation to Christianity, black magic in relation to Pagan practices, and white supremacy in relation to Celtic spiritual practices are all issues that can arise. Religious addiction can occur as a coping mechanism to deal with the myriad of crises with which an inmate is faced. Chaplains are effective when they name these compulsive behaviours and steer an offender in the right direction. Validation of fear, shame, guilt, grief, co-dependency, loss, and dread helps to diffuse the extremities of experience by providing an encadrement of care and compassion.

Conclusion

The Red Deer symposium proved invaluable in balancing the leadership and core knowledge skills of congregational ministers with the self-knowledge and professional practice skills that they need to acquire in order to become effective chaplains. 56

Diversity, presence, community involvement, and integration represent additional factors that need to be considered for a chaplain to grow and flourish in their ministry.

Chapter Four

Prison Chaplaincy: A Continuum of Care1

Introduction

The following reflection is based on a one-page chaplaincy diagram included on the next page. This visual representation draws a horizontal line from Activities Coor- dinator on the left to Faith Formation on the right. This horizontal line intersects with a vertical one that proceeds from chaplaincy offered within a Private Office on the top to that of Public Presence offered throughout the institution on the bottom. Two diagonal axes complete the role of chaplaincy within an institutional setting. Pre-occupation with Religious Identity on the top right proceeds to a broader Programmatic Approach on the bottom left corner. Therapy and Socialization on the top left proceeds to an emphasis on Ritual on the bottom right corner. Chaplains can use this diagram to self-assess the gifts and competences that they bring to their work. Identifying the role of their colleagues in relation to this diagram helps to build a team approach.

Top of Vertical Axis: Time Spent in the Office

Some chaplains do most of their work in the office. Besides paperwork and computer networking that is inevitably required, these chaplains excel in clinical therapy or in exploring the nature of faith with individual clients. An office provides a private, confidential setting in which inmates feel free to share about their lives and offences. Faith becomes a real possibility as offenders explore the possibilities of forgiveness, remorse, grace, and acceptance. A chaplain trained in counselling can bring religious as well as psychological resources to these explorations. An offender can name some of the real losses that they are experiencing as well as begin to understand the rami- fications of their offences. A chaplain’s office is an excellent place where these very personal discussions can take place.

Private/Office

Therapy/Socialization Religious Identity Computer time Paperwork Staff Contacts Issues of Faith

Parole Involvement Issues of Discipleship

COSA interviews Issues of Forgiveness

Religious diets Pastoral Assessments

Pastoral/community visits RCIA program

Volunteers Counselling Activities Faith Coordinator ______Formation

Grief Recovery Bible studies

Music ministry Meditation Groups

Denominational ministries Prayer Services

Minority faith groups Memorial Services

Christopher Leadership Sacraments

Alternatives to Violence Worship

Visit Units Visit Dissociation and Segregation Visit Work Areas

Programs Ritual

Public Presence

Bottom of Vertical Access: Public Presence

A shift to the bottom of the diagram moves chaplaincy onto the public stage. Public Presence is an important part of chaplaincy because it makes the chaplain visible and available to all areas of the institution. A theological premise for such an approach is that God is present in lives of inmates and staff.2 A chaplain is reaching out to make themselves available to the needs of inmates and staff. The chaplain is meeting each person on their own turf as opposed to asking the inmate to come to programs and services offered at the chapel. Some chaplains have difficulty in fulfilling these requirements because it means going outside of their comfort zone. Prison dynamics among staff and inmates can be intimidating to a new chaplain. Members of each group can pressure a chaplain to favour one side over the other. Becoming triangulated between a parole officer and an inmate, between an offender and another chaplain, between two inmates, or between two officers can happen quite easily, often before a chaplain is aware of the implications of the situation. A chaplain must learn to measure their words while challenging each party to solve the problem among themselves rather than rallying the support of the chaplain to their cause. The challenges of this dynamic situation are reasons why some chaplains shy away from visiting all areas of the institution. A chaplain can more easily be challenged in someone else’s turf. It is sometimes easier to “hide out in the chapel” than venturing forth. Visiting dissociation, in which offenders are segregated from the rest of the prison population, can be most difficult in this regard. Everyone is on edge and tensions can be high. A chaplain has an opportunity in Dissociation and Segregation to provide calming and comforting words to both staff and inmates. Power and control issues are often the most overt here. A chaplain must take the time to see beyond these immediate demands to help each person look at a larger picture. Chaplains are sometimes viewed as a threat by staff and inmates. Genuine interest in the situation can yield surprisingly positive results. More time is being spent on this category because it represents a shift away from a religious to a spiritual framework. Some inmates have very little experience with religion or ritual. Several are committed believers who have found faith and are interested in learning more. A chaplain’s challenge is to provide some basic religious knowledge that steers an offender away from the most serious pitfalls. Inmates are surprisingly willing to speak about faith and spirituality, even if they are neither practicing believers nor interested in attending chapel services. Human interaction at a variety of levels opens the door to rich dialogue that often is quite spiritually profound.

Top, Middle, and Bottom Right Axis:

Religious Identity, Faith Formation, and Ritual

A shift to the right of the chart moves the chaplain in the direction of Faith For- mation. Religious Identity and Religious Rituals are important complements to the broad issue of faith. Many offenders come to faith because of the crisis of conviction and sentencing that occurred as a result of their crimes. They experience the renewal, forgiveness, and grace of God that help them cope with the real tragedy that has become their lives. A chaplain has a rich opportunity to delve into these intensely personal and religious matters that carry the offender forward, often for the rest of their lives. Bible studies and Roman Catholic Initiation of Adult programs in the context of worship, prayer, song, and sacrament help to disciple the new believer within this encadrement (framework) of care. The ecclesiastical nature of federal prison chaplaincy helps to reinforce the community nature of this pastoral emphasis. Some chaplains view their chapel community as an extension of the congregations that they nurtured in the community. Religious identity in this instance trumps the institution’s concern for therapy, risk assessments, and safe reintegration. According to this deeply rooted ecclesiastical model, the offender is first and foremost a child of God and only secondarily defined by the circumstances and seriousness of their offences.

Bottom Left Axis: Program Opportunities

A continuum of care along the left horizontal axis as Activities Coordinator represents opportunities for chaplains to provide Programming that is more spiritually generic. The Alternatives to Violence program and Christopher Leadership course represent two excellent examples of this approach.3 While AVP was started by Quakers because of their belief in pacifism, the program soon evolved into a religious-neutral format so that it could reach more people. It found a ready audience among inmates because so much of prison life revolved around violence. The AVP program has been an excellent way for a religiously-motivated program to be effective in reducing violence in the prison. The spiritually-based nature of the program moderates its overtly programmatic goals while the efficacy of role modeling and group interaction provides inmates with concrete examples of how community, communication, and spirituality can lend a graceful hand. The same holds true for the Christopher Leadership course. While the Catho- lic church started the program in the 1930s to promote lay leadership, it soon blos- somed into a para-religious program that helped people become leaders through improving their public speaking skills. This program, like AVP, has within it some basic spiritual and religious principles. It nevertheless appeals to a wide range of 61 participants. These two programs are one way that a chaplain can establish a bridge between their own religious focus and the broader aims of the institution. A reason for this broader spiritual approach has to do with the fact that there are fewer and fewer offenders who identify themselves with a specific religion. A random sample of statistics from one federal institution showed that 20 per cent of the population were non-religious, 15 per cent were without preference, 30 per cent were Catholic, 20 per cent were Protestant, and another 20 per cent were from other religions. To what extent are chaplains responsible for the 35 per cent of inmates who do not have any religious affiliation? There was a time in Donald Stoesz’ ministry (1993-1998) when he together with a Catholic colleague pondered whether their particular denominational affiliations made any real difference in the way that they ministered to inmates. Many offenders had such a basic grasp of faith and religion that they were not concerned about the nuances of the Christian faith that divided it into various denominations. A broader question that Stoesz and his colleague had to face was the ecumenical and inter-faith aspects of their job. To what extent are chaplains able to explain the Christian faith in such a way that respects the differences within it? To what extent are chaplains able to be real pastors and ministers to inmates of vastly different faiths in contexts when the offenders’ spiritual and religious guides are not available?

Left Horizontal Axis: Activities Coordinator

Consideration of this question brought Stoesz and his colleague to the point of seeing themselves as Coordinators of Religious Services rather than religious practitioners in their own right. Most of their time was spent responding to minority faith requests, religious diet requests, facilitating volunteers who offered Bible studies and music ministries, and coordinating pastoral visitors. Less and less time was devoted to their own worship services, clinical sessions related to their training, or faith formation. Chaplains have become coordinators of religious services. An example of this broad approach is evident in relation to worship services. Some chaplains have local clergy and church groups provide the primary experience of Christian worship in the institution. These chaplains do not see themselves as providing a specific religious orientation regarding liturgy, prayers, meditation, ritual, or songs. They are content to have church volunteers provide the primary rituals while they offer chaplaincy services in a different way during the week. There is a wide range of possibilities in fulfilling the various aspects of chaplaincy within an institution.

Top Left Axis: Therapy/Socialization

We come full circle to Therapy and Socialization on the top, left-hand axis. Some prisons provide clinical programs and therapies that address the offence cycle of inmates. A chaplain in this setting can offer clinical sessions and counselling that complement these core programs. Inmates who are taking these programs often want someone to talk to about the various emotions and reactions that these sessions elicit. Inmates want a safe place where they can name and respond to some of the things that they are going through in group. A chaplain’s office is a good place where these intensely personal discussions can take place. In these cases, chaplains find themselves spending more time in the office than in the public sphere. Chaplaincy has to do with private confession4 and forgiveness when an inmate is reliving the harm they inflicted on others as well as the hurt that they have experienced. These cathartic experiences lead a chaplain to see themselves as more of a psychologist than a chaplain. Psychologists often have little time to see individual inmates on a regular basis. Their work has become oriented to risk assessments and group therapy. A chaplain can fill a valid role by helping inmates process the many mixed emotions that they are having in group therapy.

Conclusion

1. Worship Services

There is a place for worship services that chaplains conduct, facilitate, preside over, and lead. These are public events unlike anything else that chaplains experience either individually or corporately.

2. Programs and Therapy

Programs and therapy can become the most important part of ministry. There was a period of ten years when Stoesz was facilitating a large group of volunteers involved in the Christopher Leadership program and spending a lot of time counselling inmates. Faith, ritual, and religious identity were touched upon only as they related to issues of grief, loss, shame, guilt, anxiety, and anger that were being raised.

3. Minority Faith Representative

There was a period of eleven years when Stoesz was regarded as the primary minority-faith representative in the institution. Religious diets, special religious festivals, and unique faith perspectives occupied over 50 per cent of his time. Although these requests were coming from only 10 per cent of the population, the institution had little experience with these unique challenges. Stoesz managed to reduce the number

63 and spurious nature of these requests to 20 per cent of his time while retaining his identity and religious responsibilities as a Protestant minister.

4. Faith and Ritual Formation

Most recently, Stoesz has found himself at the forefront of faith formation and reintegration. He has established a chapel at a minimum facility and escorts inmates into the community. Inmate participants have formed a chapel band and lead in singing. The needs of this institution have dictated that the chaplain spend more time on specifically religious aspects of ministry, as well as in helping inmates establish social and spiritual community connections. Neither programs nor therapy are as important in this context.

5. Calling and Needs

A person needs to retain a deep sense of calling to ministry if they want to work in a prison environment. Any number of reasons could be named why a spiritual care worker would not want to be involved in this work. There are many opportunities to minister in prison that are not as evident in society. The sheer diversity of the circle provides chaplains with many possibilities. A chaplain should shape their ministry according to the needs of the institution as well as the strengths and weaknesses of their colleagues. Taking the time to assess the needs of the inmates and the dynamics of the prison allows one to respond to the needs that are there. This can save a lot of heart-ache. One can easily start a new initiative that falls flat because it is not what is needed. The same holds true for co-workers. If one person tends to be introverted, another chaplain can give leadership through public presence or organizational skills. Having regular meetings with fellow chaplains saves a lot of heart-ache because it makes one aware of the strengths and weaknesses of one’s colleagues. While it can be a challenge to work as a team, it pays dividends in the future because chaplains can solve problems together and anticipate areas of concern of which they were not aware on their own.

Chapter Five

Assessment Tools for Prison Chaplaincy

Historical Introduction

In the mid 1990s, the chaplaincy department of Correctional Service Canada in- quired into the possibility of chaplains conducting pastoral assessments in their ministries. Three primary resources were suggested. The first one, entitled Pastoral Care: Computer Assessment Program Man- ual, was developed in 1993 by Gary E. Berg (Appendix 9).1 The purpose of this manual was to provide chaplains with a tool for “the deliberate assessments of the patient’s spiritual needs.” It provided chaplains with a process for developing a quality assurance program. It established a data base upon which empirical research could be conducted in the chaplaincy service. A second resource was a Pastoral Assessment and Ministry guide, developed in 1996 by Yvon Saint-Arnaud, OMI, clinical psychologist. Chris Carr, then CSC Director General of Chaplaincy, adapted this manual for possible use by chaplains.

The Introduction states that: Chaplains interested in pastoral assessment have several concerns: 1. To be able to identify and evaluate genuine spiritual needs as easily and accu- rately as possible. 2. To become more effective in the art and science of proper listening: hearing what the people are telling them, and the way they are doing so. 3. To provide pastoral responses that are responsive to the identified needs of the faithful. 4. To be able to communicate effectively the nature of their work using categories of spiritual care to members of other helping disciplines (chaplains are not psychologists or sociologists, although they can benefit from these disciplines). 5. To be able to measure progress or regression from a spiritual point of view. 2

A third resource was developed by Elmer Regnum, a chaplain working at Re- gional Psychiatric Centre in Saskatoon. He used Yvon St. Arnaud’s proposals to develop something called Grand Rounds Presentation: Spiritual Assessment.3 The twenty-page document shows how pastoral assessment tools can be used by institutional chaplains. A national steering committee met in 1996 to consider the merits of these three approaches. The initiative was eventually dropped because of concerns of confidentiality and reporting issues. In 2005, David Molzahn, project officer for CSC chaplaincy, undertook a dialogue about the possibility of “Chaplaincy Information Exchange and OMS Entries (Offender Management System Used by CSC).” The beginning of this draft document states:

The sharing of information in Chaplaincy has been debated for a long time and a definitive answer has not emerged. Probably all would agree that chaplains need to be integrated into the institution and that they need to share some information under certain circumstances. The difficulty seems to be in the details. 4

Several conference calls regarding this draft document were made in October of 2005. Issues of confidentiality and trust arose as sticking points in moving chaplaincy to using assessment tools as part of their work. These various initiatives have been mentioned because chaplaincy is again at these horns of a dilemma in terms of pastoral assessments. On the one hand, chaplains are independent ministers of trust and confidentiality in which they deal with delicate matters within the larger context of security and program reporting. On the other hand, there is a push for the professionalization of chaplaincy in which there is an intentional attempt to help each inmate deal with matters of spirituality.

Proposal

Chaplains could interview each inmate in the intake process and ascertain their religion. Tom O’Connor has suggested that a form be handed to the inmates which they could fill out.5 This would help chaplains and other staff identify spiritual needs. Chaplains are involved in this process insofar as it affects diets. Chaplains interview offenders to obtain a better picture of their religious understanding, adherence or lack thereof to a particular faith group, and views of spirituality and religion. This role could be expanded to include pastoral assessments. This is currently mandated for elders in their ministry to aboriginal offenders. They are expected to

66 conduct assessments of the offenders with whom they work. CSC chaplaincy could inquire of this department to see how well this is working. Current books on the subject include David R. Hodge, Spiritual Assessment in Social Work and Mental Health Care,6 and Keith Evans, Understanding the Spir- itual Assessment (The Chaplain Skillset Series No. 3).7 Most books deal with spiritual assessment interviews in relation to health care (for example, Case Studies in Spiritual Care: Health Care Spiritual Assessments, Interventions, and Outcomes, edited by George Fitchett and Steve Nolan).8

Chapter Six

Prison Chaplaincy Manuals, Books, Courses, and Programs

A. Chaplaincy Manuals

Correctional Service Canada and other service providers have published a variety of manuals about the requirements of prison chaplaincy within a Canadian context. Carolyn Hudson prepared a Handbook for Chaplains in the Correctional Service of Canada in 1985. Published in English and French by the Chaplaincy Division of the Correctional Service, it was made available to each institutional chaplain. It includes the Correctional Service of Canada Prayer, as well as five sections under the headings, “Chaplaincy Division,” “Pastoral Concerns,” “Resources,” “Directory of Reli- gious Practices,” and “Correctional Service of Canada.” Each section has between five and twenty subheadings, along with fifty pages of text for each section for a total of two hundred and fifty pages. A history of Canadian prison chaplaincy was published in 1990. Entitled A Living Tradition: Penitentiary Chaplaincy and written by J. T. L. James, it was printed by the Chaplaincy Division of the Correctional Service under the direction of Pierre Allard, who was Director General of Chaplaincy at the time. Ten years later, Rod Carter and Christina Guest edited a book entitled, Glimpses of God at Work.1 Published by the chaplaincy division of Correctional Ser- vice Canada, the book includes thirty-three articles under the headings of “Travel- lers’ Stories,” “Giving Voice to the Human Spirit,” “Emerging Landmarks of Heal- ing Justice,” “Glimpses of the Promised Land,” and “Nourishment for the Journey.” Chris Carr, National Director of Chaplaincy at the time, notes in the Foreword that the book represents “grass roots collection of stories, articles, and reflections about healing and reconciliation both satisfying and challenging.”2 A general guideline to religious diets was published by the service in 1998. Entitled Religious Diets: General Guidelines, it outlines the religious requirements of thirty-two different faith groups along with an introduction that explains how chaplains and administrators are to use and implement these guidelines. It is fifty- four pages in length, with French translation included.3

The Interfaith Committee on Chaplaincy for The Correctional Service of Can- ada published a series of booklets in 2001, entitled Partners in Missions. It included information to contractors who were providing Catholic and Protestant Chaplaincy Services. It is forty-nine pages in length, published in English and French. The Handbook on Chaplaincy in the Correctional Service of Canada, originally published in 1985, was updated and divided into two parts in 2006. It includes seven sections under the headings, “Correctional Service of Canada,” “Chaplaincy in CSC,” “Chaplaincy Leadership,” “Interfaith Chaplaincy,” “Institutional Minis- try,” “Community Ministry,” and “Contracting for Chaplaincy Services,” along with six Annex documents. It comprises one hundred and ninety-two pages of text. A second handbook, entitled Manual of Religious and Spiritual Accommoda- tion, was published by CSC in 2007. It is organized under three sections, entitled “Principles of Religious and Spiritual Accommodation,” “Common Issues,” and “Specific Traditions,” and includes three appendices. It is two hundred and three pages long. In 2013, Correctional Service Canada published a third religious accommodation handbook. Entitled Religious Accommodation Handbook for Contractors De- livering Chaplaincy Services in CSC Institutions, it was produced for service providers who were managing chaplaincy contracts for CSC. Like the book that had been published by the Interfaith Committee in 2001, it was written to help contractors better understand their legal obligations regarding chaplaincy. In 2014, Correctional Service Canada gave the contract for federal prison chaplaincy to a single service provider, Kairos Pneuma Chaplaincy. During the time that KPCI had the contract (two years), Hank Dixon and Lloyd Bruce developed a manual for chaplains.4 In 2016, the Public Works division of the government of Can- ada awarded Bridges of Canada with a single contract for federal prison chaplains. During this transition period from a denominational model to a single service contractor, Correctional Service Canada developed three information/training modules for Contractors who were providing chaplaincy services for CSC. Bridges of Canada sent these modules to all chaplains in their employ so that they could read and sign off on these three documents. Topics such as suicide prevention, contraband, notification of next of kin, professional ethics, and security issues were included so that chaplains could gain a better understanding of the parameters of their ministry. Commissioner’s Directive 750 represents the basis on which chaplaincy services are provided within Correctional Service Canada (Appendix 2). A new set of forms and guidelines pertaining to inmate religious accommodations, known as GL 750-1, has been developed to help chaplains provide these services to offenders.

B. Chaplaincy Books

1. Philosophical and Administrative Underpinnings

Prison chaplaincy books can be categorized according to seven different themes. There are first and foremost works that delineate the philosophical underpinnings of the profession, such as Winnifred Sullivan’s book, A Ministry of Presence. She believes that a chaplain is “the religious professional best suited to public ministry in the twenty-first century, the one best able to broker between the institutions of the secular, religious hierarchies and the presumed universal spiritual nature of the individual (italics added).”5 In his book, Correctional Chaplains: Keepers of the Cloak,6 Thomas Beckner specifies the personal, pastoral, administrative, and community aspects of chaplaincy, reflects on the secular and sacred tasks of a chaplain, and concludes with a consideration of an individualized pastoral plan that should be part of every chaplain’s mandate (a review of his book appears in Chapter Twenty-Five). A Handbook of Chaplaincy Studies: Understanding Spiritual Care in Public Places, edited by Christopher Swift, Mark Cobb, and Andrew Todd,7 represents a similar book of this genre. After outlining a broad range of issues regarding chaplaincy, the authors go on to specify the nature of the work in reference to hospital, military, prison, and educational settings. Another book on the administrative aspects of chaplaincy is a dissertation by Joel Curtis Graves, Leadership Paradigms in Chaplaincy.8 Graves suggests that ministers need to be more attentive to the syner- gistic effects produced as a result of the multi-disciplinary nature of their work. Training is needed to help chaplains be clear about what they are trying to achieve.

2. Specific Faith Traditions

A second range of books has to do with resources available from within faith traditions. Understanding Muslim Chaplaincy, edited by Sophie Gilliat-Ray, Mansur Ali, and Stephen Pattison,9 represents years of research regarding the role of Islamic chaplains in British prisons. The authors delineate various educational and pastoral services that the Muslim community has offered to offenders along with the requisite credentialing of faith-care providers. One chapter details the work of Islamic chaplains in the United States and compares it to the British context. A second book, The Arts of Contemplative Care, edited by Cheryl A. Giles and Willa B. Miller,10 details the work of Buddhist chaplains in hospital, prison, and military settings. Various chapters reflect on the resources that Buddhism can bring to such issues as death and dying, suffering, and spiritual disciplines. One chapter is devoted to the role of the Buddhist chaplain as a Dharma teacher.

A Christian Theology of Chaplaincy, edited by John Caperon, Andrew Todd, and James Walters,11 reflects more broadly on the theological implications of providing spiritual care from a Christian perspective. Various chapters deal with the role of the church, the place of evangelism, multi-faith ministry, and models of chaplaincy. Hindu Chaplaincy: The Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies Guide, written by Nicolas Sutton, Vineet Chander, and Shaunaka Rishi Das,12 considers the historic role that Christianity has played in shaping the work of chaplaincy. The book goes on to delineate how Hindu chaplains can take the role of “family elders” to compli- ment the work of brahmin leaders and temple priests on the one hand, and the authority of sacred scriptures on the other. Andrew Skotnicki’s Criminal Justice and the Catholic Church,13 and Amy Levad’s Redeeming a Prison Society,14 consider the role of the Catholic church in providing a vision of transforming change within the prison system. Skotnicki outlines the way that punishment has been used as a form of penance. He responds with his own proposal of a Catholic theory of social justice. Amy Levad provides what she calls a liturgical and sacramental response to the widespread practice of incarceration in the United States. Restorative justice and reform are offered from within a deeply spiritual perspective of faith, mystery, and transformation.

3. Counselling Resources

Books on counselling and therapeutic interventions represent a third resource for chaplains. Ruth Masters has published a book entitled Counselling Criminal Justice Offenders,15 in which she delineates (1) the various roles of a counsellor, such as teacher, role model, change agent, and confidant, (2) ethical issues involved, (3) limits of confidentiality, and (4) the process of becoming a good counsellor. A second book looks specifically at how chaplains can serve as change agents in their interviews of offenders. Entitled Motivational Interviewing with Offenders and written by Jill Stinson and Michael Clark,16 the book looks at the dynamics of listening, engaging, and evoking change in inmates. This is a very practical book that chaplains can use to assess the situation of an offender and provide resources for them to move forward.

4. Prison Dynamics and Security Issues A fourth category has to do with prison dynamics and security issues. Gavin de Becker’s book, Gift of Fear,17 is particularly apropos in this regard because it makes staff aware of a sixth intuitive sense that is needed to know when danger is real. Any

71 chaplain who has worked in a prison environment understands the need for such an instinct in order to intervene in a volatile situation before it gets out of hand. Other books include Prison Violence: The Dynamics of Conflict, Fear and Power, by Kimmett Edgar, Ian O-Donnell, and Carol Martin,18 and Dynamic Secu- rity: The Democratic Therapeutic Community in Prison, edited by Michael Parker.19 The first book brings case studies to bear on the reality of violence that is a regular part of correctional staff’s daily routine. The second book extrapolates from the author’s experiences of working in therapeutic living units to build on the dynamic relation between staff and offender -- key to working in a safe environment.

5. Prisoners’ Life Experiences

A sixth category has to do with stories of prisoners regarding their lives and possibilities of transformation. In The Inmate Prison Experience,20 Mary Stohr and Craig Hemmens write about the lives of inmates as they pertain to violence, race relations, gender issues, and inmate-staff relations. Charles Taylor has written about the possibility of renewal in jail based on the importance of love, Only Love Heals: Life Renewing Experiences of Prisoners.21 Dr. Taylor was a long-time Clinical Pastoral Education counsellor in Nova Scotia and associated with the Acadia Baptist Semi- nary in Wolfville. Another book, written by Frederick A. Hermann and entitled The Spirit Set Me Free: True Stories of Faith by Prisoners,22 tells the stories of fifty-five offenders who found new life as a result of their experiences of God. Conversion experiences in prison have become the subject of a series of recent books and articles. Kent Kerley analyses the effects of conversion on self-identity in Religious Faiths in Correctional Contexts.23 He builds on this analysis in a recent edited volume, Finding Freedom in Confinement. One of the authors, Malcolm L. Rigsby, considers the conversion experience in terms of a prisoner’s narrative experience.24 Hank Dixon has written an article on the subject based on his own experience.25

6. Faith-Based Initiatives in Prison

Various books can be categorized as studies of faith initiatives in prisons by private organizations. Byron Johnson’s study of the Innerchange Freedom Initiative in Texas, More God, Less Crime, John Perry’s analysis of Prison Fellowship, God Be- hind Bars: The Inspiring Story of Prison Fellowship,26 the research by William Hal- lett and various authors into faith transformation in The Angola Prison Seminary, Tanya Erzen’s analysis of faith-based initiatives in the same prison, God in Captiv- ity,27 and Winnifred Sullivan’s findings regarding Innerchange Freedom Initiative in Iowa, Prison Religion, serve as complementary books to the work of chaplains.

7. Rehabilitation, Reintegration, and Restorative Justice The fact that most offenders will be released back into society makes it imperative that the chaplain consider their service in relation to the broader mission of corrections. Several books have been written to address possibilities of change and transformation. Editors Tom O’Connor and Nathaniel J. Pallone reflect on the broader implications of religious adherence within American prison settings in Religion, the Community, and the Rehabilitation of Criminal Offenders.28 The first, tenth, and eleventh chapters are devoted to the relationship between faith and rehabilitation, the third chapter to the role of a chaplain, the fourth and fifth chapters to that of Islam, and the rest of the book to social theory and restorative justice. A more general work on rehabilitation has been edited by Leam Craig, The- resa Gannon, and Louise Dixon, What Works in Offender Rehabilitation: An Evi- dence-Based Approach to Assessment and Treatment.29 This work is one of many that use the latest social-scientific approaches to change and transformation of inmates. Howard Zehr, together with Allan Macrae, Kay Pranis, and Lorraine Stutz- man have written a book entitled The Big Book of Restorative Justice,30 in which they consider the concrete ways in which offenders and victims can be healed through restoration and reconciliation. Howard Zehr published an earlier work, Changing Lenses,31 which has served as the basis and inspiration of Restorative Jus- tice approaches.

C. Prison Chaplaincy Courses and Programs in Canada

Three chaplaincy programs have been developed in Canada for students in university settings. The first one is a two-year certificate program offered at Booth University College, a Salvation Army teaching centre in Winnipeg, Manitoba. Spiritual care courses are offered in a variety of settings, including corrections. Appendix 3 gives an overview of the program along with a course entitled Corrections Chaplaincy (Min 247), offered by Hank Dixon in 2015. Presented as a module course, it covers such topics as gangs, prison culture, staying safe in prison, theology, conversion experiences, and counselling. Part of the course involves students volunteering for several months in a prison setting and keeping a journal. A second chaplaincy program is offered at Acadia Divinity School in Wolfville, Nova Scotia. The Charles Taylor Centre offers a master’s degree in ministry that is focused on prison chaplaincy (Appendix 4). The new director of the Centre is Dr. Joseph Green. A third course, entitled Introduction to Prison Chaplaincy (SC 613) and found in Appendix 5, is offered at Ambrose University in Calgary, Alberta as a 3-credit spring session course. The instructor Don Stoesz deals with such topics as crime

73 cycle, volunteer involvement, program opportunities, public presence, purpose of pastoral interviews, and security issues. A Foundations of Spiritual Care course is offered by a CPE instructor as a complement to the specifics of prison chaplaincy.

Prison Chaplaincy Programs in North America

A Prison Chaplaincy program is outlined on the website, https://www.pastoralcounselling.org. Most of the courses are offered through Liberty University, a Christian university located in Lynchburg, Virginia. Details of this program are included in Appendix 6. A chaplaincy program unique to the North American context has to with the training of Muslim chaplains. Offered at Hartford Seminary in Connecticut, USA, the Islamic Chaplaincy Program is recognized as a Master of Divinity equivalent by the Association of Theological Schools. It has two components: • A 48-credit M.A. in Religious Studies degree with a focused area of study in Islamic Studies and Christian/Muslim Relations or • A 24-credit Graduate Certificate in Islamic Chaplaincy consisting of 18 credits in Islamic “Practices of Ministry” and related courses, and 6 credits of field education/practical application and training. Further information can be found in Appendix 7.

Chaplaincy Programs in the United Kingdom A chaplaincy program is offered as a Master of Theology in Chaplaincy Studies at Saint Michael’s College in conjunction with Cardiff University in Wales, England. Program objectives, along with requirements, and application procedures are included in Appendix 8.

Prison Dynamics

Chapter Seven

Prison Chaplain as Gate Keeper

Introduction

In 2011, an Assistant to the Regional Chaplain suggested at a chaplaincy conference that chaplains should not be gate keepers regarding religious accommodation issues. Chaplains are to accommodate without getting into issues of evaluations and accountability about whether the person is religious or really dedicated to rehabilitation. This chapter suggests that a chaplain’s role as gate keeper is necessary in prison so that things do not get out of hand.

Disruptions in the Back of the Chapel

One of the things that happens on a Sunday evening when chaplains have worship services inside prison is that they meet several men who have never been to a chapel service. These individuals do not understand that there is a worship service going on at the front of the chapel. They are in the same building and space as the chaplain, but they are either making fun of the men worshipping in front of them, carrying on conversations with fellow compatriots, sitting on the couches in the back, or fooling around. Chaplains find themselves in charge of two services, one that is taking place in the front of the chapel with the appropriate Scripture readings, worship music, prayers, and reflections, and the other taking place in the back which may or may not have very much to do with what it is going on up front. The best way to deal with this situation is to go to the back of the chapel and ask the men there whether they realise that there is a worship service going on in the chapel. It does not take very long for the men to acknowledge the chaplain’s presence, decide whether they want to enter worship, or leave because they realize they are being disruptive. They understand through the chaplain’s use of external authority that there are appropriate guidelines to follow when they are in the chapel. Chap- lains become gate keepers when they engage in conversations with these men about what respect, worship, and reverence means.

Use of the Chapel Washroom for Clandestine Activities

More serious are situations in which men decide to use the chapel washroom for clandestine activities, to distribute alcohol, or engage in sexual favours. These men have a total disregard for the chapel. They are using it only for their own ends. Be- cause the chapel is not monitored as closely as other buildings, they feel that they can get away with these activities in the chapel. These activities result in chaplains, along with security and other staff, becoming more vigilant and more involved as gate keepers. After such incidents, chaplains can no longer assume that the men coming to the chapel are coming for the right reasons. They may also be coming to steal candles, trash an office, or bully another inmate. Chaplains must be alert enough to understand that these are some of the more mundane reasons that the men may be attending chapel services.

Religious Accommodation Issues

There are times when a chaplain is asked to provide a religious diet based on an inmate’s faith. When no information about the person’s faith is provided in the Of- fender Management System, a chaplain must decide, based on interviews, letters from a faith authority, participation in chapel activities, etc. whether that person is entitled to a religious diet. A new chaplain is tempted to say that the person’s faith should not be questioned because that is an issue between their Maker and themselves. A chaplain’s role is to make an informed decision about the appropriateness of authorizing a religious diet. Making some conditions for adherence, taking the time to decide, seeking the counsel and advice of others, including the inmate’s peers who know the person better than oneself, is not a bad thing. Words and actions should be somewhat in sync if the person is dedicated to their faith.

Use of Peer Pressure in the Chapel Community

Peer pressure is a helpful tool in “keeping inmates in line.” Offenders know each other better than chaplains do and so chaplains should pay attention to what they are saying. Although inmates committed to their faith want to protect a chaplain from harm and deceit, they cannot always tell a chaplain that so-and-so is conning them because of the inmate code. It pays to listen to what one’s chapel cohorts are not telling you. This listening ability will save a chaplain from a variety of mistakes. Eliciting peer support for one’s projects, initiatives, and concerns is a way of keeping everyone, including oneself, in line. The same holds true for security staff, who often know more about inmates and the chapel and institutional protocol than a chaplain does. It pays to listen to

77 what they have to say, even if one does not always share their opinion. They may be trying to tell a chaplain something for their own protection.

Use of an Inmate Bouncer as a Chapel Host

Chaplains tend to choose older inmates as chapel hosts. These offenders are experienced with the prison environment and capable of confronting a fellow inmate if they are acting up or doing something “untoward” in the chapel. While everyone understands that an inmate can not tell another inmate what to do, the responsibility that chaplains give to an inmate chapel host is taken seriously. The inmate host wants to keep chapel activities intact and running smoothly. They act and show initiative when a fellow inmate is threatening that sanctity. Chaplains learn that assuming leadership in ambiguous situations is imperative in order to keep things running smoothly. While the inmate host can help chaplains understand what is going on, chaplains must take the responsibility of intervening in the situation at hand in order to protect the chapel host as well as the chaplains. Letting things slide can easily make things worse.

Example of Passivity Gone Wrong

Some years ago, four inmates were part of a chapel band. One of the members became the leader and used his power and control to dictate what songs could be played and how band members worked together. Other members of the group were supportive of him. There came a point when the leader of the band over-extended his power to bully other members of the band. By the time a chaplain arrived on the scene, it was too late. The situation had gotten so bad that there was nothing left to do but ask the band leader to leave. The offender was banned from the chapel in order to keep peace. The lack of intervention on the part of a chaplain on a weekly or monthly basis caused this situation to escalate until it got out of hand. The possibility for the band leader to learn something about his inappropriate behaviour was no longer available. The teaching moment had passed. Only external authority was effective to return the chapel to a healthier place.

Use of Authority in Prison

A chaplain must be more authoritative in prison than they are in a parish or church community. Inmates and staff expect the chaplain to make decisions that will impact the chapel positively. Authority is assumed rather than negotiated in prison. Authority must be used properly to be effective. While chaplains can theoretically “shut down” the chapel tomorrow, ban an inmate from the chapel, fire a chapel worker, and confront an inmate about their inappropriate behaviour, chaplains need

78 to do this in a manner so that they are still trusted, looked up to, and believed. Gain- ing the trust of inmates is a long process that takes time. Taking arbitrary action because one is upset can have disastrous results. A chaplain must remain as professional as possible while being willing to find ingenious ways to confront an inmate or chapel community when they are misbehaving. Appealing to a person’s conscience is one way of doing this. Decisions that are made with a rational explanation attached are always better than arbitrary actions, justified by “hiding behind a rule.”

Conclusion

Understanding one’s role as a chaplain in a prison context is important. Chaplains are more like the father in the story of the prodigal son (Luke 15:11-32) because they must listen to the resentments of the older son who is more righteous and religious than they are. Chaplains must suffer the foibles and shenanigans of the younger son for him to be saved. As a father or mother figure, chaplains play a more propitiatory as well as punitive role in the prison system than they do in a congregation. The environment of a prison “forces” a chaplain into becoming a gate keeper. The least chaplains can do is to be good gate keepers, such as Jesus was when he tended to his sheep in the fold and kept the wolves out (John 10:7-18).

Chapter Eight

Dynamics of “Solid”1 and Sex Offenders in Jail

The relation between “solid” and sex offenders in jail is difficult to understand, much less explain because of the multitude of factors involved. The first factor has to do with the pecking order in prison, which places offenders who have committed offences against women and children in a lower category than offenders who are gang members, bank robbers, murderers, etc. The latter offenders are known as “solid” offenders because they have not committed offences directly against women and children. The reality of this dynamic permeates throughout prison life, regardless of security levels. In the higher security levels, solid inmates enforce the division by beating up any inmates who have committed sexual offences. These inmates go to segregation for their own protection and are transferred to jails known as facilities that house “mixed” populations. Solid inmates find out about other inmates’ offences by demanding their “paperwork,” which says why they are in jail. Although this is private information, like that of medical records in hospitals, solid inmates get around this privacy by letting inmates know that they will be beat up if they “do not show their paperwork.” Mixed populations of solid and sex offenders are a reality as inmates cascade from maximum to medium to minimum-security prisons. This means that the division between solid and sex offenders -- enforced by solid inmates at higher security levels -- takes a different form in lower-security institutions. Because medium-security offenders can be sent back to a higher-security jail for assaulting another inmate, solid offenders find different ways of enforcing this code in lower-security institutions. In lower-security facilities, inmates enforce this code by not letting sex offenders sit at their table in lunchrooms, by picking on sex offenders in the yard, on the ranges, at their work, and by avoiding interactions with them. Chapels generally draw sex offenders because these inmates do not feel safe in other parts of the prison.

In minimum-security institutions, inmates find ways of enforcing this code by not letting sex offenders play music at Christmas socials, not letting them work out in the gym, and making sure they continue to poke fun at them and not interacting with them. Stoesz was surprised at the extent to which this division between solid and sex offenders permeates throughout the system, including the community. The nature of the offence is not the only issue driving this discussion. It is one thing to come to terms with the offence that an inmate has committed. It is another matter to understand why this offence is playing such havoc in prison politics. One must move from the personal to the social, from the private to the public, and from personal interrelationships to power politics to understand the dynamics at work among sex and solid offenders. Power and control issues are a big factor in any prison dynamic. Inmates are trying to gain control over areas of their lives in which they feel that they have little control. They use whatever means at their disposal to gain greater personal and social freedom. Making a division between solid and sex offenders is one way for the solid offenders to gain more control over other inmates. They know that offences against women and children are the most vilified in society. They can use this knowledge to bully the weaker inmates in jail. Solid inmates gain status by “re-punishing” the inmates who have committed sexual offences. They are viewed as the “good” in their role as punishers of sex offenders. The irony of this situation has to do with the fact that solid offenders are the ones who have the most trouble with authority. They are the first ones to react against an officer if they feel that they are not being respected. Solid inmates generally form groups in prison that play a big part in prison politics. They elect an inmate welfare committee chairperson who meets with the warden to discuss complaints and issues. The IWC helps to solve internal problems with inmates who are causing disruptions. They can be more effective than correctional staff because they have a stake in keeping a prison running smoothly and quietly. Any disruption by a few inmates can cause serious consequences for the whole population. Solid inmates, often lifers, are motivated to keep a lid on things so that things do not get out of hand. Once correctional officers get involved, the consequences are outside of the IWC’s control. Disruptive inmates can be sent to the hole, transferred out, etc. A second irony of this situation has to do with the fact that some of these solid offenders, having formed groups known as gangs, are there not only to keep the peace, but motivated to bring in drugs and be involved in loan sharking. They do this by intimidating anyone who would “inform” on them and by keeping a tight rein on the clandestine activities that are going on. Anyone seen “talking to the man” (correctional officers) is immediately warned, sanctioned, punished, and beat up if necessary. The only way drugs can be safely smuggled into an institution is if there is a great deal of confidentiality about the process. Gangs are motivated to enforce

81 this cone of silence among all members of the population. Extortion, intimidation, threats, violence, and bullying are ways that fellow inmates can be kept in line. These inmate groups (gangs) serve two purposes that are slightly contradictory. On the one hand, they help administration solve internal inmate problems, keep younger disruptive inmates in line, keep a quiet prison with a limited amount of violence, and are looked up to by inmates because they can enforce internal order. Regardless of this somewhat pro-social role of keeping a prison quiet and or- derly, gangs use this same method of enforcement to engage in illegal activities. Younger offenders, known as mules or gophers, do the gang’s bidding by packing in drugs, beating up other offenders, etc. They do the dirty work, often because they want to be “bad” like the big boys. Their susceptibility to being influenced causes them to be used and abused by having to take the rap for killings, violence, and drug trafficking while their bosses go scot free. The reader may be wondering by now what this has to do with solid and sex offender dynamics. As mentioned above, solid offenders have a high status in prison because they can keep the peace through the enforcement of a strict inmate code. The correctional service uses this motivation to help keep order in the institution. Inmate groups, however, have different reasons for the enforcement of the inmate code. While the authorities want things to go well so everyone is kept safe, the inmates want everything to go well (kept quiet) so they can engage in illegal activities. Staff and inmates can be compromised by these two conflicting goals. Informants, violence, bullying, and loan sharking can easily blow up in everyone’s faces. A delicate balance must be struck so that staff remain in control, inmates facilitate administration in keeping order, while at the same time being undermined by staff in their illegal activities. The question remains as to what this has to do with sex offenders. Sex offenders generally are model inmates who defer to authority. Because their crimes were committed in secret, they are classical examples of being passive/aggressive. They are compliant and passive in the face of authority while being aggressive and violent against their victims when “out of sight.” This passive/aggressive stance works well for the authorities in prison. While sex offenders try to remain invisible in prison so that they will not be beat up, they gain back control by becoming informants for the staff against the solid offenders and their clandestine activities. The sex offenders’ low status and passive stance plays into the hands of the authorities. The authorities can use them to “rat” on other offenders who are involved in illegal activities. In this way, sex offenders “level” the playing field by “getting back” at the solid offenders who are beating them up. These dynamics fuel a destructive relationship between solid and sex offenders. Solid offenders are not only hateful of sex offenders’ crimes, but also suspicious

82 of the fact that these offenders are giving information to administration. Solid offenders are motivated to keep a cone of silence by beating up offenders on the mar- gins who are tempted to “go to the man” to inform. “Rats” and “skinners” are hated not only because of their crimes, but also because they are undermining the essentially anti-authoritarian attitude and illegal activities in which groups or gangs of solid offenders are involved. Anyone who works in a mixed population of solid and sex offenders should be aware of this dynamic. There is no simple solution to this great divide. Disentan- gling the multitude of reasons that solid and sex offenders give chaplains for why they continue to do the things they do even though they know it is wrong is difficult. Many justifications are given for living beyond the law. Myriads of excuses and rationalizations, built up over a long time, are used to enforce strict adherence to the inmate code -- either by a solid offender in their essentially anti-authoritarian attitude and continued commitment to criminal behaviours, or by a sex offender in their continuation of passive-aggressive behaviour, clandestine informing on other inmates, and secretive violence against women and children.

Chapter Nine

Role of Evangelization in Prison Ministry

The most important aspect of chaplaincy has to do with service. Spiritual care is offender-centred in the sense that the client, person, inmate, resident, or offender sets the agenda and the chaplain responds in kind as a “service provider.” This type of service orientation should be a central part of a chaplain’s identity, motivation, and priority in ministry. There are so many demands within a prison context by so many different types of offenders with a wide array of beliefs that an offender-centred approach saves a lot of heart ache on the part of the chaplain. A chaplain is sometimes tempted to intervene too quickly in an inmate’s life in order to (a) present them with the gospel, (2) provide the correct answers, (3) give the proper perspective on the situation, (4) or invite them to become believers. These options would look odd within a hospital setting. It would not take long for a patient to complain to management if there were a chaplain on the hospital floor handing out tracts or giving their version of beliefs to the hospital patients. For some reason, the above options are not seen as objectionable by many who are involved in prison ministry. Some volunteers would, perhaps, even define evangelism as one of the primary objectives of their ministry? The four approaches mentioned above are not helpful because they debilitate the pastoral context. They can do harm by giving the inmate yet one more set of expectations to embrace in order to “be saved,” “be cured,” “be whole,” etc. A pastoral context necessitates an offender-centred approach that builds on the insights, values, beliefs, assumptions, misperceptions, delusions, integrity, and honesty of the person sitting in front of the chaplain. While illusions and delusions need to be con- fronted for what they are, these interventions are based on a caring, compassionate approach that helps the inmate find the ground of reality on which life is based. The inmates receive a lot of advice about religion, faith, doing time, and living in a prison environment. A good pastoral approach assumes that the person is an adult and can make judgments of their own about what is truly important. If the

84 chaplain becomes too much of a dominant figure, the inmate will believe anything that the chaplain or volunteer says instead of thinking of what they themselves believe. There are many co-dependent inmates in jail who are more than willingly to believe anything that chaplains believe -- living through ministers’ experiences rather than taking a hard look at themselves and what they believe. An evangelical approach assumes that the chaplain or volunteer or believer has the answers. The inmates “should be” more than happy to receive the good news. This type of approach can have disastrous consequences, most significantly because it prolongs the co-dependent relationship of inmate and chaplain instead of providing a way for the inmate to become a mature adult. Much more could be said about the reasons why evangelism should not be a central part of a chaplain’s agenda.1 The reason for this chapter is to validate something called the universality of religion and/or spirituality.2 This type of thinking is part of any group that ministers in prison, be that a Hindu guru, Buddhist nun, aboriginal elder, or Christian pastor. The reason one can speak of world religions is because these beliefs are manifested through practices that can be documented. Don- ald Stoesz remembers an ex-offender who attended a Hindu conference in Toronto. The offender believed that this conference was a significant first step towards all people becoming Hindus. Universality of belief moves beyond cultural and familial trappings to something spiritual. Aboriginal spirituality is a case in point. The elder invites any inmate who wants to be part of sweat ceremonies and the cultural wrappings of aboriginal spirituality because they believe that aboriginal spirituality is a universal religion that can be embraced by anyone. Even though the goal of the elder is to deepen the religious and cultural identities of an aboriginal inmate, their open invitation to all is meant to show that aboriginal spirituality is not limited to aboriginal culture or identity. One could say the same of the many faith traditions represented in the ministry of various volunteers. The primary responsibility of Jehovah Witness or Mormon volunteers is to support the faith of inmates who have a similar belief. At the same time, these groups are open to other inmates who would like to join their group. One could call this invitation one of attraction instead of promotion. The state allows freedom of religion within prisons in the same way that it allows freedom of religions without its walls. Inmates are free to choose any form of faith and to practice it when they are in jail. Given the existence of a variety of faith traditions within prison, inmates who did not have faith before may be attracted to one of these groups in the same way that people on the outside may become believers and adherents. The universality of religion is assumed by most religious practitioners. This is the reason that these practitioners, be they inmates or volunteers or chaplains, are open to having others join their group.

Evangelization thus plays a role in a chaplain’s ministry, even if they are opposed to proselytization or do not think that evangelization represents part of the equation. The best rule of thumb is to see it, as Alcoholics Anonymous do, as a matter of attraction instead of promotion. This avoids some of the significant problems of co-dependency in prison, which is further exacerbated by the vulnerability in which prisoners find themselves. To give a simple example, a patient who discovers that she has brain cancer is more open to speaking about the meaning of life. The crisis precipitates questions of meaning that may not have been asked previously. Some chaplains are tempted at this precise point to “give the answer” to her queries in the form of an affirmation of faith, belief, salvation, etc. This is precisely what is not needed. One builds on the resources of the person affected, while being open to a variety of answers to the meaning of life that can include spirituality and faith.3 One of the ways that proselytization and co-dependency and abuse of vulnerability can be avoided is to complement individual pastoral encounters with group settings in which worship is offered and faith is shared. This is one way that the power imbalance in individual interviews can be replaced by a sense of belonging fostered by faith groups. While peer pressure can be a significant factor in an offender adhering or not adhering to a specific group in prison, this potentially negative factor is balanced by the fact that group settings allow for some distance from the undue influence that can happen in private settings. An inmate’s socialization and group identity patterns can help the maturation process as an offender puts the religious input they have received into a larger perspective and integrate it into their lives (or not).

Chapter Ten

Three Examples of the Positive Use of Coercion

Introduction

Thomas Beckner, in his book, Correctional Chaplains,1 takes note of the paradoxical relationship between involuntary punishment and voluntary penance in the history of prison reform. While repentance initially was viewed as a free act of the will that was followed by punishment as a form of penance, the penitentiary model has reversed this order. Punishment has been meted out in order to lead the sinner to repentance. “The sinner must be made to repent.”2 Andrew Skotnicki has reclaimed the idea of penance within a correctional environment as a workable solution.3 Pun- ishment can be made to be meaningful in order to be effective. This short chapter cites three examples of the positive difference that coercion can make. These illustrations are taken from various initiatives and incidents that occurred in the Canadian correctional service. Coercion is not necessarily a bad thing. Coercion is sometimes necessary to effect positive change and maintain a common good.

Addressing Criminal Factors Through Programming

In the early 1990s, Correctional Service Canada replaced its priority on teaching work skills to inmates with programming that addressed offenders᾿ criminal factors. There was a lot of resistance on the part of inmates to this new initiative. There was a period of at least three years when any courses, including Bible studies or relationship sessions, could not be referred to as “programs.” Inmates steadfastly refused to cooperate with their parole officers regarding these mandated programs, even when this programming was tied to their pay. Ten years later, in another institution, the young men who were enrolled in a Young Adult Group that a chaplain was facilitating begged him to write a report for them and enter it into the Offender Management System. How things had changed! The inmates over the course of ten years had come to realize how important it was to consider the factors that contributed to their criminal behaviour. Some of these insights were even internalized by some who were enrolled in the “program.”

Use of Coercion to Establish Integrated Populations

A second example of the usefulness of coercion occurred in a high-security prison. The gangs had become so powerful in influencing the dynamics of the prison that a new warden was appointed to address this situation. He let the inmates know that things were about to change. Inmate groups could no longer decide which inmates were going to be placed on their ranges. This practice had degenerated to a point where gang members all lived on one or two units while the others were regulated to a variety of less desirable living areas. Rumours circulated that there was going to be a riot, that this integration plan was not going to work, and that some inmates and staff were going to get hurt. The warden replied by saying that this plan was going to go ahead, that it would be implemented in three months, and that there was not going to be a riot. The warden proved to be right. The prison became a less fearful place because of the shift of power that occurred from the priority of the inmate code to more enlightened prison policy.

Use of Peace Bonds to Keep Society Safe

A third example pertains to the provincial establishment of an 8̸10 peace bond for those federal offenders who are deemed to be high-risk by Correctional Service Can- ada. A provincial judge can impose a two-year set of conditions on an offender who has reached their Warrant Expiry Date, did not take programming offered to them in the institution, and continues to exhibit risk factors that could cause them to re-offend. While there was opposition and legal challenges to this peace bond when it was first initiated more than twenty years ago, many offenders have been convinced that these conditions are reasonable ones. The conditions are there to reduce risk, thereby keeping the ex-offender and society safe. Inmates᾿ involvement with the high-risk police unit assigned to monitor them, with Circles of Support and Accountability staff and volunteers who are there to support them upon release, and with the forensics unit at the hospital that helps them with medical and therapeutic issues, has been largely successful. Many ex-offenders have said that they feel safer when they are subject to a peace bond order. The combination of external and internal restraints that an 8̸10 order represents is more helpful than the ex-offender᾿s sole reliance on their internal warning system.

Therapeutic Interventions

Chapter Eleven

Purpose of a Pastoral Interview

Introduction

Bruno Bettelheim’s book on fairy tales, The Uses of Enchantment, offers insight into a person’s work as a prison chaplain. Bettelheim suggests that our counselling role should first and foremost build on a client’s “existing knowledge and emotional preoccupations.”1 Thirty years ago, Donald Stoesz was asked during a job interview about the type of content he as a chaplain would provide offenders. Somewhat puz- zled by the question, Stoesz suggested to the interviewer that it was “important to listen to the life experiences of an inmate and understand what the needs of their situation to be.”2 The person is more willing to listen to advice, counsel, or explanation if it is related directly to their way of thinking and experience of the world. This inductive approach is necessary because inmates, like the severely disturbed children with whom Bettelheim worked, often have a weakly developed ego. They have kept their opinions to themselves because of an overbearing parent or authority figure that ruled over their lives. Conversely, they may have allowed their feelings and actions to run wild – when given a chance -- because they had no way of knowing how to channel their desires in an appropriate manner. The overbearing influence of a superego, in the form of a parent, or the unmanageable forces of an id, in the form of desires, ran amuck of the ego that was not adequately integrated to deal with the situation. The first purpose of a pastoral interview is to shore up the ego by building on the knowledge, experiences, views of the world, and beliefs of an offender. Whether integrated as a self or not, the person has had to live with the adult consequences of their actions and criminal behaviour. Many inmates are baffled by what they have done. They have little, if any comprehension of the reasons for their crimes. They discover the often, unconscious reasons for their acting out behaviours. A world that was blocked -- because of repression or suppression -- is suddenly opened to offenders. The basis of their healing begins by accessing the building blocks of life that are

90 intrinsic to their being. A counsellor’s role is to nudge these insights into recognition by serving as a mirror to the person’s life experiences.

Separation of Self into Id, Ego, and Superego

One reason for a person’s repression or suppression of what they have done is because it is so difficult for them to believe that they allowed themselves to act out in a criminal manner. They have caused serious harm. They have hurt loved ones or murdered a stranger. They have violated their children and/or step-children. An inmate finds it difficult to believe that they are the same person who did such harm. It is as though there were a second person, at arm’s length, that did such a horrible deed. This duality within a person is the reason that Sigmund Freud’s separation of the self into three parts, id, ego, and superego, is helpful.3 The id represents the infantile desires within an individual, known variously as libido, life force, sexual drive, fantasies, or inner child. It is like what a baby does when it is hungry: it cries and cries until it is fed. These desires are natural aspects of the self that need to be fed and nourished. Otherwise, the baby will simply keep on crying until the parent (ego) figures out what it needs. The superego represents the self-regulating demands of the self, those whis- pers of conscience that tell a person what is right and wrong. Conscience is built into a person and does not have to be taught. Stoesz has lost count of the number of times inmates have told him that they went ahead with their crimes, knowing that it was wrong. Knowing the difference between right and wrong is not what stops a person from committing a crime. Other factors need to be understood and explained before a person is willing to allow their superego to guide them. The ego represents the integrated aspect of the personality, channeling a person’s libido in an appropriate manner, calling off the judgmental echoes of the superego that controls their lives, thereby enabling a person to live a normal existence. Most of the problems encountered have to do with inmates’ unresolved conflict between an over-active superego that causes repression, depression, or suppression of a person’s feelings and actions, and an over-active id that runs amuck as soon as the superego is out of sight. Finding a balance between the influence that one’s parents have had on one’s life, and the freedom a person experiences once liberated from these influences, is known as maturity, adulthood, and integration. The second goal of a chaplain is to help an inmate balance these two aspects of their lives so that the self becomes integrated. The question at hand has to do with how this solidification of identity and reintegration of one’s personality can be accomplished. The first step has been outlined above, namely, to provide an environment in which an inmate feels safe enough to share deep thoughts and feelings.

Acknowledgement of a person’s ideas and experiences is one way of doing this. It is only as half-baked ideas, lies, misconstrued beliefs, insufficient or misguided information, along with traumatic experiences, poor choices, and addictions are recognized that they can be named for what they are. Trust and willingness to share represent key building blocks in establishing rapport.4 Given the possibility of empathetic listening that builds trust, respect, and mutual sharing, the next step has to do with facing the demons that have been named. Some offenders are reluctant to share because they have repressed their feelings for so long that they are afraid of what might happen if they begin to open up. The fact that they have come to a chaplain’s office shows that they believe, however re- motely, that healing is possible. They are brave enough to begin the process. A chaplain’s task is to validate their courage and help them in the steps of recovery. Freud’s division of the self into id, ego, and superego is helpful in this regard because it allows the inmate to project their crimes onto the id or superego. As Bet- telheim notes,5 witches and ogres, dragons and ghosts appear in children’s fairy tales precisely because it is difficult for children to name these fearful monsters as their parents. Acknowledging the fact that an “evil stepmother” is lurking within the good mother, that a parent is experienced as a dragon that can not be defeated, or that one’s desires feel like a raging lion, are ways of naming one’s emotions and thoughts. Identifying feelings through projection is a way of dealing with the matter in a more objective manner. The chaplain validates an inmate’s feelings that it must have been a different person who committed the crime. Removing the person from the scene of the crime, so to speak, allows the person to look back at the situation in a more realistic manner.

Example from Grief Recovery

An example from grief recovery helps to name the process at work. John James and Russell Friedman have suggested that the best way for a person to recover from the losses in their lives is to think intentionally about what would have been different, better, and more if that person were still alive today.6 One needs to allow one’s fantasies to “run wild” in order to understand the depths of feelings, heights of expectations, and lengths of attachment that one had toward the other person. Far from repressing one’s feelings, one needs to allow these emotions to come to the surface. Reliving the depth of one’s emotional attachment to a person who has died enables one to become more aware of what has been lost. Grief recovery, in other words, entails not only remembering the person who has died. It means owning the innumerable expectations, love, commitments, hopes, dreams, joys, disappointments, and sorrows that one experienced with the person.

A similar therapeutic process is recommended in helping an inmate deal with their offences. The offender can only find healing if they are able to name the height and depth and breadth and length of their emotions and thoughts that they felt at the moment of their crime. These emotions and thoughts represent their reasons for committing the crime in the first place. It is better to name these beliefs and feelings and actions than pretend that they are not real. One way of naming these feelings is to project them onto a second or third party who “was responsible for the crime.” Stoesz, tongue in cheek, often suggests that inmates should blame as many people for their crimes as possible. It was the booze, their spouses, their sense of entitlement, entrapment, drugs, money, debts, circumstances, parents, abuse, children, neglect, suffering, experiences of mistreat- ment, the “other” person, and jealousy that made them do it. Naming these influences is an effective means of identifying innumerable factors that led up to the crime. It is true, of course, that the inmate did it. But the fact that we tend to spread the blame to others for our acting-out behaviours shows how difficult it is for us to own that part of ourselves which is less than good. The therapeutic process of naming “others” through projection, blame, accusations, and diffusion who, so-to-speak, committed the crime, is a way for inmates to objectify the factors that have been difficult for them to own within themselves. A comparison can once again be made to the grieving process. A person may have recovered from the loss of their parent, spouse, or child by attending their funeral, commiserating with friends and family, going to a counsellor to speak about their grief, visiting the grave site, and lighting a candle once a year on their anniver- sary. While helpful, these actions may not yet be thoroughly satisfactory. Years later, a person may still feel that something is missing, that they have not “fully” recovered, that there is more to do. The reason for this vague sense of incompletion is because of the hopes and dreams, wishes and loves that keep arising in different circumstances regarding the person one has lost. These relived feelings demonstrate that the person has not yet fully recovered. We must relive these feelings yet again in order to move on.

Difficulty of the Healing Process

The difficulty of this healing process can be illustrated by the fact that several inmates have never shared some information about their lives with any other person. They waited until they were thirty or forty or fifty years of age -- and in jail -- before they felt safe in relating an experience that happened many years ago. The probing of a psychologist or chaplain is sometimes necessary so that the person will share. These incisive sessions are needed because the circumstances of a person’s crime do not make sense without these specific details. Most of us would

93 not offend against a child, assault another human being, or rob a bank to “solve” our problems. Chaplains, counsellors, parents, volunteers, friends, pastors, and inmates can only make sense of the crime if the relevant information is brought to bear on the situation. Healing can take place if one knows about the wounds that are there. Here is an example of the difficulty of this task. A psychologist asked a male offender to write an autobiography about his life. After the inmate provided a syn- opsis, the psychologist recounted each of these experiences and asked the person how these incidents had shaped his life. The offender responded in kind. Not satisfied, the psychologist suggested that there was a gap during one of his teenage years that had not been adequately explained. The offender broke down and told her what had happened. This information was invaluable in understanding why the inmate had acted out during the next twenty years of his life. Despite this information, the inmate still did not see himself as a victim. He continued to tell a chaplain, several months later, that this experience had not been “that” formative of his subsequent behaviours. He was not ready to speak about this experience to his parents. There was much work left to be done. The person has continued to struggle, several years after these sessions. Admitting a problem does not mean that it has been reintegrated into a person’s sense of being and acting. Let us return to the matter at hand. Projection of a problem or reason for one’s crime is a way of objectifying the situation so that it becomes more manageable. Naming one’s parent as a dragon is a way of recognizing the overbearing influence that they have had in a child’s life. Suggesting that this dragon needs to be defeated is a way for the child to realise that they can only move on after they have diffused the parent’s control. In other words, a parent can be viewed as human again once the parent’s power has been unfastened by the child. Here is another example of how this works. A young man was sent to jail because he had threatened to kill one of his co-workers. In explaining the situation to the chaplain, the man said that he had not really meant what he had said. He was simply trying to make it clear that the other person should stay away from him. This incident reminded the chaplain of how many times that he, as a young child, told one of his friends with whom he was particularly upset that he was going to “kill them.” Looking back in hindsight, everyone of the chaplain’s friends knew that he was joking about the “killing” part, but serious about the fact that he was very upset. This fine distinction between idle and real threats is what makes the interview so real. We are joking and serious at the same time, without always knowing how serious or how much joking we are doing. Projection of these feelings onto fictitious figures, in the way that fairy tales do in relation to real life feelings and conflicts, is one way of validating the fantasy part of the equation while allowing the reality of the situation to be named and diffused.

Usefulness of Fairy Tales

Let us review what has been stated so far. The chaplain’s first task is to shore up an inmate’s confidence and trust in sharing about their past. The fact that an offender has showed up at a chaplain’s door demonstrates that they believe in the healing process. The chaplain’s job is to facilitate this possibility. The chaplain’s second task is to help an inmate name the many factors in their lives that have led them to come to jail. This facilitation should be as open as possible for the inmate to access their feelings about their offence. It takes time, sometimes many sessions, for the inmate to feel free enough to share personally. Encouraging this process moves the discussion from facts to feelings, from reality to imagination, from consequences to reasons for these consequences. Separation of the self into id, ego, and superego is one way of enabling the inmate to project the reasons for their acting out behaviours onto a “fictitious” person. Feelings of being trapped in a relationship can be assigned to the dominating role of the superego, both in terms of a parent’s influence along with a spouse’s use of control. Robbing a bank to solve gambling debt can be assigned to the irrationality of the id, which acts impulsively to gain immediate gratification and a quick resolution to the situation. Projecting these problems onto the superego and id allows the inmate to see how much influence these aspects of their lives have had on them. The offender realises the extent to which an integrated personality has not been achieved. As the ego in the equation, they have given permission to their two alter-egos to exercise control. Characters in fairy tales can be used to reference these superegos and ids, under-developed egos and repressed selves, as heroes and villains in the piece. A man remains a dwarf because he is unable to mature in his emotional and sexual attraction to women. His wife is an evil witch because of the control he has allowed her to have regarding his lack of self-worth and feelings of not being loved. A man’s sexual desires are like a ferocious animal that knows no bounds. A woman is paralysed in her emotional growth because of conflicting feelings between being loved and being controlled by her boyfriend. Parents are like dragons because of interference in their son’s love of a woman of whom they do not approve. A person becomes lost in the woods because of deep feelings of abandonment, isolation, and loneliness.7 A man inadvertently wrecks everything that other people have built, or conversely, fixes things ad infinitum without finding any relief in the matter.8 This person has become part of a co-dependent equation of a two-sided problem. Projections of these feelings onto fantasy figures is a delicate matter that needs to be explored with caution.9 Taboo subjects, particularly ones that a person has not only fanaticized about, but acted upon, are grave matters that require careful param-

95 eters of confidentiality, trust, and respect. At the same time, these projections provide concrete ways of talking about feelings and actions that are difficult to put into words or abstract language.10 The imaginative use of characters in fairy tales enables one to own deeply conflicted feelings and situations that are portrayed through a narrative approach.

Possibilities of Healing and Hope

Fairy tales are useful regarding counselling because they are infinitely optimistic in terms of what is possible. Faced with obstacles well beyond their skill levels and ability to cope, children find magical solutions to their problems and come out on the other side of danger, not only intact, but thriving in their feelings of success and contentment. Living happily ever after appears to be possible, at least on an infinitely, infantile level. Several reasons account for the success of this approach in counselling. Fairy tales feature boys and girls in their adolescent years who are growing up and becoming responsible. One could say that a similar process is happening with inmates regarding their solidification of identity. Offenders identify with characters that are growing in their maturity. One thinks, for example, of the story of the three pigs, in which two of them are eaten by the wolf because they made their houses out of straw and wood.11 The third pig learned from these failed experiments by building his house out of brick and luring the wolf down the chimney and into his boiling pot of stew. The third pig tricked the wolf into doing his bidding. Inmates learn to do the same regarding their superego and id. The story of Simpleton is also relevant. He and his two brothers go into the world to prove their worth. While the two brothers regard everything in relation to how it can benefit themselves, Simpleton pleads with them not to crush the ants, shoot the ducks, and destroy the bees’ nest. The youngest brother is rewarded for his display of empathy and respect. The ants, ducks, and bees help Simpleton achieve impossible tasks so that he can marry the princess. His brothers, in turn, are changed back into human form after Simpleton has solved three tests.12 The point of these stories is to solidify identity by shoring up the weakly formed ego of the protagonists. While some characters fail in this process, the one who learns (from their own mistakes) moves on to maturity and responsibility. Re- wards are available for those who succeed. A second purpose of fairy tales is to resolve conflicts between two deeply held beliefs. The stepmother locks Rapunzel in a tower because she wants to protect her from harm. Rapunzel achieves her longing for freedom by letting down her hair for

96 a prince. The prince and Rapunzel go through a series of adventures and misadventures before they reach maturity and fall in love. Rapunzel overcomes the controlling nature of her stepmother by transferring her (co)dependency onto the prince. Her stepmother realises that possessiveness and jealousy had as much to do with locking her daughter up as regard for her safety.13 These conflicts throw into sharp relief the tug of war that goes on between superego and id. The stepmother exerts control over her daughter while the young girl is willing to risk danger in order to experience life for herself. These two forces are resolved when the stepmother admits her mortality and the girl shifts her love and need for security from her mother to the prince.

Use of Magic to Achieve Success

Another aspect of fairy tales has to do with the fact that magic often comes into play in helping protagonists achieve success. Simpleton is helped by the ants, ducks, and bees (earth, water, sky) to fulfill impossible tasks. The magic beans that grow into gigantic beanstalks enable Jack to steal a golden egg from the giant so that he and his mother can prosper and live in peace. Rapunzel uses the growth of her own hair to win a prince. Cinderella is helped by the spirit of her mother to go to the ball. Little Red Riding Hood is saved by a woodsman. A king who hates all women is saved by a suitor who is brave enough to tell him one thousand stories of healing, forgiveness, and hope. Hansel uses a bone to trick the witch into thinking that he is not getting fatter.14 These human, natural, and supernatural forces represent empathetic forces that are enlisted by the protagonist to achieve success. They represent solutions intrinsic to the children themselves (Rapunzel’s hair, Hansel’s wits), human forces that come to their aid (the woodsman in Little Red Riding Hood, the suitor for the Ara- bian king), natural forces that have magical powers (magical beans for Jack, crea- tures for Simpleton), and supernatural forces that are invoked (Cinderella’s fairy godmother). The stories are suggesting that many resources are at hand for anyone who is willing to ask for help. Increasing awareness of one’s intellectual, physical, emotional, and spiritual attributes enables one to channel them in a proper direction. An understanding of natural forces shows how they can be put to good use. Other people’s empathy for one’s own situation provides a way out. Recognition of the spiritual world offers opportunities for escape, comfort, and reconciliation. The importance of willpower, detailed in a book by Donald Stoesz, Magic of Fiction in Illuminating Transformation,15 addresses the nature of these magical solutions. Tricks of sorcery are considered in relation to a person’s ability to solve a problem, the need for other people to save the day, the requirement of a naturalistic force to come to one’s aid, and the necessity of a supernatural presence to provide a

97 way out. Each of these solutions is offered in countless modern fairy tales, books, and movies.16 It remains to be seen how these approaches are applicable to a chaplain’s work with inmates.

Role of the Trickster in Fairy Tales

A complicating aspect of being saved by magic has to do with the role of a trickster in fairy tales.17 This character often appears as an external destructive force, turning everything upside down in the story. The same person often makes everything right again, showing in the process that healing and hope are possible. Dr. Seuss’ stories about a cat and a hat offer some good examples. In the second tale of the series, entitled The Cat in the Hat Comes Back,18 the cat enters the home while “Sally and me” are shovelling snow outside. The boy runs inside because he knows that the cat is up to no good. He finds the cat eating cake while bathing in the bathtub. A pink stain remains after the boy drains the tub and shoos the cat away. The rest of the story involves the cat cleaning up the mess that has been created. He produces twenty-six figures named after the letters of the alphabet to remove the pink stain. While the first twenty-five little cats make a worse mess, blow- ing the pink colour around with pop guns and rakes until it fills the whole page, the last letter “z” cleans up the snow with Voom. The children’s work is now all done. The sidewalk has been swept clean to the curb and the snow has been made white again. Eating cake in a tub while bathing represents the repressed desires of the children. They would rather be playing than shovelling snow on the orders of their mother. The pink stain left behind represents the guilty pleasure they feel at having such thoughts. This guilt is hard to get rid of. The harder they work, the more “Sally and me” think about what they would rather be doing. It takes a lot of effort to manage the id, bring it under control, put it back into the hat, and finish cleaning the sidewalk. Dr. Seuss suggests that management of the id is possible using language and communication. The children’s ability to name these desires becomes a way of handling them. This approach has been effective in a chaplain’s work with inmates. Naming repressed desires that may or may not have been acted upon is one way of understanding one’s life. A chaplain asked men in a young adult group to name the most impulsive actions they had taken in their lives. They cited everything from high-speed car chases to using drugs, from near-death experiences to partying, from being stabbed to robbing banks. These brash and reckless adventures helped them – and the chaplain – to understand the extent to which they were willing to risk death through (self) destruction. The chaplain’s task was to help the men decide whether

98 the cat that had been so destructive could be channeled into more pro-social pursuits. Could the genie that had been let out of the bottle be put back in again?19 The young men wrestled with an ongoing conflict between two deeply seated needs. On the one hand, they did not care for themselves or the world around them because they felt – for whatever reason – that life was not worth living. On the other hand, the various adventures upon which they embarked demonstrated that they had a love of life that literally knew no bounds. They simply did not know how to channel their energies into something less destructive. Each of the men had to decide whether life was worth living, whether they loved and cared for themselves, and whether they cared about anyone else. The solution to this problem remains to be seen. Is it language and knowledge, as Dr. Seuss would have us believe, an empathetic naturalism to which many fairy tales point, or is there a spirituality and religiosity that can speak to these needs?

Differences Between Myths and Fairy Tales in Effecting Change

Myths and fairy tales differ in relation to their ability to effect change. Bettelheim points to the fact that myths feature superhuman characters on a world stage involved in a cosmic conflict. These dramas often end in tragedy because of the fated nature of the characters involved. The god Paris does Zeus’ bidding and chooses Helen as the most beautiful woman among three goddesses. The resulting jealousies trigger the Trojan War.20 In another story, Oedipus blinds himself after learning that he un- knowingly has killed his father and fallen in love with his mother.21 Shakespearian dramas offer similar results. Most of the characters in Hamlet die as a result of misinformation, misguided efforts at revenge and justice, and heroic actions that end in failure.22 Herman Melville’s Moby Dick offers a similar, provi- dentially foretold, tragic ending. Although Ahab is a successful whaling captain, he becomes obsessed with the idea of killing a great white whale that he has seen. After following the beast to the end of the world, the nicknamed whale, Moby Dick, returns the favour by destroying Ahab’s ship and killing all crew members on board.23 Fairy tales are significantly different from these myths because they feature ordinary people with generic designations: boy, girl, uncle, stepmother, or nick- names: Dick and Jane, Sally and me, Hansel and Gretel. They are universally human characters with whom children can identify and empathize. These protagonists face dangers and fears that are like the experiences of children. At one time or another, most people have been afraid of getting lost in the woods, of being eaten by a wolf, of something hiding under their bed, of being unable to afford a treat, of being given a task that appears impossible to complete, of being outwitted by one’s older siblings, of being picked on, or of being considered

99 too stupid to make something of oneself. Children naturally identify with an under- dog who is attempting to be noticed, to succeed, and to flourish. Fairy tales offer happy endings to characters who achieve victory after a series of adventures and misadventures. These successful outcomes give children hope that they, too, can accomplish what they wish for, and arrive “safely on the other side.” These stories give children motivation to find imaginative solutions to seemingly impossible situations. When people read myths, they tend to become spectators as they watch the unfolding of a superhuman, divine drama. Conversely, they become vicarious participants with the actions of fairy tale characters because there is so much symbolic similarity with their own circumstances. A foray into theology illustrates the difference in therapeutic approaches. Some people view God as a divine entity that stands over and above the world as an extrinsic being. This all-powerful and omniscient God effects salvation through his Son, Jesus Christ. This divine person descended to the world in the form of a human baby, lived life on earth, was crucified, and ascended again to heaven after being raised from the dead. This emphasis on God as Divine Other moves believers psychologically from paralyses of fear, guilt, and shame, authorized by a convicting judge (superego), to subjective releases of euphoria engendered by repentance, acceptance of forgiveness, and experience of divine grace. Christians who adopt this view see themselves as part of a providential unfolding of history. They are a small part of the greater destiny that God has ordained. Other believers view God as intrinsic to the world, acting in an immanent manner through natural, human, and supernatural ways.24 People consider themselves in this scheme of things as fellow participants, acting on their identification with the birth, life, fellowship, miracles, parables, sufferings, death, and resurrection of Jesus. Their salvation through Christ motivates them to identify with the many ways in which the divine is acting in and through them, other people, history, and natural events. These two views of God point to the difference that myths and fairy tales make in effecting change. An understanding of God as Divine Other can result in a believer becoming a mere spectator of predestined events after they have experienced salvation and been promised eternal life. Belief in God as Immanent Presence, on the other hand, assumes that divine destiny is integrally linked to the way in which believers and the church are engaged in the world. Echoing the Hebrew Epistle’s reference to Jesus as “someone who in every respect has been tested as we are” (He- brews 4:15-16), this empathetic approach enables a (re)integration of personality and faith that is not as easily achieved through a mythic understanding of divine agency.

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Chapter Twelve

Loss, Grief, and Mourning in Prison Populations1

Introduction

For many correctional staff, the findings of the following researchers will not come as a surprise. While exploring loss among young offenders in a grief awareness program, Finlay and Jones2 found that most of the attenders had experienced traumatic bereavements. In conducting a loss intervention project at an adult male facility, Hammersley and Ayling3 found several participants who had experienced multiple traumatic deaths. Ferszt, Ginette, Salgado, DeFedele, and Leville4 led a group intervention project for grieving women in prison. They had very much the same experience as their counterparts in male institutions. Maschi, Viola, Morgen, and Koskinen5 discovered that out of six hundred and sixty-seven adult male offenders surveyed (aged fifty or older), 70 per cent reported some type of traumatic life experiences such as childhood or adulthood exposure to violence, loss of loved one, family separation, or being diagnosed with a serious mental or physical illness. The extensive losses experienced by inmates have spurred researchers to explore a few questions surrounding this area of inmate experience. Is it possible for inmates to deal with loss and grief in a prison setting?6 Is traumatic grief linked to recidivism?7 Do intervention programs help inmates deal with loss and grief issues?8 A few researchers have recorded their experiences of leading group intervention strategies in correctional institutions.9 Complicating these efforts is the reality that a great deal of published material in the area of loss, grief, and mourning exists. Our understanding of this area of human experience is still limited, as Neimeyer & Hogan10 point out in a review, comparing the use of quantitative and qualitative measurements to study grief. More research needs to be done in the area of loss, grief, and mourning in prison populations.11 This study contributes toward that goal.

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Literature Review

As early as the 1940s, researchers began exploring the experience of loss more extensively.12 Lindemann’s study of one hundred and one patients impacted by the Coconut Grove night club fire would have a major impact in the field. Lindemann discovered that there were five points that shaped the pathognomonic of grief: so- matic distress, preoccupation with the image of the deceased, guilt, hostile reactions, and loss of patterns of conduct. The modern popular perspective on how we deal with loss, grief, and mourning jumped into the mainstream with the initial 1970 publication of Kubler-Ross’s book, On Death and Dying.13 Her five stages of the grief process, denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance have found their way into numerous other writings.14 Although her work has contributed greatly to our understanding of anticipatory grief, it has not always been helpful when others have tried to apply it to the mourning process.15 Others, such as Colin Parke, have suggested that there are phases one moves through in dealing with loss. For Parke, the four phases of the grief and mourning process are: numbness, pining, disorganization and despair, and reorganization.16 As helpful as these perspectives are, they have limitations. For Worden,17 one of the key shortcomings of stage or phase models is that there is a certain implied passivity. Phases are something that you pass through. Considering this perceived shortcoming, Worden developed a task concept of dealing with grief, one in which the mourner needs to act, and can do something to deal with the loss. Worden developed four tasks: (1) accept the reality of the loss, (2) process the pain of grief, (3) adjust to the world without the deceased, and (4) find an enduring connection with the deceased while embarking on a new life. His model is the most often cited in prison articles about loss and grief.18 There are two helpful aspects of looking at the grieving process from a stage, phase, or task perspective. First, it provides a comprehensive way of exploring the process of dealing with loss. Second, it can provide clinicians with a framework for attempting to unravel the detrimental impact loss can have on the human psyche. Bowlby’s work in the area of attachment and loss reveals how powerful an impact loss can have.19 His theory, that (1) we form attachments out of a need for security and safety, that (2) these affectional bonds continue for a large part of the life cycle, and that (3) these emotional attachments are usually directed toward a few individuals, have provided researchers with a better understanding of loss.20 One of the difficulties in this area of research is defining a point at which grieving diverts from a normal process to an abnormal one. The numerous terms applied to this phenomenon -- morbid, atypical, pathological, neurotic, unresolved, complicated, distorted, deviant, dysfunctional21 -- all point to the struggle of defining

102 more clearly the point at which the grieving process becomes abnormal. It also un- derlines the differing perspectives on what other disorders, medical conditions, or psychosocial and environmental factors might impact the grieving process.22 As elusive as a clear definition and criteria for Complicated Grief might be, the continued exploration of this area is important, especially as it relates to the area of trauma. In some cases, an overlap occurs between grief and trauma, “a complex synergy,” as Neria & Litz phrase it.23 This synergy has prompted Stroebe, Schute, and Finkenauer to develop a conceptual framework consisting of three domains: trauma without bereavement, bereavement without trauma, and traumatic bereavement.24 For the third dimension. they offer the following definition, “one in which the death occurred in highly impactful circumstances, situations that are not universal, inevitable parts of normal life.”25 Such concepts are helpful, but they give rise to further questions. When we define traumatic bereavement, do we use the circumstances of the event or the reaction of the person who has experienced the event?26 Which do we treat first, the trauma or the grief, knowing that traumatic stress can interfere with the grief process?27 The following study is an attempt to explore more deeply the experience of loss, grief, and mourning in inmate populations. Among the studies conducted in this area, few have attempted to explore the actual experiences of loss, grief, and mourning in inmate populations. Based on current research with general populations, most researchers have hypothesized what the experiences are, then applied group interventions, or presented ways of dealing with loss in a prison environment.

Method

The prison environment can have a dramatic impact on individuals,28 with one of the central aspects of prison life being dehumanization.29 This dehumanizing experience presents significant challenges for individuals in terms of maintaining their “self as a functioning entity.”30 In response to this challenge, prison populations form their own unique culture.31 Exploring this culture required research methods that were both appropriate and helpful in understanding the phenomenon being studied. As Rosenblatt points out, the experience of grief and mourning is “saturated with cultural perspectives, concepts, and beliefs.”32 A qualitative approach was chosen for this study, one that employed Grounded Theory.33 This approach allowed a theory to emerge “from a systematic comparative analysis” that is grounded in fieldwork which would, in turn, explain what was being observed.34 In other words, it provided the opportunity for inmate voices to be heard in the areas of loss, grief, and mourning.

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Participant Selection and Recruitment

After receiving approval from Providence Theological Seminary College Ethics Board and the Correctional Service Canada Research Branch, the study was undertaken at Stony Mountain Institution. Stony Mountain is a multi-level Institution consisting of maximum, medium, and minimum-security units. It is located just outside of Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada. Two criteria were implemented for the interview selection process. The first was to limit the study to those who had experienced some type of significant loss in their lives, with loss being defined as anyone or anything in life. The second was to limit selection to those inmates who could be interviewed in a safe, interruption-free environment - due to the sensitive subject matter being explored. Depending on where an inmate is located, such environments are not always accessible. To accomplish the selection process, two sampling methods were combined, chain sampling and opportunistic sampling.35 Shortly after beginning selection, it became apparent that finding individuals who had experienced significant losses would not be difficult, affirming Maschi’s experience.36 Two thirds of the interviews were obtained through referral with the remainder of subjects being approached by the researcher.

Questionnaire Design

Conducting authentically relevant, qualitative research in a prison environment is not an easy task.37 To facilitate the task, a semi-structured, open-ended interview was chosen as the instrument for this study. Grounded Theory tends to advocate unstructured interviewing.38 Past experience in a prison environment led the researcher to observe that semi-structured interviews were helpful in moving the conversation along and thus producing information-rich interviews. The following questions comprised the interview:

Can you tell me about the losses you have experienced in your life? Which of these losses are the most significant for you? Can you describe what your grief experience(s) was like? How has this loss(es) changed you? If the loss(es) still bothers you, in what way is it presently affecting your life? How can we help you deal with this loss (losses)?

Interview Format

Prior to being interviewed, each participant was given a consent form to sign, and the opportunity to discuss concerns about the interview. Many men approached the 104 actual interview with several questions, specifically around confidentiality. Early in the study, the interview process began to shape into a three-part progression. The first ten to twenty minutes were spent in general conversation. The recorder was not turned on, and discussion often revolved around the interviewee’s personal life, and the concerns they came with. Once the voice recorder was turned on, the conversation focused on the questions. Recorded interviews ranged from twenty-five to fifty-five minutes. At the end of the formal interview, another ten to twenty minutes were spent debriefing. Men were given a debriefing sheet and told about the importance of seeking help afterwards if they experienced any emotional or psychological distress. The Chaplaincy and Psychology department were aware of the study and agreed to have individuals listed on the debriefing sheet as a contact point.

Data Analysis

Concerning grounded theory, Mills, Bonner, and Francis point out that: “Depending on the researchers’ ontological and epistemological beliefs, there are several points of departure along the spiral of methodological development.”39 As a result, seasoned researchers point out the need for researchers using grounded theory to define their particular “point of departure.”40 For this study, a Straussarian grounded theory approach was undertaken.41 One of the more helpful ways to visualize the process of grounded theory analysis is to view it as the development of a story line. The story line is a composite of the stories being heard and unpacked during the interview process. Selection of a core category from the data analysis is then made. Other categories and concepts are used to build a story around the core category. Corbin and Strauss use the image of a pyramid to convey the process of building a theory from the data. Open coding breaks the data into segments. These segments are coded for processes, actions, and meanings,42 as well as topics and themes. Axial coding consists of relating the concepts found in the open coding, which, in turn, begin to shape categories. The shaping of categories takes place via theoretical sampling, a process of exploring the concepts that are relevant to the research problem and filling out the categories “in terms of their properties and dimensions, including variation, and possible relationships to other concepts.”43 The goal of this process is to work toward conceptual saturation: obtaining enough data to fully develop each of the concepts inherent in the identified categories. Throughout this process, the researcher engaged in comparative analysis, constantly looking at the data, comparing incidents with each other, looking for differences and similarities, shifting codes around to different categories, moving them

105 together to shape a new concept, helping to develop a new category, or expanding the properties and dimensions of existing ones. A vital tool in the process of comparative analysis is memo writing. For this study, four sets of memos were maintained. The first, recorded observations of each interview were completed shortly after the interviews took place. The second set was made through the coding process. These were attached to specific codes and categories: recording thoughts, reflections, and interactions that helped shape possible properties and dimensions. The third set consisted primarily of theoretical memos, exploring the development of a story line with incorporated diagrams, reflections for other researchers, and philosophical and theological perspectives on emerging data and constructs. The fourth set was designed to monitor for potential researcher bias. These were used in consultations with other professionals as coding was undertaken, categories were being constructed, and a theory developed. To aid in the analysis process, all interviews were recorded, transcribed, and then imported into a qualitative data analysis software program, MAXQDA (2011). There were four hundred and twenty-one open codes generated. There is lively discussion in the literature regarding the issue of appropriate sample sizes for qualitative research projects.44 Within grounded theory, appropriate sample size is defined as the point at which saturation occurs. Saturation is viewed as being reached when the researcher can delineate the relationships that exist between the categories. For this study, saturation was reached at seventeen participants.

Results

Data analysis in grounded theory begins with the first interview. After six interviews, a coding system began to emerge, an experience shared by others. Six categories were eventually developed: Losses Experienced, Orientation, Disorientation, Reor- ientation, Prison Dynamics, and Grief and Loss Wisdom.

1. Losses Experienced

What became apparent early in the research is that many of the participants had experienced significant losses that covered a wide range of situations, time frames, and individuals. External losses were identified as losses that a person experienced in relation to someone or something outside of themselves. Internal losses were defined as those that occur within an individual and that focus on abstract concepts. Partici- pant 1, in speaking about his first time in prison at the age of sixteen, describes the experience as “pretty tough, because you realize that you’re under total control of somebody else. So you lost yourself in a way. That’s hard, that’s very hard.”

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Several participants reported experiencing violent losses. Participant 14 recounted the death of his father who was murdered, and his young sister who disap- peared around June of 1994. Participant 10 had a favorite uncle who was murdered. Participants 12 and 13 were personally responsible for their losses – the murder of their spouses. Fifteen of the seventeen participants were coded as having experienced multiple losses. Participant 12’s words echo the experience of those with the most extreme multiple losses. “My sister died, everybody died in my family. My real Mom died, and Dad died, my uncle and aunt died, people I really liked, eh, while I was incarcerated.” For a few participants, the losses occurred in clusters. Participant 4 recounted how over a two-year period, he lost his younger brother to suicide, a friend to suicide, and a significant neighbour to cancer. A few years later, his older brother was killed in a car accident, he separated from his common-law wife, and his grand- parents passed away. All these losses occurred before he turned thirty years of age. Participants had little trouble identifying and focusing on their most significant loss to date. This is interesting, especially when considering the multiple losses many participants experienced.

2. Orientation

No person comes to the experience of loss with a blank slate. Numerous research- ers45 have affirmed the reality that we come to a specific loss shaped by the psychosocial dynamics that are at work in our lives. The category of Orientation was an attempt to describe some of these dynamics as they emerged in the interviews under the axial codes: family, abuse, relationships, and social. Regarding family life, participants 2, 8, 10, and 16 were the only individuals who spoke about a family life that could approach what most would consider normal. For all the other participants, family life was chaotic. Participant 13 paints a bleak picture of home life with alcoholic parents, not uncommon among the participants. “Um, but I think it changed me in ways of continuing to do, um, because um, no education, no schooling, no work, no cash flow, no income so I took it upon myself to learn through the criminal system.” Over half of the participants chose to mention the abuse they had experienced in life. This was not an area probed during the interviews. It would often surface in off-handed comments, “So I am the product of abuse, so I came into life with a bad reference” (Participant 1).

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3. Disorientation

The initial interviews made it apparent that many of the participants had experienced a high level of trauma concerning their significant losses. Throughout the interview process, personal memos focused on the trauma being observed. A few participants broke down and wept during the interviews. Others became very emotional, needing time to compose themselves before continuing. In three instances, the recorded seg- ment of the interview was stopped. Participants were unable to continue. The remainder of the time was spent debriefing. Judith Herman offers an apt description of trauma that fits well with many of the experiences that were shared.46 Traumatic events call into question basic human relationships. They breach the attachments of family, friendship, love, and community. They shatter the construction of the self that is formed and sustained in relation to others. They undermine the belief that gives meaning to human experience. They violate the victim’s faith in a natural or divine order and cast the victim into a state of existential crisis. As a result, there were three axial codes that shaped the Disorientation category: Cognitive Crisis, Emotional Crisis, and Existential Crisis. Participant 6 watched helplessly as his girlfriend plunged from a seventeen-story building in a suicide attempt. In describing the event, he talked about how the image kept repeat- ing in his mind. “I think about how she fell, and watching it, like I can’t get it out of my head and it’s just hard to deal with…” (Cognitive Crisis). Participant 7, after being released from a long period of incarceration, found himself back in prison. He had lost his wife to suicide and his parole was revoked for deteriorating behavior. “When people do whatever they want to me and I have no control or say over it, What’s the point? Really what is the point? I just don’t get it or see it” (Existential Crisis). Participant 3, after enduring several losses in prison, indicated that he finally came to a point where he could endure no more. “I just felt like that was the last… that was the last straw, I felt everybody around me was passing away and I remained in this time, still in all this, so I started getting high again, doing drugs” (Emotional Crisis).

4. Reorientation

If disorientation is a traumatic event, or a series of events, that disrupt human relationships, fragment the construct of self, challenge the meaning of life, and significantly disturb a person’s faith in some type of divine or natural order, then reorientation is the process of trying to put the pieces back together again so a person can re-engage the world around them. The Reorientation category was constructed from

108 five axial codes: Negative Mental Alchemy, Positive Mental Alchemy, Spiritual Dy- namics, Self-Medication, and Ongoing Intrapersonal Struggles. Of the five axial codes created, Negative Mental Alchemy and Positive Mental Alchemy coding produced the most valuable insights. The phrase Mental Alchemy was taken from an in-vivo code attached to the following comment from Participant 2. When asked in what way the loss of his sister was impacting his life presently, he replied, “I’ve actually done some mental alchemy with that, I’ve turned a negative into a positive, and . . . knowing my sister’s up there watching me all the time, knowing everything she did for me the least I can do is honour her.” The word “alchemy” has historically been used to define the process of attempting to transmute base metals into gold. When joined with the concept of mental activity, alchemy captured well the process of trying to put the pieces back together mentally. It was decided to expand the concept to include a negative direction. Several participants did not turn a negative into a positive. Instead they turned a negative into a further negative. Participant 11 had experienced a great deal of abuse at home. When asked about his most significant loss, he responded, “The most significant loss, would . . . I would say trust comes to mind first.” His attempt to expose his abuser to authorities proved futile. As a result, he became the scapegoat at home and attempted to cope with the situation as follows:

I shut down. I was still trying to . . . Like I’ve always had a good nature. I’ve always felt that I always have been a good person. I’ve always been giving. I always try to help, that has been an aspect of my personality. But because of all this going on I was being in a lot of ways taken advantage of by everybody and I’ve, I, nothing was working with me there, so I shut down emotionally. I completely refused to feel. I, anything that had the potential to cause me pain, I didn’t recognize (Negative Mental Alchemy)

5. Grounded Theory of Loss

The movement through Orientation, Disorientation, and Reorientation provides a helpful model for visualizing the phases that individuals in this study went through in coping with their losses. There was, however, an unresolved question. While the movement from Orientation to Disorientation was precipitated by a loss, how does a person move from the Disorientation phase through the Reorientation phase, reengaging the world around them? After a major crisis, there is a compelling need for individuals to make sense of the event. The axial code, Mental Alchemy, provided rich data in understanding how people interpret a loss event in the emotional, psychological, physical, spiritual,

109 and relational dimensions of life. The term “interpret” is used here because everyone who experienced a loss or losses infused meaning into the event from their perspective. As pointed out earlier, no one comes to the experience of loss with a blank slate. We come to the experience shaped by the psychosocial dynamics that have been at work in our lives and are presently impacting us. The term “loss event” is used instead of simply loss because, for numerous participants, it was the loss event that created the ongoing struggle. Participant 17 lost his Grannie. Although this loss created deep feelings of sadness and loneliness, the crisis that ensued did not revolve so much around the loss, but the existential questions that surfaced: “I got to thinking, what’s the use of trying to live a good life?” (Negative Mental Alchemy). This question set the stage for the direction that his life would take over the next several months: dropping out of university, partying, drinking, and eventually gang involvement. This direction was an attempt to avoid the deeper questions that surfaced because of the loss. “So, it got me thinking a lot of religious stuff like Chris- tianity and the Bible and heaven and hell. Satan, God, I guess. And I didn’t want to think about all that stuff. That’s why I was always trying to drown it all out” (Nega- tive Mental Alchemy). Although the death of his Grannie was a deeply painful event, he never mentioned that he drank to run from the pain of the loss in the interview. It was the questions that surfaced because of the loss that troubled him more. As he later pointed out when asked about how he was now dealing with the loss, “Back then I didn’t want to accept death as a part of reality, now I do”. If we employ Herman’s47 working definition of the impact of trauma, and the domains she identifies -- human relationships, construct of self, meaning in life, and faith in divine order -- several questions can be formed. What does this loss mean for my relationships? What does this loss mean for me as a person? What is the meaning of life? What does this loss mean for my understanding of the divine? There are, of course, any number of other questions that could be fashioned. The interpretation of the loss event, namely infusing meaning into the loss event, forms the basis for integrating the loss event and reengaging the world. The following model gives an overview of this progression and places the Mental Al- chemy process of Interpreting, Integrating, and Reengaging within the context of the movement through loss:

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Orientation Disorientation Reorientation

Mental Alchemy

Interpret Integrate Reengage

If interpretation is fundamental to integration, and integration is key to reengaging the world, then how one interprets a loss event will shape how they reengage the world they exist in. While in his teens, Participant 16 lost his mother to cancer. When asked how the loss had impacted his life, he responded, “I don’t know. Made me a lot more cold towards people and hardened, I guess. When I don’t, when I get to a situation where I feel I might get hurt, right there and then I can say well, I don’t know how, but I can just close myself off. It gives me an excuse not to feel. Does that make sense? (Negative Mental Alchemy).

A few minutes later, the following exchange occurred:

P: Stuff like that. But I was also very new to before. I’d get into fights anywhere I could at school. Afterwards I didn’t fight no more. I: After your mother’s death? P: Yea, I just used weapons. I: Used weapons? P: Yea. I: Any idea why you would have changed from fists to weapons? P: Well it was more for sure. I didn’t value life. I: You didn’t value life? P: Mine or anybody’s.

The above was open coded as Fists to Weapons and carries with it the same dynamics expressed by a few other participants. Participant 16 was serving time for a very violent offense.

Discussion

Neimeyer’s Meaning Reconstruction Theory48 closely matches the theory presented above. Neimeyer’s theory holds that when we experience a loss, we are forced to either assimilate the loss by incorporating it into our existing meaning structure or

111 accommodate the experience. When we accommodate the loss experience, we reor- ganize, deepen, or expand our present beliefs and self-narrative. The second movement in the mental alchemy theory – integration - mirrors the processes of assimilation or accommodation. It is at this point that the mental alchemy theory moves deeper. Thomas Attig has referred to the process of meaning reconstruction as changing our way of “inhabiting the world.”49 The mental alchemy theory provides a way of asking why someone has chosen to inhabit the world a certain way. This is accomplished by exploring the process of interpretation. I would agree with Neimeyer that we do assimilate or accommodate a loss, but the more significant issue to address in a correctional environment is, why? Why does someone assimilate or accommodate a loss in a certain way? Sometimes, it leads to inhabiting (reengaging) the world in a very destructive manner. If we are given the ability to explore and work with an answer to the “why” question, it opens the opportunity for numerous potential changes in an individual. It should be evident from the major changes that occurred with individuals in this study that loss plays a role in reshaping or redefining our identity. Neimeyer’s core premise for the process of accommodation and assimilation is that we create and maintain a self-narrative that gives purpose and meaning to our lives. Exploring why an individual interprets a loss event in a specific way may well provide a door- way into a “person’s sense of self.” This, in turn, would help correctional staff working with individuals wrestling with loss to renegotiate their purpose and meaning in life. The value of such an approach is highlighted in research conducted by Shadd Maruna. In the Liverpool Desistance study, Maruna set out to explore why some individuals are successful at desisting from crime and others are not. Maruna con- tends that “sustained desistance most likely requires a fundamental and intentional shift in a person’s sense of self.”50 Helping individual inmates deal with their losses may aid them in making that “intentional shift.” The perspective that how we interpret a loss event will shape how we reengage the world we exist in requires a broader context. It needs to be understood within the movement of orientation, disorientation, and reorientation. This perspective is ech- oed in Worden’s comment about Neimeyer’s meaning reconstruction theory. His view is that meaning reconstruction is anchored in the third task of dealing with a loss: adjusting to the world without the deceased.51 The mental alchemy theory would probably be viewed in the same light. It is not, however, limited to the third task. For instance, Worden’s second task is to process the pain of grief. While it is questionable whether some of the individuals in the present study have even completed this task, they have already engaged in mental alchemy surrounding the loss and moved on to reorientation.

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This understanding does not diminish the theory’s value. In fact, it should enhance its value, specifically when trying to address the phenomenon of complicated grief, or complicated mourning, as Worden terms it. Some of the other findings of this study, such as the wide range of losses experienced by participants, and the substantial loss trauma experienced by many of the participants, lay the groundwork for a grief and mourning process that was either never completed, distorted, or in- stilled life-long emotional, psychological, social, and spiritual deficits, in other words, complicated mourning. Indeed, several participants would easily fit into two of Worden’s four categories of abnormal grief reactions. The participants who struggled with substance abuse issues fit within the category of Exaggerated Grief Reactions. Worden defined this reaction as one of re- sorting to “maladaptive behaviour.”52 Along with this, a few participants would fall under Chronic Grief Reactions. In these cases, the grief reaction never comes to an adequate conclusion. It would take further exploration to determine if participants in the study were dealing with the other two headings of Worden’s complicated mourning paradigm: Delayed Grief Reactions and Masked Grief Reactions.

Limitations

All research projects face limitations, and the present endeavour is no exception. Foremost among these limitations is the scope of losses explored. The losses were limited to those which participants revealed, and thus losses which they were cogni- zant of. Whitbeck, et al, in an article titled, “Conceptualizing and Measuring Histor- ical Trauma Among American Indian People,” raised the issue that historical losses experienced among Aboriginal people could impact their present reality. The researchers indicate that historical loses continue to “affect their perceptions on a daily basis and impinge on their psychological and physical health.”53 Because several the men in the present study were Aboriginal, one is left to wonder how much of their cultural struggle impacted their perspective of loss, and how it impacted the way they chose to deal with loss. The basic mechanism of this limitation could also be extended to non-aboriginal participants. The study employed a semi-structured interview. It was not intended as a therapy session. There may well have been other undisclosed losses among participants that would have been important to note. The second, significant limitation of this study would be its extrapolation within corrections. To begin with, the study focused on individuals who had experienced significant losses in their lives. To attempt to present these findings as applying to all inmates would be short sighted. Not everyone has experienced the level of loss the individuals in this study exhibited. Loss affects everyone in prison to some degree. However, the word “degree” is key. Some can cope quite well with the losses

113 they experience and move on. Others are not so fortunate. The findings of this study are limited to those who found it difficult to cope with their personal losses. Added to this limitation is the reality that the study was conducted in an adult male institution. Would the findings of this study be applicable in women’s institutions, provincial facilities where the stay in prison is much shorter, or in juvenile centres? Further research is needed to answer these questions.

Conclusions

For many years, the core of correctional programming has found its roots in Cogni- tive Behavioral Therapy (CBT). Many of the programs offered in correctional facilities revolve around the perspective of placing “responsibility in the hands of clients while supplying them with the tools to solve their problems, focusing on the present rather than the past.”54 There is no question that CBT is effective for some, in some circumstances. However, it is not always effective. Perhaps one of the keys for making it more effective lies in delving into the past experiences of loss. The past is part of what makes us who we are. It helps shape our “sense of self”. This appears to be especially true for some inmates in the areas of loss, grief, and mourning. Considering the above discussion, the following three recommendations are put forward. First, it would be beneficial for correctional program staff to be given more training in the area of loss, grief, and mourning, with specific emphasis on the concept of complicated mourning. As pointed out earlier, several the men in this study had years of incarceration behind them and had participated in several programs. There was still a need to deal with the losses they had experienced. CBT, with its focus on the present and wrestling with unrealistic and distorted thinking, could provide a valuable component in helping individuals deal with the losses they had experienced, especially considering the theory developed from this study. Deal- ing with loss, grief, and mourning issues could render individuals more receptive to CBT programming and its potentially positive impacts. Secondly, it would be wise to conduct further research in the area of loss, grief, and mourning in prison populations. We still understand little about the inter- play between loss and recidivism. For certain individuals, it appears to have a significant impact in specific circumstances. Thirdly, the theory presented is untested in both counselling and program situations. Designing a program to address grief, loss, and mourning issues using the theory presented would be useful in determining its value in these settings for therapeutic purposes.55

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Chapter Thirteen

Authority, Peer Pressure, and Young Adults

Development of a Young Adult Group

After transferring to a medium-security federal prison, Stoesz was surprised to find a high number of young offenders residing there. Over two hundred of the six hundred men were under the age of twenty-five. This disproportionate number created a disruptive dynamic in prison life. Older offenders were generally more compliant with the system, had better social and family supports, and had more to lose than younger criminals because of the upcoming dates of their parole. The younger men had a decidedly different attitude. They had burned bridges to their families while they were still juveniles in the Young Offender Centres. They had “hooked up” with their peers to form gangs. They exuded a sense of entitlement that arose from a deep mistrust of authority. They walked around in groups due to deep insecurities that masked even deeper immaturities. These young offenders were at greater risk of violence than the rest of the population. They had less to lose than their fellow inmates and so were prepared to show it through their defiant attitude to anyone who challenged their behaviour. This show of bravado was poignantly demonstrated a few months into Stoesz’ ministry at the prison. Inmates with the approval of officials had planned a Saturday social in the “big yard” at which their wives, children, family members, and friends could gather. Games were organized and a lunch was served. During the planning of this event, a question arose regarding the inmates who did not have any family members on their visiting list. It was decided that these offenders could join the larger group at noon for the lunch. They would also be allowed to stay during the afternoon. A sad commentary on human nature ensued. Most of the inmates who did not have any family members who wanted to come and see them were precisely the young men mentioned above. While they were grateful for the lunch they received, they showed their “gratitude” for their inclusion by walking around in groups and disrupting the games that were being played. A game of “egg-toss” became more than that when the eggs were thrown at fellow inmates. Body-checking became a

115 rule of thumb in the baseball and soccer games being played. Before the afternoon was over, more than fifteen of the young men were spending time in segregation and facing a variety of major charges in relation to being disruptive. As a result of this incident, Stoesz started a Young Adult Group in which he enlisted the help of these men to deal with issues that they felt pertinent to their incarceration. The first issue on the list was authority. Stoesz asked a correctional officer to join him and speak to these young men about the role of authority in prison. Although a lot of pointed questions were directed to this senior correctional officer, Stoesz was surprised at the cordiality and deference demonstrated by the young men during the discussion. The sheer fact that someone was paying attention to them brought a reasoned response of compliance if not respect. A Young Adult Group was born within this cauldron of concern and care. Weber’s distinction between traditional, charismatic, and rational authority1 was as good a place as any to start dealing with offenders’ journey to becoming mature adults. The age period between one and twelve was used to consider the impact that parents had had on these men, ages thirteen to eighteen to consider the influence of their peer group, and ages eighteen and beyond to consider whether it was possible for these men to become law-abiding citizens. The irony of this situation had to do with the fact that these men had used their freedom to such an extent through drug use, high-speed car chases, violence, and robberies that they were now bound more tightly by external authority than ever before. Their intense desire to be rid of their parents’ influence had the opposite effect. Correctional staff now had to act as their substitute parents. Sigmund Freud’s distinction between the id, ego, and superego was helpful in framing the second session on impulsive desires. Stoesz was astounded by the infantile nature of these men’s acting out behaviours. They gave no thought to tomorrow as they rampaged through life, destroying themselves and others. Several men had been convicted of manslaughter as a result of drunken brawls that had ensued because of jealously guarded girl-friends or drug debts gone wrong. Others had almost died evading the police because of high-speed car chases. Freud’s insight into the fact that severe restrictions by the superego on the inner child known variously as the id or libido can easily explode in the opposite direction of freedom and excess. Most of the men’s upbringing consisted of so much confused discipline between arbitrary punishment and long-term neglect that they had simply abandoned their families in favour of their own weakly-developed selves. Stoesz helped the men see that their infantile reactions to the slightest provocation along with their impulsive acts to fulfill momentary pleasures stemmed from a severe imbalance between the id and superego. Prison authority reinforced this divide by standing in symbolically for their parents. Stoesz encouraged these men to stop projecting their hateful invectives onto

116 staff as well as to look more deeply into the many things that they missed out on as children. Their recognition that staff were simply doing their jobs helped these men separate their new authority figures from the superego memories of their parents. They were able to identify the reasons for their need for instant gratification, thus beginning the long journey of linking the id and superego to the regulating function of the ego. Peer pressure represented a third significant influence in these men’s lives. By the age of twelve, several of the men had begun working for their older brothers, selling drugs and committing “break and enters.” They joined the local gang in charge of providing contraband to their fellow classmates and friends. These men had a hard time respecting authority because the only parenting they had ever experienced was negative. They therefore turned their trust and respect over to their peers, teenage boys not much older than themselves.2 It is little wonder that the maturation process of these young men became stunted during these influential adolescent years. Immature, co-dependent relationships with their girlfriends, criminal camaraderie that looked up to anyone who was working against the law, and a strict bond of loyalty in which they were sworn to secrecy about their clandestine operations all worked to reinforce an anti-authoritarianism in these young adolescents that was ripe for the picking. The adult young men realized the extent to which they had internalized a criminal life-style during these formative years. The gangs came to replace a family they never had. Their anti-social behaviour became the norm from which they had been unable to escape. Sitting in a federal jail for the first time with a long sentence made these men reconsider the value of these criminal associates and commitments. In many cases, they had to take the fall for a drug debt gone bad, for a murder that was committed, or for an addiction issue that had gotten out of control. Looking through binoculars from the wrong end of the lenses made life look a lot smaller than the larger-than-life existence they had been promised when they first joined the club. Exiting this life-style and escaping the strictures of gang affiliation became a real option, an option, nonetheless, that carried serious consequences. The benefits that came from belonging to a gang were now applied in a negative sense to those who wanted to leave. Peer pressure could become as dangerous when leaving as inviting when joining. The first three sessions on authority, impulsivity, and peer pressure provided the framework for a broader consideration of each of the men’s crime cycles. Stoesz was surprised at the extent to which the young men had little understanding of why they offended. He remembers one man who told him that a gun had suddenly appeared in his hand, after which he had fired it at his intended victim. It was not until the impetus for the conflict was recognized that at least ten factors were identified that contributed to this act of violence.3 This included 1) an initial ethnic rivalry on

117 a soccer team, 2) animosity between the two families, 3) escalation through intimidation and name calling, 4) drinking to fortify resolve, 5) naming an ultimatum and a meeting point, 6) calling friends to provide backup in case the conflict escalated, 7) a willingness to bring various weapons to the scene of the crime, 8) fear on both sides of what could happen, 9) the man’s willingness to take a gun from his friend, and 10) the final act of him shooting his feared opponent. These actions were rational, escalating factors over a period of a year that were experienced as virtually instantaneous and happenstance by the offender. Only hindsight provided the man with the requisite understanding of how such a crime could have occurred. Stoesz developed the notion of an offender profile from which a crime cycle could be understood. He drew a series of concentric circles. Negative influences were placed on the top of the circle and positive attributes on the bottom. Criminal association, double life-style, selling and using drugs, marginalization, anti-social behaviour, sense of invincibility, collapse of world, and living for the moment were listed in various boxes having to do with a criminal life-style. Goal orientation, personal and cognitive meaning, acceptance of loss, relational bonding, pro-social activities, social skills, work habits, and emotional intelligence were positive characteristics that filled the bottom half of the page. Stoesz placed what he considered to be viable options in the centre of the circle. They had a choice of despair, not caring, loss of judgment, and a death wish. While they had lived a high life-style up to the point that they were incarcerated, they now faced the dim prospect of many years in prison as a result of their criminal activities. While there was a great deal of bravado on the outside, there was much less courage and self-worth on the inside. These men lived from hand to mouth in prison society. Because they did not know how to work, they often received zero pay every two weeks. Their non-working skills were combined with a belligerence that earned them lock-up time in their cells. Their primary social and personal contacts were with each other. They spent a lot of time commiserating and complaining. These pastimes soon became tiring and redundant. The men were forced to contem- plate whether there was a future for them. A second option had to do with living in the fantasy world of their past glory days. It did not take much for the men to get sidetracked during a session and talk about the “great” times they had living a criminal life-style. The adrenaline rush that they got from escaping death after car crashes reminded Stoesz of the excitement that his sons had in their voices when they told him how they had learned to somer- sault while skiing on a training hill in the mountains. The problem with the former events had to do with the fact that these men faced serious criminal

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119 charges for what they had done. There were victims and deaths which the men could not undo. These men chose to live in an illusory world of former glory because of their current dire situation. While being left with nothing in the present sense, the past offered some solace and comfort based on some selective memory. The men puffed up the vanity of the situation to avoid facing the harsh reality of its destructive trajectory. A third option had to do with caring for themselves and having hope for the future. While this opportunity was daunting, the chaplain suggested that the men had to decide whether they really cared about themselves, about others, and about their future. Stoesz offered the insight that the most dangerous man on the planet is a person who does not care about himself. If a man has lost all hope, he does not care how many people join him in this downward spiral. If he is going to commit violence to himself, this person may decide that others might as well experience the same suffering that he has “chosen” to experience. The matter of caring for oneself is an important consideration. This commitment of care could be linked to broader avenues of life. Within the prison system itself, there were opportunities for sports, body building, joining social groups, joining addiction groups, taking upgrading in school, and chapel events. A positive, domino effect occurred once a pro-social stance was adopted. While the men accepted the chaplain’s three options in relation to the diagram he had drawn, they suggested that there was, in fact, a fourth opportunity available to them. Staying medicated was a real option that had become an integral aspect of their lives. While they may have started dealing drugs for monetary gain, it did not take long for them to start consuming more of the product than they could sell. Drug use was an immediate response to the myriads of issues they were unable to cope with. The simplified scenario of selling drugs for monetary gain was a cover for a much deeper, endemic problem. The lure of drugs and a criminal life-style was a response to deep-seated issues of meaning and survival. Drug use became a way of coping with life that had become unmanageable. The men informed the chaplain that staying medicated continued to be a real option in prison. While not as readily available, the high demand for mood altering substances generated a supply by whatever means possible. Their need to continue an illusory and momentary existence with which they were so familiar consumed their time on the inside. Stoesz had not considered this fourth option as a viable alternative. He assumed that the opportunity to come clean in prison provided the motivation for these men to better themselves. The group did not share the chaplain’s optimism. They were not yet convinced that the pro-social path with which he was so familiar was worth it. Many of them preferred the tranquilizing effects of drugs.

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Given this more bracing view of reality, Stoesz proceeded with his final three sessions. The fifth theme had to do with relationships, the sixth with job prospects, and the seventh with internal and external resources. Stoesz included the topic of relationships because it was an underlying factor in the dysfunctional patterns of behaviour that the young men had come to know so well. The men had often been raised by single mothers, which tended to create a co-dependency relationship in which the adolescent son substituted for the absent husband and the mother substituted for the missing girl-friend. The emotional ties between these two people became destructive when the son intercepted all available suitors for his mother and the mother did the same for her son’s love affairs. A similar dysfunctional relationship was established between older and younger brothers. While the older brother was in jail, the younger brother followed in his footsteps and became part of a gang. Realizing that his criminal life-style was a serious mistake, the older brother attempted to parent his younger brother by keeping him away from his criminal friends. When this did not work, the older brother had to bail his brother out of difficult situations when he was granted parole. While the older brother wanted to change, he was forced out of family loyalties to come to the rescue of his younger brother.4 A further twist to this dilemma became evident when Stoesz included parenting as an additional session to that of relationships.5 He was surprised at the lengths to which these young men were prepared to go to avoid the subject. After an hour of trying to deal with the topic, one of the men pointed out a singular fact. Many of them had been abandoned by their fathers at a young age, often because they themselves had ended up in jail. These men were now sitting in the same place as their fathers had been, with children of their own that they had left behind with their “baby’s mom.” Facing this issue head on was too much to bear. They were much more like their fathers than they cared to admit. The fact that they hated their fathers for leaving them behind, despised them for their abusive relationships with their wives (the young men’s mothers), and vowed that they would never be an alcoholic like their dad did not change the fact that these sons had turned out exactly like their fathers. This fact alone was worth its weight in gold in understanding the internal turmoil that these men were dealing with as they contemplated their lives. Stoesz realised that the biblical saying, “A man shall leave his father and mother and cling to his wife” (Genesis 2:24), was much more relevant than it first appeared. These men had failed to leave their mothers as a result of their co-dependent need of them. These men failed to realize the extent to which they mirrored their fathers’ behaviours, even though their fathers were only bad echoes in their imagi- nations. Their current emotional attachments to their girlfriends were difficult because of the immaturity they exhibited toward their own parents.

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The best resource Stoesz discovered for dealing with these issues was a book by Harville Hendrix, entitled Getting the Love You Want.6 Hendrix has demonstrated how couples need to bring the unconscious reasons for their love of each other to the surface. Subconscious forces of attraction have to do with unresolved issues in relation to the spouses’ parents. The spouses are looking for healing of deep wounds they received from their parents. They are also thinking that they can save their partner from their hurts. Unfortunately, this saviour mentality is often a projection of a person’s own unsolved problems. Hendrix has suggested that the only way one can find healing from these unrealistic expectations is to name the ways in which one has not yet achieved separation from one’s parental past.7 The sixth session was devoted to job and career prospects. Like the topic on relationships, Stoesz discovered that there was a wealth of underdeveloped potential. Some of these men had scarcely worked a day in their lives. They were unfamiliar with work habits, showing up on time, respecting their employer, and maintaining a job. Neither could they keep their mind on schoolwork. Some of them had been expelled from so many schools that they did not know whether they had any knowledge skills that were worth believing in. When he interviewed each person as part of the process of being accepted into the course, Stoesz was surprised by the interest these young men had in being eval- uated and receiving a graduation certificate. While other inmates were generally leery of having a program officer assess their progress, these young men were eager to receive any written comments. Stoesz realized that few if any of these men had ever received a certificate of any kind. They were also interested in the type of comments the chaplain would make about the sharing that they did. A request for a resume along with a job interview revealed other aspects of these men’s characteristics. Some of the men came up with fictitious career options for which they wanted to be interviewed. One young man told Stoesz how he had started training to become a sea captain of a ferry boat. Another person informed the chaplain that he wanted to become a film producer of erotic movies. In both cases, the young men were toying with the chaplain to see how seriously he would take them. Stoesz kept a straight face throughout the interview process to see how realistic these men were able to be. When it came to salary scales, job expectations, relevant experience, and academic credentials, it soon became evident to all concerned that some job prospects were unattainable. More realistic discussions ensued when the young men realized that the best work that they might be able to find would be as a fork-lift operator in a warehouse, a short-order chef at a restaurant, or as a waste management collector with a temporary-job, employment agency in the city. When the chaplain told them that the starting wage would be between $10 and $15 an hour, the men started re-contemplating the $400 a day jobs they had as drug dealers. While Stoesz was empathetic toward

122 their situation, he suggested that they divide the profits they made over the last three years with the subsequent four years they were spending in jail paying for their crimes. Given their criminal records, this negative job history would continue to haunt them well into the future. A series of job interviews made the men rethink their situation. Some of them went back to school as a result of what they learned in the course. Others signed up for pre-employment training opportunities in the fields of construction, welding, and upholstery. The chaplain suggested to them that it would take as many years to gain competence in a legitimate field of work as the time they had spent in criminal pursuits. These men had already lived a long life of danger, and experienced things which the chaplain had difficulty in understanding. These hardened lessons of survival would take time to be put to good use. The last session on internal and external resources returned to the formative themes with which the Young Adult Group began. Stoesz asked each person to write a page summary of what they had learned in the first three lessons. Parental authority up to the age of twelve, peer pressure in the form of clubs and gangs from thirteen to eighteen, and infantile behaviours in response to these two skewed influences provided the context for these men to make decisions for the future. The chaplain asked the men to write a summary of what they had learned in the second half of the course. They were surprisingly candid as they shared about their co-dependent relationships, their parental neglect, and their woeful inadequa- cies in finding a real job. They were able to see that the drug-induced trajectory on which they had placed themselves could be intercepted. Re-training in school, pro- social associates, drug addiction courses, and insights into family dynamics helped these young men to reposition themselves vis-à-vis the future.

Impact of the Program

Over the course of five years, one hundred young men graduated from this program. Stoesz found that a maximum of eight participants in one group helped to maintain a balance between individual sharing, confidentiality, and group dynamics. He also discovered that the informal leaders of the group were not always the ones who were growing the most. The most pro-social inmates assumed that they had the most to share and the least to learn. It took the chaplain a few sessions to realise that the heavy lifting was being done by the more reticent members of the course. It took these more introverted men until the fifth or sixth session to feel comfortable enough to share and trusting enough to confide. These are the men that went on to take further upgrading in school, asked for counselling advice in relation to their girlfriends, and were able to maintain steady employment in the prison.

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The more extroverted course participants continued to assume leadership roles in the sub-culture environment of selling drugs and intimidating informers.8 They assumed that they had been able to pull the wool over the chaplain’s eyes as well as other staff. After they were caught for their continued criminal behaviour, they were sent to higher-security prisons to finish the rest of their time. In other cases, they became the centre of media attention when they were arrested and charged for robberies after they were released from prison. Human scientists have been able to predict that approximately six of the eight participants in the Young Adult Group will not reoffend, given the chance to change their ways. These same scientists, however, cannot predict which of these offenders will continue their criminal life-style. While Stoesz assumed during the first three or four groups that the most extroverted of the participants had done the most changing (something he also put in their reports), he learned the hard way that these men had mastered the skills of deception and disguise. They were leaders in their sub-culture precisely because they were so adept at fooling the police, their parents, their girlfriends, their fellow gang members, and themselves. They used the group to foster and nurture even stronger ties with their prison friends. The men who wanted to change had to avoid these deadly snares while sharing as openly and honestly as they dared.

Conclusion

The young men Stoesz met in prison reminded him of the young people in his church that he was asked to mentor during his time as a youth pastor. Ages twelve to twenty- five are awkward years during which parents, teachers, pastors, and families tear out their hair wondering how to relate to the emotional and social ups and downs of their children and young people. There is no quick fix to the myriad of issues that arise as adolescents become teenagers and adults. On both occasions, Stoesz learned that he had to wade in and get involved in order to learn the difference between the dedicated and superfluous attitudes of these young adults. While some needed only a little encouragement and direction to get on the right track, others kept being caught up by their weak personalities and low self-esteem, making them susceptible to almost any negative influence. They needed to belong so badly that they were willing to do almost anything to be liked and accepted. The stronger leaders of the group influenced their younger peers to take the fall for their anti-social behaviour. It was difficult for Stoesz to reach these self- satisfied men because he had only normal life to offer in contrast to the infamy and fortune these offenders had managed to achieve in their criminal life-style. While Stoesz only had the lowest pecking order of jobs to offer them for a barely living

124 wage, these self-proclaimed caids (gang leaders) had already found their niche in the criminal underworld. The prison only exacerbated this problem because of its upside-down values. Drug dealers and murderers were at the top of the heap in prison, therefore reinforc- ing a celebrity status to which these young men aspired. Stoesz could only appeal to their sense of internal self-worth and provide social resources to help them escape the trap they had set for themselves. Violence and death were often the end results of their gang involvement. The chaplain suggested that there were other, less exotic ways of living that were worth it in the end.

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Chapter Fourteen

Unresolved Oedipal Issues in Incarcerated Men

Introduction

Sigmund Freud was drawn to the ancient tale of Oedipus because of the many patients he worked with who could not move beyond their emotional attachments to and sexual fantasies about their parents. The story of Oedipus has the protagonist falling in love with his mother and killing his father. Freud used this tale to help his patients move past these fantasies to establish adult-adult relationships with their spouses.1 This tale can be applied in a reverse manner to adult men who have sexually assaulted children. These men regressed to infantile behaviours because they could not deal with the emotional turmoil of an intimate relationship with a member of the opposite sex. Their feelings of being trapped within a marriage, with various taboos stopping them from separating or getting a divorce, made them act out in criminal ways. Bruno Bettelheim’s book, The Uses of Enchantment,2 is helpful in this regard. Bettelheim shows how children stories such as Hansel and Gretel, Snow White, Lit- tle Red Riding Hood, and Jack and the Beanstalk illustrate oedipal issues that must be resolved before the young protagonist can move to maturity. Stoesz was drawn to the book because he was counselling men who were having similar problems in their adult lives. They had committed offences against their (step) children because they had never learned to get beyond the oedipal complexes in which they felt trapped. They assaulted family members because they felt that they had no other way of expressing consciously, the deep turmoil of subconscious feelings they were experiencing. Acting out is one way of letting other people know that a person is hurting, albeit with consequences far greater than what one intended. The following four stories demonstrate the relevance of the oedipal complex along with the usefulness of fairy tales in understanding the psychological dynamics behind these men’s offences.

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The First Story

An older man offended sexually against a foster child that he and his wife took care of in their home. The couple had been married for over twenty years and had been foster parents for about fifteen years. Foster care was something that the man’s wife really enjoyed. She was a gregarious person with an extroverted personality. She enjoyed social settings and initiated most of the social contacts. Her introverted husband had great difficulty expressing his need for love and affection from his wife. This was the reason for his offending pattern. He was jealous of the amount of attention his wife gave to their foster child. When he felt criticized by his wife, he would have a "pity party" and sulk. This emotional alienation influenced the man in seeking sexual gratification from the young girl that was in their care. His emotional regression into self-pity turned into acting out against the young girl. He saw the unfulfilled needs that he had as a husband as more important than his role as a pro- tector of the child. He felt that his own emotional and sexual needs were more important than the child's need for care and protection. Through counselling, the man realised that he felt so intimidated by his wife that the only way he felt he could get his needs met was through a transference of these needs from his wife to the child. He felt that he would be criticized by his wife if he talked about his lack of sexual and emotional fulfillment. Although his wife knew that he was a shy, introverted person, the husband felt that he would be "in trouble" if he allowed himself to talk about his deep feelings of inadequacy and fear of punishment from her. The man recognized that part of this fear of judgment came from the way that his father had treated him. His father had been a harsh judge of character who expected perfection from his son. Not surprisingly, the son chose a wife who had sim- ilarly high expectations of her husband. The son chose to trap himself in a similar situation to the way that he had been raised. In the same way that his father had used a heavy hand with his family, the man’s wife took on that role in their marriage relationship. Although the man made a conscious decision to get married, his unconscious choice of a partner who was like his father proved difficult. The only way that the son had been able to stand up to his father was by leaving the family home. Now the son felt trapped in the marriage relationship with "nowhere to go." Because they were deeply religious, divorce or separation was not considered an option. The man reasoned -- on a deeply unconscious level – that he had to do something worse in order to get out of the relationship. The man was un- consciously trying to get rid of his wife by consciously offending against the child. This example shows how deeply the man was wrapped up in the oedipal phase of his life. He could not deal with the judgmental attitude of his father and wife. He felt that he had to offend in order to "solve the problem." He was also indicating

127 through his sexual offending how important sexual gratification was to his sense of wellbeing and fulfillment. Although he spoke about the fact that he and his wife had a good sexual relationship, his acting out behaviour showed that there were more complicated issues involved. This transference had to be reversed for healing to take place. The infantile feelings that he expressed in his "isolating, self-pitying parties" and in his offence against an innocent child had to be transferred back to an adult relationship with his wife. The infantile regression that he experienced during alienating times with his wife had to be acknowledged, owned, and expressed back to his wife. This is the only way that the marriage could be re-established on an adult-adult level. Bettelheim's analysis of fairy tales helps to explain this man's dilemma. One thinks of the number of heroes and heroines that are frozen by their situation. They stay stuck in an infantile stage because they feel incapable of moving to the next level of maturity. Some regress back to infantile behaviour because they cannot cope with the feelings of abandonment they are going through. One thinks of Hansel and Gretel, who eat through the gingerbread house of a witch in the middle of the forest. They have been abandoned by their parents, are unable to find their way home, and are famished. The gingerbread house gives them an excellent way of satisfying their oral needs. They are reduced to being fed by the nourishing "food of their substitute mother" because they do not know how to cope on their own. This story is relevant to the man's situation described above. The man feels that he has no-one to turn to because every time his wife speaks, he feels that he is being judged all over again by the father who ruled over him. This transference from father to wife caused his great need for satisfaction in the form of sexual gratification. The man mimicked Hansel and Gretel's behaviour in their collective need for immediate gratification. They devoured whatever they had "at hand" in order to be satisfied. The husband and children in the fairy tale know on an instinctual level that there are severe consequences for destroying the home of another person. There is retribution for acting out on an infantile level. Although the witch who lives in the gingerbread house is kind and gentle in the beginning, she turns into an ogre who wants to consume the children in the same way that the children consumed her house. As Bettelheim points out,3 the witch is the children’s projection of a "bad mother within the good mother” who has set limits for her children so that they can become independent. One needs to learn how to channel one's infantile needs in an appropriate way. Hansel and Gretel learn this by matching wits with the witch. They find a way to consume her instead of allowing her to consume them so that they can return home as mature adults.

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The consequences of sexual gratification in an inappropriate manner is similar for the man. Like Hansel, he is put into the cage of external authority, namely prison, in order to grow up. The man realizes the extent to which his wife has become "an ogre" or "witch." He acknowledges “the bad mother within the good mother” that is his wife. He needs to be able to confront those aspects of his wife's personality if he hopes to gain his good wife back and go home. The dragons and ogres and witches that populate the fairy world are useful ways of naming the ways in which fathers and mothers and spouses can become monsters. The fact that a husband, who has been married to his wife for twenty years, is willing to risk everything and offend against his foster child shows the extent to which he views his wife as a "monster." He is unable to defeat the dragon of judgment that he experiences from his wife. He picks on someone who is vulnerable and on the same emotional level of infantile feelings that he is experiencing in his alienation. He has regressed to his childhood on an emotional level and so offends against an innocent victim. Fairy tales show heroes and heroines in these compromising situations. Han- sel and Gretel weep because they have no way of finding their way home. They are at their wits end, just like the man described above. The man needs to ask for help because his internal resources are unable to handle the "ogre" that is his father and wife. While he is a capable human being in relation to his work and friendships, he is reduced to a mound of putty when asked to confront his spouse. The dragon of his father that he hears in his spouse's voice is interpreted as judgment and condemnation. The husband needs to hear differently in order to regain intimacy with his wife.

A Second Story

A second story concerns a young man who mistook an oedipal complex for the real thing. His mother died when he was about twelve years old. Raised by his father, the son was working as a ranch hand by fourteen years of age. By the age of twenty, he had fallen in love with a woman who had been in several abusive relationships. The man saw himself as a saviour figure who could take her out of these bad situations. The woman equated love with sex and considered sex about the only way she could express intimacy and affection. She was hooked into the influence of her parents in relation to her marriage. The husband saw his primary role as providing money and support for his wife. He had less understanding of his own emotional and social needs. This lacuna became evident as his step-daughter became a teenager. He started shifting his emotional needs from his wife to his step-daughter. His daughter was empathetic about his situation and so they began to spend more time together, camping, hiking, etc. This developed into a sexual relationship. Boundaries of decency and taboos about

129 incest became lower and lower. Although the man knew sexual involvement with his stepdaughter was wrong, he was receiving such emotional affirmation from her that he shifted his attention from his wife to his daughter. The angrier the mother became, the greater the bond that was established between the father and step-daughter. A fairy tale pertinent to this situation is little Red Riding Hood.4 Little Red Riding Hood is the quintessentially innocent, female victim who is at risk to the dangers and excitement of growing up. This is a cautionary tale in the sense that it tells little girls to be careful of the situations in which they find themselves. It warns the marauding male to protect rather than destroy the innocence and growing maturity of the little girls that they meet. This situation applies to the young man described above. Instead of becoming like the woodsman in the fairy tale,5 who protects the children, the young man becomes the wolf who consumes his wife along with his child. He eats grandmother first because this is the last protection that Little Red Riding Hood has against her father. The mother's inability to protect her daughter means that she is destroyed, which is exactly what happened when the husband transferred his needs from his wife to his daughter. He consumed them both in the process. He became the wolf. The woodsman is representative of society who takes the wolf out of this situation and "drowns him." The only way that the husband could be “saved” from this situation was by being convicted and imprisoned. The man had to learn how to deal with his own emotions and needs. The moral of the story is that the man must lose his predatory nature in order to become a woodsman. A woodsman guards against his instinctual nature by hunting the wolf inside of himself and keeping it at bay.

A Third Story

Several inmates offended against their children when they reached puberty. The children's fascination with their own sexuality aroused feelings in the male parent that were transferred physically back onto the children. The father used his child's growing sexual awareness as an opportunity to "teach the child about sex." This was the way in which the man justified his sexual attack on the child. The adult man was socially and emotionally challenged because he saw the child’s arousal as a way of fulfilling his own sexual needs. Jack and the Beanstalk, a provocative story that deals with the growing sexual awareness of a young man,6 is relevant to these cases. The growing beanstalk is a phallic symbol with which the boy does not know how to deal. The fact that it happens at night makes it more terrifying. The boy can only think of "climbing the stalk" in order to see where it leads. At the top, he meets his alter-ego of a father who rages against his awakening sexuality. His mother hides him to keep him safe.

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The mother’s fear of the seeds that the boy has found demonstrates the oedipal complex at work. She knows that her son’s growing understanding of his own mas- culinity will lead to separation from her. The son escapes her grasp in order to become a man on his own. A father’s fascination with his child’s growing sexuality can cause an oedipal transfer, in this case to a son who is becoming sexually aroused. The father realises that he, like the giant, needs to be figuratively “killed” in order for the child to become mature. In the above cases, the father had to go to jail so that the children and family could find some healing.

A Fourth Story

Some inmates have never been able to establish an adult-adult relationship with a person of the opposite sex because they are mentally challenged. They have low self- esteem and are unable to deal with their sexual feelings. As a result, they are attracted to younger children because these girls and boys are on the same emotional level as themselves. In one case, a man went to a swimming pool and used the visit as a voyeuristic opportunity to fulfill his sexual fantasy. After the visit, he threatened a young girl of about twelve years of age with a knife in order to sexually assault her. The man did not know how else to deal with his sexuality. One is reminded of the dwarfs in the story of Snow White. They are pre-pu- bescent males who never reach the age of puberty. They are hard workers in a collective who define themselves by their work. They are either too scared or too wounded to deal with the non-rational aspects of their lives. Inmates need to move beyond the dwarfed aspects of their personality in order to fall in love, deal with conflict, or work out their despair. The chaplain’s job is to help these inmates access emotions so that they can deal with them in a healthy manner.

Conclusion

Bettelheim's oedipal interpretation of fairy tales is helpful for chaplains in their assistance of men who have offended against children. The chaplain can be empathetic despite the deeply disturbing nature of these crimes. These men’s challenges involve finding safe ways to grow in maturity. For some of them, this means that they will never enter an intimate relationship with a member of the opposite sex. They will live their lives within the safe emotional bonds of friendship that does not involve a physical relationship. Whether this takes place within the context of Recovery groups or A.A. circles, the chaplain’s challenge is to find a way of assisting these men to live pro-social lives considering their proclivities and criminal past.

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Programming Opportunities

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Chapter Fifteen

Value of Spirituality-Based, Volunteer-Facilitated Programming

Introduction

Toward the end of her book on Prison Religion, Winnifred Sullivan reflects on the InnerChange Freedom Initiative that was established in an Iowa Prison from 1999- 2008.1 She concludes that this faith-based group helped inmates solidify their identity on the basis of an evangelical religious faith. Universal values such as integrity, restoration, responsibility, fellowship, affirmation, and productivity shaped these beliefs. Sullivan identifies five factors that place this initiative along a spiritual and secular continuum that contributes to what she refers to as, citing Charles Taylor, “the modern project.”2

1. Moral Virtue

IFI was first and foremost “trying to create civilized men who can flourish in that world because they will know how to deal with each other as equals working together to create a mutually beneficial society.”3 This goal represents the secular end of things in the sense that it has to do with “the moral life, is rooted in instrumental rationality, shares a focus on the discipline needed to reform life on earth, and is non-hierarchical as well as non-idealistic.”4

2. Disestablished Religion

The goal of moral virtue is founded on a cosmological order of meaning left over from pre-modernity that involves at least some type of reification in order to be symbolically effective. In plain terms, Sullivan believes that some type of spirituality or disestablished religion is “intrinsic to the nature of and dependent on the voluntary assent of the individual human.”5 The link of morality to meaning suggests that some larger frame of reference – whether spiritual (e.g. Christian) or secular (e.g. Seussian) – is needed in the modern and post-modern world to cope with reality. IFI’s use of biblical and evangelical principles in their rehabilitation program makes

133 a conscious link between meaning and morality. Sullivan suggests that this assumption of spiritual efficacy in relation to moral virtue should not be ruled out of hand because of its religiosity.

3. Belief in Change

A third factor in the Iowa project had to do with belief in change. IF’s Initiative in regard to the transformation of inmates is significant because it represents an opportunity for “public reflection on the tension between religious, social scientific, evo- lutionary, and cognitive explanations of human intentionality.”6 The question of whether “criminal acts are the product of deliberate individual choice” remains an important question for modernity.7 The link that IFI made between ethics and religiosity enabled participants to increase their capacity for personal responsibility, law- ful citizenship, and moral virtue. Disestablished religion dovetails with the modern project insofar as it “makes disciplined moral citizens who are necessary to the modern order and modern state.”8

4. Self-Identity

A fourth factor has to do with the formation of self-identity as inmates become vir- tuous, believe in change, and utilize a variety of religious and spiritual helps. Given the fact that people in the modern world have been reduced to minimum reifications regarding belief in God, Sullivan suggests that secular society makes them feel as though “they are on their own, alone, but dependent on others, . . . working out their salvation without the comfort of a comprehensive divine ordering of society.”9 IFI spoke about meaning in religious terms. They emphasized the importance of faith in shaping a person’s self-worth, integrity, and responsibility. They linked confessions of faith to universal values in order to create modern selves. Their assumption of religious pluralism and commitment to democratic life demonstrate the modernity of their endeavours.

5. Egalitarianism

An assumption of equality represents a fifth factor that undermines all pre-modern forms of hierarchy, elitism, and power imbalances. Sullivan uses the writings of Charles Taylor to build on the mutual benefits, freedoms, and rights that are involved when participants are fully engaged in the pursuit of moral virtue.10 Peer support and peer pressure are needed to influence offenders to become law-abiding citizens.

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Programming Opportunities

1. Moral Virtue: Integrity, Fellowship, Affirmation, Responsibility, Restoration, Productivity

2. Disestablished Religion: Religious affiliation, rituals, faith formation

3. Belief in Change: Power of the Will, surrender to Higher Power

4. Self-Identity: Issues of Insecurity and Conflicted Personality

5. Egalitarianism: Peer Support and Accountability, Sponsors

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Specific Programs that take these Five Factors into Account

Sullivan’s five categories of spirituality, morality, equality, self-identity, and capacity for change can be used to analyse spiritual and religious programs facilitated by volunteers that have been effective within a prison context. Christopher Leadership, Alternatives to Violence, and Celebrate Recovery are attractive to a significant part of the inmate population because of their combination of these five elements.

Christopher Leadership Course

The Christopher Leadership course began in the 1950s as a Roman Catholic based program dedicated to making a difference in the world. Saint Christopher is reputed to have carried a child over some raging waters, thus earning him the title of “Christ- bearer.”1 This emblem of service is enhanced through the Christopher motto: “It is better to light one candle than curse the darkness.”2 Organization founder Father Keller and others sought to reach as many people as possible with this leadership training. They adopted the three-fold objective of training people to (1) become more effective communicators, (2) develop their individual talents, and (3) promote the wellbeing of others.3 Based on the God-given dignity of individuals and their power for doing good, the course develops leaders by giving each participant “greater measures of self-confidence, self-understanding, and understanding of others.”4 Lessons include talks on courage, listening, openness, uniqueness, affirming oneself and others, accentuating the positive, love and caring, sharing the light, celebrating life, community, and leadership. The Christopher course includes all five themes listed above, spirituality, morality, equality, self-identity, and change. It shows its “dedication to instrumental rationality”5 by providing demonstra- tive skills that are needed in the workplace for people to become leaders in business, their professions, and government. The course focuses on the “discipline needed to reform life” when it speaks about love, care, sharing, and the community. Stoesz was attracted to this course because of part C, which featured

136 a Christopher talk about one of these themes. Personal sharing by the instructors added essential reason to the overt instrumentality of the first two parts. The egalitarian nature of the course was evident in the method of adult learning employed. Four instructors acted out nursery rhymes and illustrated the formulas for giving one-minute talks through personal examples. This empathetic, group approach helped shyer participants feel comfortable in a social setting. Christopher graduates were encouraged to become instructors so that they could continue to grow in their leadership abilities. Student participants, student graduate instructors, and seasoned veterans mingled together in a cohesive whole as a result of the group role playing involved. Solidification of identity was a further benefit of the course. By dealing with such themes as courage, uniqueness, affirmation of self and others, and accentuating the positive, the course integrated love, care, and sharing into the self-identity of the person. The core skill acquired, learning to speak in front of other people, helped to bolster a person’s ego and give them an opportunity to speak about themes dear to their heart. Mimicking the facilitators’ personal sharing in part C, participants learned to feel comfortable speaking about themselves in two-minute speeches. This mentoring process enabled students to imagine themselves as taking leadership roles in various organizations. Ability to change was a key component in the course. Leadership training was aimed specifically at people who had difficulty speaking in a group setting. Origi- nally from other countries, various offenders took the opportunity to practice speaking English. Introverted participants spoke memorized parts of nursery rhymes along with others before venturing out on their own. Mutual encouragement and affirmation for work done went a long way in transforming these individuals, preoccupied with shame and guilt, into new persons who could identify and affirm their various talents and abilities. The spiritually-based nature of the course enriched its overall goals and objectives. The fact that (1) the Prayer of Saint Francis was recited at the end of each lesson, (2) the ninth lesson had to doing lighting a candle to celebrate life, (3) the tenth lesson included an agape meal in which each individual poured juice into a community punch bowl and partook of the breaking of bread,6 and (4) instructors shared their personal faith experiences added to the overall ambience of the course.

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The Leadership Manual provides opportunity along the secular and sacred continuum to include as little or as much spirituality as each instructor feels comfortable. An assumption of the spiritual adds to the essential nature of the enterprise, balancing the overtly instrumental aspects of the course. Surplus value is inherent in the foundation and objectives of this volunteer program, differentiating it from secular Dale Carnegie and Toastmasters courses.

Alternatives to Violence

The Alternatives to Violence project started in 1975 as a result of collaboration between a group of inmates at Green Haven Prison in New York and some Quakers. The inmates were working on a Think Tank Concept in connection with youth while the Society of Friends (Quakers) had developed a Quaker Project on Community Conflict.7 The two groups worked together to start weekend workshops dedicated to finding non-violent solutions to conflicts. Innumerable workshops have since been co-facilitated by community volunteers and trained inmate facilitators. These sessions involve role-playing, cooperative games, dramatic re-enactments of conflict situations, and community building. The Alternatives to Violence project’s commitment to non-violent transformation fulfills the first two of Winnifred Sullivan’s categories, the moral life and belief in the possibility of change. AVP’s core belief in transforming power speaks directly to the reality of violence, intimidation, bullying, and coercion that is an everyday fact of life in prisons. AVP facilitators model self-respect, cooperation, and communication while working as a peer group to find creative solutions to conflict. AVP’s assumption of a basic goodness in human beings addresses the perva- sive pessimism endemic to prison environments. It also provides practical ways in which this pessimism can be transformed into hope and optimism. Each workshop starts with an affirmation of respect, trust, honesty, and caring. It builds on this mutual covenant to create a “safe container”8 in which participants can share more openly and honestly about themselves. These opportunities for sharing foster greater willingness by participants to take a closer look at themselves, accept responsibility for their lives, and learn empathy for others. Solidification of identity occurs as workshop participants find out more about themselves and their ability -- or non-ability -- to work with others. Respect for Self and Caring for Others, two mottos surrounding Transforming Power within the circle, reinforce a sense of self through comparisons to the group. Participants find a

138 voice by adding a unique adjective to their name, such as Happy Harry and Helpful Susie.9 The egalitarian nature of the group is evident in the co-facilitation roles of inmates and community volunteers, in the consensus-based, decision-making processes, and in the many team building exercises. This horizontal, dynamic security process of intervening verbally and listening empathetically speaks directly to the hierarchical nature of the prison environment. It assumes that many conflicts can be solved at the lowest level (according to the principle of subsidiarity),10 without needing the intervention of coercion or other external authorities.11 A continuum of the secular and sacred exists in the program. Transforming Power assumes that human beings can change based on an ideal or goal. One pamphlet describes this assumption as a belief that there is “power for peace and good in everyone. . . . This transforming power in and around each of us enables us to shift a situation from negative to positive.”12 These statements underline the essentially secular nature of the program.

There is, at the same time, an assumption of the collective force of the group that can be referred to as something more than material. Sociologist Emile Durk- heim’s concept of the collective unconscious is instructive in this regard. Durkheim believed that modern society was held together by a common symbol system. This symbol system “creates a common bond between people despite their greater personal freedom and their relative independence from traditional values . . . symbols remain constitutive of personal consciousness and society.”13 Durkheim regarded this socialization as transcendent because it represented an internal process of transformation triggered by personal forces known as a conscience and by social forces known as peer pressure. These internal forces can be referred to as spiritual because they represent an ideal or symbol by which people shape their lives.14 Alcoholic Anonymous’ affirmation of a Higher Power and Alternatives to Violence’s core belief in Transforming Power makes sense considering the above discussion. While not overtly religious, both groups are pointing to an internal social force at work in society that shapes how we act. A.A.’s surrender to a higher power and AVP’s affirmation of a transforming power speak to the Durkheimian point that

139 unconscious ideals are at work within us through peer pressure and individual freedom. John Shuford, AVP facilitator and correctional staff trainer, has done the most work in naming the mysterious quality of this transforming power. In an article on AVP as an instrument of peace, Shuford suggests that the term can be linked to Paul’s statement in Romans about being “transformed by the renewal of your mind” (Romans 12:2).15 Shuford goes on to describe this transforming power as:

the river of Spirit that flows within us all, and by tapping into it we connect with that Spirit and the interconnectedness of all. We no longer feel separate or isolated, which changes our experience of ourselves and others, and thus transforms our attitude and view of the world.16

Durkheim would identity with this statement. It acknowledges the secular social forces at work within us that create community and a sense of interconnectedness, while also referring to this power as transcendent in some manner. The word spiritual is useful because it refers to the fact that this power is a social force that changes us internally as well as an ideal that we accept as a model to live by.17 Regardless of whether the words higher power and transforming power are used in a spiritual or secular sense, the Alternatives to Violence project addresses moral concerns at the heart of the prison system. Its success is directly related to answers of meaning and purpose that address fatalistic attitudes of pessimism and cynicism, actions of violence and recrimination, and assumptions of Machiavellian power politics.

Celebrate Recovery Program

Celebrate Recovery is a program that has moved in the opposite direction in terms of spirituality. While Alternatives to Violence and Christopher Leadership have downplayed the religious aspects of their content to reach as many people as possible, Celebrate Recovery has named the Higher Power in the Twelve-Step program of A.A. as God revealed in Jesus Christ. Proven recovery principles have been combined with Christian beliefs to address the variety of needs that believers experience in congregations. While some parishioners may feel comfortable going to their pastor, priest, deacon, or elder to

140 discuss personal matters, going to family and friends for support, or seeking professional counselling, Celebrate Recovery started as an anonymous peer group that believers could go to, to address their hurts, habits, and hang-ups.18

Sharing about personal issues within the safety of a group undergirds the theme of equality that Sullivan addresses in her affirmation of the modern project. The participant-driven nature of CR means that there are no experts that facilitate the groups. Participants can become facilitators once they have completed a closed- step study and taken some leadership training. Facilitators lead small open-share groups on Friday evenings as well as sign up to lead closed-step studies that look more in depth at believers’ experiences of recovery. Like the other two programs analysed above, CR nurtures leaders from within its ranks. The moral nature and disciplinary benefits of the program are evident throughout. Participants are asked to identify character defects, deal with resentments and hurt they have experienced, as well as take ownership of harm that they have done to others. Having completed an inventory of these aspects of their lives, believers share their findings in a confidential manner with a sponsor of their own choosing. Accountability partners are chosen to mutually support struggling participants. Belief in change lies at the heart of Celebrate Recovery. The program starts with the assumption that everyone is suffering in some way: from addictions, broken relationships, harm done to others, or abuse experienced at home. The program provides a “container of safety,” described above in relation to the Alternatives to Vio- lence project, that enables and empowers participants to share at a deep level about themselves. Recovery can be described as programmatic in the sense that it takes participants through a series of steps from denial to acknowledgement, from admission to surrender, from acceptance to making amends, and from reconciliation to witness.

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Each step represents an incremental process so that participants do not become overwhelmed by the variety of issues and emotions that arise as they consider the bag- gage of their past. Solidification of identity represents a further benefit of the program. Addic- tions and other acting-out patterns represent “short-term energy relieving behaviours”19 that participants use to cope with their messed-up lives. Acknowledgement of these patterns of behaviour enable believers to look more deeply into the roots of these actions. They realize that many of these patterns are the result of hurts that they have experienced. Uncovering these paralysing aspects of their lives enables participants to re-channel their energies into positive pursuits. The religious aspect of the program is unmistakable. As the inspiration and initiator of the program, begun in 1991, John Baker speaks about the fact that he was made to feel uncomfortable in A.A. groups when he spoke about Jesus Christ as the Higher Power.20 He was also made to feel uncomfortable when he tried to speak to believers about the fact that he was an alcoholic. Celebrate Recovery was born as a result of these lacuna in ministry opportunities. It represented a safe setting within a church where one could speak about the brokenness of one’s life while proclaiming victory over these hurts through faith in God. It remains to be seen how effective Celebrate Recovery can be with its overtly Christian emphasis. Inmates who have taken the program are drawn to the faith- based nature of the twelve-step program. They have been appreciative of the programmatic way in which each step is presented, the homework involved, and the confidential sharing that is an integral part of the program.

Role of Confession

A comment about the role of confession in step five is in order. Historically, confession has been an integral part of what one does with a Catholic priest so that one’s conscience is clear when one takes communion.21 Confession to God has been a general Protestant practice that has circumvented the need for a believer to confess one’s faults to another human being. Several denominations include a public declaration of confession at the beginning of each worship service to prepare believers for receiving the sacraments.22 This historic faith practice has been reconceived in the Celebrate Recovery program. Since its inception in the 1930s, Alcoholic Anonymous together with the earlier Oxford Group23 viewed confession as an integral part of what one did in moving from a state of sinfulness to a state of holiness. Sharing one’s struggles with God and another human being enabled healing and transformation to begin (step five of the twelve step process).

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The fact that this private act of confession moved from congregational priest to fellow participant and sponsor in Alcoholics Anonymous and Celebrate Recovery speaks to Sullivan’s point about the shift from hierarchy and experts to egalitarianism and the mutual benefits of partnerships. Community and fellowship augment or replace sacraments and worship while confidential sharing with fellow participants replaces the requirement of saying confession to a priest. C.R. and A.A. fit well into the modern project of equals working together to improve their moral life, mutually benefitting from each others’ insights, basing their transformation on God and spirituality, and becoming self-assured selves in the process.

Conclusion

These three volunteer-facilitated programs have been analysed to show how community programs can supplement courses and educational programs developed by chaplains. Inmates who have graduated from each of these programs have become A.V.P., C.L., and C.R. facilitators when they reintegrated into society. Each of these courses provides seamless ways in which inmates become citizens, community- minded, and dedicated to the common good.

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Chapter Sixteen

Spiritual Value of Personal Development Courses

Introduction

Four books combine the spiritual/religious aspects of inmates’ lives, their personal growth, and the most common issues that they face while incarcerated. Grief Recov- ery is especially important in this regard because it helps inmates deal with losses that they experience when they come to jail. Elisabeth Kubler-Ross’ five categories of denial, anger, negotiation, despair, and acceptance are applicable regarding inmates’ feelings about their conviction and sentence.1 Some of them rail against the conviction, insisting that they are innocent of the crime. The pervasiveness of this attitude makes it hard for staff, lawyers, and other people involved in knowing who is telling the truth. As Kubler-Ross recognized so clearly, and as Alcoholics Anonymous and Celebrate Recovery have reit- erated, denial is often the first instinctive response by an inmate to traumatic events affecting their wellbeing. Upon hearing that one has cancer, a patient is instinctively drawn to the idea that this news can not be true, that a mistake has been made, that this news applies to someone else. An inmate’s second response is anger at the fact that they have been convicted. While there may be some “small truth” regarding the offence that occurred, the inmate feels that the sentence is unfair, that several facts are incorrect, and that an injustice has occurred. Some inmates hold on to this anger for the rest of their sentence, including inmates who have been sentenced to life imprisonment. According to these inmates, the fallacy of facts as presented in court, as witnessed by others and used to convict the person, gives them impetus to rail against this conviction for a long time. Kubler-Ross’ third phase of grief has to do with negotiation. A correctional officer told Stoesz about his experience working in the Remand Centre. He observed several inmates carrying around Bibles and spending quite a bit of time in the prison chapel. These inmates were anxious about what would happen at their trial. The officer noticed the same inmates throwing their Bibles away and walking away from the chapel after their trial because they had not been acquitted of their charges. These inmates negotiated with God while there was still time to lessen the trauma of the arrest that they experienced. They asked God to intervene in the situation so that

144 they would not be convicted. It sometimes takes a long time for an inmate to own up to the harm that they have done. Despair represents a fourth phase of the grieving process. Inmates isolate in their cells and spend long periods of time sulking over the sentence they have received. Depression is a natural response of someone who has had to face traumatic changes in their lives. Incarcerated individuals are often divorced, have few if any parenting responsibilities, and have lost their career as well as their reputation. It takes awhile before offenders feel comfortable in re-engaging the world. Acceptance and resignation are two words that describe the last phase of the grieving process. Inmates begin to own up to their part in the crime, understand the multitude of factors that led them to come to prison, and acknowledge the radically new circumstances with which they must deal. Like mourning the loss of a loved one who has died, inmates learn to accept the fact that their former lives as husband, parent, professional, and respected member of the community are over. They must reinvent themselves to take account of the fact that they committed a serious crime.

Reconsideration of Kubler-Ross’ categories

The above description of the grieving process applies more strictly to one’s own mortality or grief over sentencing than to grief regarding the loss of others. Kubler- Ross developed her categories in relation to patients who received news that they were dying. These same categories are useful in describing the transformation that takes place in offenders as they transition from court, in which they pleaded innocent, to being convicted and transferred to prison to start a long period of incarceration. Loss of freedom triggers a similar reaction process as finding out that one is dying. In their Grief Recovery Handbook,2 John James and Russell Friedman have suggested that Kubler-Ross’ categories are less applicable to situations in which a person is grieving the loss of someone else. Denial does not play a large part in this grieving process. While it may be difficult to accept one’s own dying or coming to prison, a person generally accepts the fact that one’s father, friend, or child has died. It is a matter of how one deals with this news. Anger may play a part in this process because a person is upset that their friend’s life has been cut short. The person who died had so much more to contribute. One can no longer depend on the person as confidante. This anger, however, does not trigger a further reaction of negotiation because the death cannot be reversed. Unlike one’s own sickness, which may be curable, and unlike one’s trial, in which a person may be acquitted, the death of a loved one is final. James and Friedman suggest that dealing with grief over the loss of a loved one is more effective if one considers what could have been different, better, and

145 more if that person had not died.3 Actively fantasizing about the expectations, attachments, bonds, hopes, and friendship that one had with the person enables one to access the depth of emotions that are triggered when one’s friend dies. Processing these emotions through fantasy of hopes and possibilities helps a person come to terms with the depth of loss they are experiencing. Loss of one’s spouse through divorce, loss of one’s pet, or loss of family relationships represent occasions when one can use James and Friedman’s approach. Breakup of a relationship can be dealt with by looking at the expectations and hopes that one had as one entered marriage. The sudden termination of this love, friendship, intimacy, loyalty, and family situation forces a person to think about the commitments that one made. Deep disappointments over what could have been, resentments toward the other person for their part in ending the relationship, and acceptance of the new situation of singleness can only happen if one retraces the reasons that one fell in love in the first place. Reconsideration of these initial assumptions, commitments, and demonstrations of love and affection enable a person to come to some understanding of what one has lost.

History of Loss and Relationship Graph

Drawing a history of loss graph and further detailing one of the losses that one has experienced are two exercises that help coalesce the feelings that one has about one’s losses.4 Acknowledging the accumulation of losses that one has experienced enables one to understand the extent to which these losses have influenced one’s life. A timeline helps to place these events into their proper perspective. Working through the highs and lows of a broken relationship helps to balance the memories and feelings of that person. No person is as much of a saint as we thought they were. No person needs to be vilified as much as we sometimes feel is necessary. Reflecting in depth on the positive and negative characteristics of another person helps to place that person into a larger perspective.

Apology, Forgiveness, and Strong Emotional Statements

Accepting one’s part in the loss, forgiving the other person for their part, and writing a statement about strong emotional feelings one has about the person are three exercises that a person can do to complete the grieving process.5 This process is similar to the fourth step of Celebrate Recovery, in which participants are asked to write an inventory about the hurts they have experienced, the harm they have done to others, and the good that they have done in their lives. Healing consists of accepting one’s part in the relationship loss and apologizing for wrongs done, forgiving the person

146 who has hurt you, and finding a way to reconcile, make amends, and come to peace about the situation.

Religious Aspect of the Grieving Process

Loss of faith and anger at God for the death of a loved one are natural aspects of the grieving process. James and Friedman encourage participants to process their attitudes and ambiguity toward God that can sometimes occur as a result of grief.6 For- giveness is possible because of the divine forgiveness that one has experienced. Apologies are possible because the act of harm or experience of grief does not define one’s self-identity. A healthy view of self enables one to accept one’s part in the grieving process without becoming overwhelmed by the sheer amount of feelings involved. James and Friedman are open to the difference faith, spirituality, and religion make in the grieving process. Participants are encouraged to include the effects on their faith that the grieving process entails. Forgiveness and faith, repentance and acceptance of guilt, grace and a healthy self-image are ways of including religion as a healthy resource in the healing process.

Dealing with Codependency

A second book that complements the work of chaplaincy is Melodie Beattie’s book, CoDependent No More.7 She combines aspects of the grieving process described above,8 the twelve-step program, and some theoretical models9 to help people understand why they have become attached to other people in unhealthy ways. Code- pendency can be defined as “living one’s life through another person to the detriment of one’s own existence.”10 A spouse who protects and enables her alcoholic husband represents a stereotypical example. She spends her whole life trying to please her husband in the mistaken belief and hope that he will accept and love her back. She must learn to set boundaries for herself in order to become healthy.11 Melodie suggests that grieving over the loss of one’s former self, with its unhealthy emotional attachments, represents one way of moving forward. It is only as one realises how dysfunctional one has become that one can move beyond denial to an affirmation of self-acceptance and self-esteem. The twelve-step program,12 with its stages of growth from denial to acknowledgement, from taking inventory to an act of confession, and from an act of faith to making amends enables a person to move beyond codependency. Working the steps of recovery makes a person aware of the unhealthy ways in which one has related to others. Self-love and self-care go a long way in setting boundaries and detaching oneself so that one does not become dragged down by other peoples’ miseries.

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Melodie uses the Karpman Triangle to show how the cycle of codependency works.13 A young man meets a woman who needs assistance in leaving her abusive boyfriend. The new friend helps her move to a new apartment with her young daughter and pays for her rent. Before long, the young man becomes romantically involved and moves in with his new girlfriend. Several months into this venture, the woman asks the man to leave after they have a series of conflicts. The young man is distraught because he thought that they had a good relationship. He feels that the woman should be more grateful for what he has done for her. As saviour and rescuer, the young man feels that the woman should reciprocate the “love” that he has shown to her. The young man begins to feel resentful of the relationship and identifies as a person who has been “victimized.” The “love” that he believed he had for the woman turns to hate and jealousy over the lack of attention that he is receiving. The boyfriend fails to realise that his relationship with his girlfriend is not mutually beneficial. The man’s misinterpretation of his rescue and care as love creates an unequal power balance. While the woman is appreciative of her new boyfriend helping her in time of crisis, she becomes resentful when their relationship is defined by this helper-helpee role (parent-child, superego-id). She wants to be loved rather than pitied, to be given a sense of self-confidence rather than being defined as a needy person. A mutual relationship is not possible if the man defines his role as the primary care-giver and rescuer. The man has difficulty in accepting his new girlfriend as an equal because he does not see himself as worthy of true love. He can only love a person who is needier than himself. The man requires his girlfriend to be codependent on him because this is the only dysfunctional form of love that he has ever experienced. Recognition by both parties that they are bonded to each other in unhealthy ways represents the first step in unhooking codependent habits. Melodie’s broad use of resources to overcome codependency dovetails nicely with the role of chaplains in their assistance of offenders in becoming healthy individuals. Grief recovery, the twelve-step program, along with identification of emotions and feelings in the relationship process help offenders recognise their past dysfunctional behaviours and move forward.

Two Relationship Courses

Two relationship courses deepen the discussion of feelings involved and delve in the salient features of a healthy marriage. Rachael Smith’s thirty-one vignettes of emo- tive words enable offenders to own the range of feelings that arise as they fall in love with another person.14 Words such as joy, respect, forgiveness, intimacy, uniqueness, maturity, gratitude, and acceptance point to the positive and mutual ways that

148 friendships are enhanced. Words such as rejection, criticism, pain, weakness, cor- rection, assumptions, anger, disloyalty, enemies, and loneliness illustrate the wedges of attitudes and opinions that can develop and destroy relationships. Each of these words has a double meaning that can be used for good or ill. For example, rejection is a powerful word that most people experience negatively. Peo- ple can become defined by their friends’ and family’s rejection. Rejection, nevertheless, is sometimes necessary when a person becomes too codependent on a person.15 A person needs to set boundaries of care and commitment in order for a relationship to stay at a mutually-satisfying level. Rejection of a person’s advances, overbearing nature, and manipulative attitude are needed to retain a healthy attitude toward oneself. Smith liberally sprinkles her book with biblical quotes to make her point. She uses two verses to illustrate the impact of words. “Pleasant words are as honeycomb, sweet to the soul, and health to the bones” (Proverbs 16:24). At the same time, “The words of a talebearer are as wounds, and they go down into the innermost parts of the belly” (Proverbs 18:8).16 These scriptural references are for the most part instructive rather than prescriptive. They bring out the negative and positive meanings of the words without assuming that the reader is a believer. A second book, Getting the Love You Want, by Harville Hendrix, delves into the specifics of marriage relationships.17 This book is meant for couples who are considering divorce and/or separation. Hendrix believes that all marriages can be saved if couples are willing to work at why they fell in love in the first place. A reconsideration of their romance helps to re-establish their marriage on a proper foundation. Hendrix uses the idea that we are all created in God’s image to help couples restore their lost, repressed, false, and disowned selves.18 We are attracted to another person as the result of deep unconscious wounds that are reflected, like a mirror, in the other person. We are attracted to the other person because there is something in their experience that resonates deeply with our own sense of wonder, esteem, intimacy, affection, self-worth, pain, and suffering. We believe that the other person can heal us because they bring something intimately familiar yet distinctively unique to complete the part that is missing in ourselves. Hendrix uses a variety of exercises to help couples bring these assumptions and unspoken feelings to consciousness.19 Power struggles and core arguments define the relationship when partners are unwilling to give (anymore) of themselves in order to heal the other person. Hendrix’ point is that one can only get the love one wants if one is willing to give it away.20 Hendrix helps couples to become supremely satisfied with themselves and each other through mutual respect and unconditional love.

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Hendrix’s book is especially apt for inmates who have committed offences against family members. These offenders have little insight into the reasons that they would offend against their children and/or spouses. Recognition of their unconscious anger, resentment, jealousies, and sense of being trapped in the relationship goes a long way in unravelling the reasons that these inmates were willing to offend in such inappropriate ways. These two relationship books are invaluable in identifying the many feelings and emotions that are involved in the journey to recovery. While grief needs to be identified so that one’s losses can be acknowledged, and codependency needs to be named so that one’s dysfunctional relationships can be arrested, learning how to build healthy relationships is a positive antidote to focussing only on taboos. The two books by Hendrix and Smith go a long way in identifying positive exercises that can be embarked upon to replace the bad with the good.

Link to Celebrate Recovery Program

The Celebrate Recovery program highlighted in the last chapter grapples with many of the same issues identified above. As in grief recovery, C.R. asks participants in the fourth step to take an inventory of persons who have hurt them and people one has harmed. Apologies and forgiveness, making amends and taking ownership of wrong done helps in the healing process. Celebrate Recovery consciously uses the twelve-step process of Alcoholics Anonymous, expanding upon it to deal with any hurt, habit, and hang-up a person has experienced. It adds eight Christian principles to these steps to identify Jesus Christ as the Higher Power and forgiveness and grace as granted by God. Saddleback Church started the program over twenty years ago because many of its church members did not know with whom they could share their personal problems.21 Celebrate Recovery has filled a gap in ministry between worship on Sunday mornings, Bible studies on Wednesday evenings, small group meetings for fellowship and prayer, and individual counselling sessions with the pastor, elders, and deacons. Its confidential, group-based approach fosters a sense of belonging and acceptance, while building peer support and accountability through its mentoring of leaders and programmatic outline of steps to recovery.

Conclusion

These four books represent samples of personal development courses that can be facilitated by chaplains to enhance their ministry. They dovetail with the spiritual nature of chaplains’ work while providing concrete steps that can be taken by inmates on their road to recovery and reintegration.

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Chapter Seventeen

Ascetical and Mystical Practices in a Prison Environment

Introduction

In 1998, Donald Stoesz approached Victor Hori, a Buddhist professor teaching at McGill University in Montreal, and asked him about different types of meditation appropriate for a prison setting. Hori informed him that there were two basic types of meditation. Zen Buddhism rose “above suffering” through meditation on a mystical presence, while Pure Land Buddhism meditated on the “reality of the suffering” itself. Hori suggested at the time that the latter form of meditation was applicable to a prison environment because it focused on the fact that “life was hell.”1 The problem with the former type of meditation was that it created a temporary sense of calm and tranquility that made living in prison feel worse when the person finished their contemplation of “another world.” The illusory world created by concentrating on a “happy place” beyond reality made it harder for the person to face the challenges of prison life once they had finished their meditation sessions. Hori’s comments struck a chord. Stoesz found that embracing the pain and suffering experienced by inmates, something called reality therapy,2 made his work as a chaplain more manageable. Rather escaping the many conflicts, confrontations, misunderstandings, and recriminations that occurred, Stoesz found peace in “taking life as it comes.” By embracing the innuendos, rumours, judgments, resentments, lies, and anger that were a natural part of how communication and relationships worked in prison, Stoesz was nourished and fulfilled in his work. Concentrating on the suffering itself made life more manageable, even fulfilling in a deeply spiritual and mystical sense.3

Max Weber’s Definitions of Asceticism and Mysticism

Max Weber has identified four spiritual disciplines: (1) other-worldly mysticism, (2) this-worldly mysticism, (3) other-worldly asceticism, and (4) this-worldly asceticism.4 Zen Buddhism can be identified with other-worldly mysticism while Wiccan believers embrace a naturalistic spirituality that can be labelled as this-worldly mysticism (see below). 151

Pure Land Buddhism, with its emphasis on the negative and need for divine grace,5 has associations with other-worldly asceticism. In its most extreme form, other-worldly asceticism is evident in the self-flagellation of faithful believers who physically pummel their bodies to get rid of sinful temptations and do penance for the sins they have committed. Examples of this-worldly asceticism include the Protestant (Reformed) entre- preneurial drive toward capitalism6 as well as the physical exercise craze and sport- ing events that have come to dominate modern society. Each of these categories invites analysis. Aboriginal elders’ use of a sweat lodge to generate prayers to the Creator, oneself, one’s family, and one’s victims can be viewed as a physical manifestation of other-worldly asceticism. The profound sense of confinement that one feels -- together with twenty other participants crammed in a claustrophobic, pitch-black lodge with a low ceiling that is hotter than an ordinary sauna -- makes one’s prayers efficacious, if not for healing, at least for assistance in getting out of there “as soon as possible.” Aboriginal elders’ emphasis on the harmony of the world, in which one’s marriage, children, parents, and ancestors form a cohesive whole within the natural world of the Creator incorporates elements of this-worldly mysticism. Placing oneself with a larger corporate whole helps offenders see themselves as affecting, and being affected by, a world bigger than themselves. The causal effect of harm and hurt (karma) can be interrupted and healed through empathetic identification with the pain of one’s victims, the absence of the father (who is in jail), the care of the mother, the natural sustenance of the earth, and the spiritual identification of the offender with the Creator who had made all this possible. These themes echo a this- worldly mystical approach. Wiccan emphasis on four natural symbols -- earth, fire, wind, and water as represented by salt, candle, feather, and water7 -- resembles the naturalistic organic spirituality promoted by native elders. The fact that Wiccans follow the rhythm of the solar and lunar cycles of the solstice and equinox shows how the four natural symbols are integrated into a cosmological whole. The death and hibernation of nature during the winter gives way to birth of plants in the spring. These natural cycles replicate the human cycle of death, intimacy, procreation, and rebirth. Wiccan participants affirm the natural cycle of human and divine living through these naturalistic elements. Correctional Service Canada’s mandate that all offenders find gainful employment while incarcerated exemplifies the importance of this-worldly asceticism. Be- cause boredom tends to fuel discontent, administration has worked hard at keeping inmates busy, doing meaningful work. This includes cleaning the units, helping to prepare meals, working in the metal or construction shops, upgrading academic skills, taking programming, and working as clerks in the library and chapel.

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Opportunities to play sports and work out in the gym represent evening activities that keep offenders busy. Many inmates spend a lot of time strengthening their bodies through weightlifting and cardio-vascular activities. These pursuits reinforce a sense of manliness as well as empower them to defend themselves physically against threats made against them. These activities represent different forms of this- worldly asceticism. Evening self-help groups challenge inmates mentally to take the necessary steps toward recovery from past hurts, habits, and hang-ups. The spiritual discipline of acknowledging denial, accepting help, affirming a higher power, and being released from shame and guilt through repentance and forgiveness represents a group therapy that makes inmates more accountable to themselves and others. The penitential aspects of these twelve-step programs parallel the other- worldly asceticism of self-flagellation, albeit in a spiritual rather than physical form. Confessing sin and doing penance are two time-honoured religious rites that enable purification, cleansing, and healing to take place.

Usefulness of Labyrinths

Use of labyrinths is another way of focusing the mind in order to rescue the soul. Stoesz developed a seven-step spiritual journey that involved (1) naming obstacles, (2) letting go of one’s family of origins, (3) letting go of one’s mentors, (4) establishing a spiritual centre, and becoming re-engaged with (5) oneself, (5) others, and (6) divine mystery.8 Acknowledging the deeply embedded nature of one’s existence represents the first three steps of the process. Suffering is an inherent part of life because of our natural tendency to do wrong, our unhealthy attachments, and our need to be defined by these “dramas” in our lives. We can only be liberated if we have brought these unconscious bonds (Shinran would use the word “chains”, see footnote 4) to the surface. At least half of the spiritual journey involves naming these influences in order to come out of denial. A spiritual centre called self emerges from these ruminations. In the same way that the book of Genesis tells us that a man can only cleave to his wife if he has left! his father and mother, so too can we become whole selves, unencumbered by superego and id, when we have been made aware of these emotional attachments.

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The ego, in turn, becomes solidified as it affirms the imago9 of the self, is grateful for the id’s drive and zest for life, and affirms the place of the self in the larger world. Whether stated in secular terms as “transforming power” (AVP logo), a “deep willing at the core of one’s being” (Gregory Baum),10 or simply as an affirmation of the goodness of the self (Enlightenment thinking), the fourth step of the spiritual journey involves taking ownership of past and present in order to move on to the future. To state it in the most selfish way, one becomes married to oneself in a deeply narcissistic manner. Love springs from within rather than being sought in so many other places. Offenders learn that they are all alone in this world, without friends or family. Aloneness breeds contentment so that individuals can move forward. The final three steps involve placing oneself within the larger world. This can be stated in a spiritual manner, namely that God has created us for the good of others or in a secular way, namely that we are being guided by the good that defines our destiny. Stated in either secular or spiritual terms, these steps enable offenders to reengage the world because of their newfound sense of self. Having let go of codependency, unhealthy attachments, past hurts, guilt and shame for wrong done, as well as relationships, habits, and hang-ups that weight them down, offenders’ healthier self-image translates into excitement and joy at the new possibilities of life. These re-engagements are socially, emotionally, spiritually, and economically fulfilling.

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Liberation from past entanglements makes mutually gratifying attachments invigor- ating. Stoesz considers the last and seventh step to be deeply spiritual. It involves utter surrender and abandonment to divine mystery because of the forgiveness, gra- ciousness, and liberation that has either been enacted by the divine other (salvation through ascetical means) or invoked as immanently present (spirituality through mystical embodiment). The participant embraces the pain of the past, the exhilara- tion of finding a true self, and the empowerment of living within a larger world known as (divine) mystery. These seven steps reflect different aspects of asceticism and mysticism. The actual walking of the labyrinth can be viewed as a this-worldly ascetical practice. A mental sense of direction and purpose is invoked by the sheer physical action of following the path. Unlike a maze, which is meant by its many dead-ends to con- fuse and frustrate a pilgrim’s progress, a labyrinth is intentionally di- rectional, with a beginning and an end, to focus a practitioner’s mind. The journey can also be viewed as other-worldly ascetical in that it requires letting go of attachments in order to lighten the load for the future ahead. Becoming dragged down by hurts, guilt, shame, and memories of past harm done is an inevitable first step of the journey toward healing. Naming the wounds that remain embedded in one’s soul, like innumerable nails in a fence, are required for the pain and suffering to be alleviated. While not quite as physically demanding as self-flagellation, the spiritual discipline of being convicted, repenting, and doing penance are emotionally and spiritually exhausting. This seven-step exercise can also be linked to this-worldly mysticism. Having arrived at the centre of one’s “own” world, an offender can look around and see from where they have come as well as the path that leads forward. This chapter builds on the assumption that human beings are created as much for others as themselves. This assumption is built into the labyrinth insofar as the last three steps are taken after one has lightened one’s load and arrived at the centre of one’s soul.

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These last three steps can be referred as falling into the arms of the Creator, affirming the love one has for others, committing oneself to the good, and surrendering to the infinite love that represents the divine and the universe. This mystical spirituality can be labelled as other-worldly or this-worldly to the extent that divinity is invoked as transcendent or immanent, other or present, naturalistic or religious, salvific or Being itself.

Conclusion

The reality of suffering and pain in prison behooves a chaplain to come up with spiritual resources that speak to this aspect of daily living. For example, Scott Peck starts his book, The Road Less Travelled, with these words, “Life is difficult.” He references it to one of the four Noble Truths of Buddhism.11 Bruno Bettelheim proceeds on the basis that “much that goes wrong in life is due to our very own natures – the propensity of all men for acting aggressively, a socially, selfishly, out of anger and anxiety.”12 Victor Frankl wrote a book entitled Search for Meaning,13 building on his experiences as a Holocaust survivor. Any number of spiritually-based books can be used to help offenders find their rightful place in society. This chapter has recommended different ascetical and mystical spiritual practices that be used to good effect.

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Chapter Eighteen

Christian and Islamic Faith Formation Resources

Introduction

Faith formation resources are important for offenders who are struggling to find meaning in their lives. Having reached out for a faith that will sustain them, they are looking for mentors and facilitators who can nourish and shape their religious experiences. Chaplains are well placed to accompany these inmates on their journey. Steeped in a faith tradition of their own that has brought meaning, stability, and hope to their lives, chaplains can empathize with offenders who are searching for faith. This chapter delves into two faith traditions to show chaplains how they can use the building blocks of their own beliefs to provide a framework of meaning for inmates. These examples are useful by analogy to any faith-based or site-based chaplain, along with volunteers who want to nourish the spiritual and religious seed that has been planted.

Experiencing God and Purpose Driven Life Courses

Rick Warren and Henry Blackaby have published two books to provide Christian parishioners with an easy guide to help them grow stronger in their faith. The genius of these books, Experiencing God1 and The Purpose Driven Life,2 has to do with their experiential approach and clear step-by-step instructions. Warren and Blackaby use the human experience of friendship as an example of how one can get closer to God. With such chapters as “Becoming Best Friends with God,” “Formed for God’s Family,” “Restoring Broken Relationships,” and “Protecting Your Church,”3 Rick Warren builds on human affections and attachments to illustrate how God can become an intimate part of one’s life. Friendships, trust, affection, love, emotional bonding, commitment, loyalty, intimacy, and hope are important to offenders because these realities are exactly what they have lost. Warren enables believers to have a friendship with God that replaces the lack of friendship that they have had on a human level. Offenders devour these books because they want to believe that love and hope and faith and commitment and trust

157 are still possible. Warren suggests that love for the divine is the first way that one can begin to restore human relationships. Blackaby’s approach is similar. He suggests that (1) seekers require a crisis of faith in order to “readjust their priorities,” (2) God is pursuing a “love relationship” with them, and that (3) this relationship consists of obedience, trust, and openness to hear God’s voice.4 Crises of faith and life are central to the experiences of inmates. This is a good place to start in looking at the purpose and meaning of life. Blackaby channels inmates’ conviction of spirit, fervent prayers, and newfound belief into a wholesome religious experience. He suggests that God is real, that God can be trusted, and that God loves human beings. This is something that offenders desperately want to hear. Both Warren and Blackaby move from the human experiences of love to the idea that something greater than themselves is at work in inmates’ lives. Far from being the centre of the universe, a selfishness that they demonstrated in their offences, offenders are called by Warren and Blackaby to view themselves from “God’s point of view.”5 They belong to the purposes of God that are being carried out in the world. They are like a piece of driftwood floating down the divine streams of life. Offenders become selfless as they identify with the larger world around them. Warren and Blackaby move from a sense of belonging to a commitment of service. Offenders are desperate to find love, to belong to something larger than themselves, and to give back for what they have taken. Warren and Blackaby provide clear step-by-step processes by which these three longings can be fulfilled. They refer to believers in the latter chapters as servants, as being part of a mission, of sharing their experiences, and of being part of God’s work.6 Offenders’ kindness, empathy, friendship, and peer support of others represents ways in which they can demonstrate the love that they have experienced with God. Warren and Blackaby transition from these three expressions of faith to concrete ways in which this faith is manifested through church, family, friends, and work.7 Offenders have more difficulty with this part of the lesson. A formation of their spirituality into religious and familial expressions is difficult because so many of them have had negative experiences of organized religion, experienced rejection by family and friends, and have a hard time imagining what life will look like once they are released with this newfound belief and spirituality tucked under their arm. The latter chapters of Warren and Blackaby’s books are a good reality check for inmates. Offenders have studied these books and come to faith within the “safe” confines of prison. Warren and Blackaby’s assumption that this faith can find renewed expression in community and church, marriages and children, the market- place and the “kingdom” give offenders pause in terms of where they are at right now! Much more work needs to be done in terms of finding a new normal.

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Saying the Same Thing in Different Ways

Chaplains may have questions about the overly subjective content of Warren and Blackaby’s books. Both authors have deliberately used the expression of human love, commitment, and service (to each other) to build on their understanding of God. While this human experience is vital in encountering the efficacy and reality of God, Blackaby and Warren have left the specific content of the Christian faith more open ended. They simply suggest that this subjective experience needs to find objective form in order to be sustained. There are a variety of ways in which objective form of belief can be cultivated in prison. To take a simple example from worship, testimonies of faith and transformation, invocation of the Holy Spirit through a multitude of prayers, and free wheel- ing sermons are only so effective. Something more sustainable is necessary to shape these heartfelt convictions. A structured order of service, in which confession, prayers, Scripture reading, meditation, responses, communion, and songs fill the hour of worship enable the subjective expressions of faith to be channeled into effective rituals. The subjective content needs objective form to be “made real” while the objective expression needs be continually renewed in order to be effective.8 A site-based chaplain experiences something similar when they are tasked with providing the necessary religious items and facilitating the feast and fast days of different religions. Providing Jewish inmates with a yarmulke, menorah, candles, sheep’s horn, unleavened bread, bitter herbs, grape juice, a tent, and the Torah, along with facilitating the times when these items are used [Rosh Hashanah, Yom Kippur, Sukkot (Feast of Tabernacles), Hanukah, Purim, Passover, Shavuot] represents starting at the other end of the subjective/objective divide. A site-based chaplain is drawn to the external forms of another religion because these represent the minimum requirements within which the content of faith can be expressed. It is up to the Jewish rabbi, site-based chaplain, or faithful Jewish volunteer to foster the “subjective” faith of Jewish inmates within this encadrement (framework) of care. In terms of the Christian faith, providing an inmate with Jaroslav Pelikan’s six volume work on the development of doctrine,9 Hugh Oliphant Old’s six volume work on the use of lectionaries in worship,10 a Roman Catholic Catechism,11 or an Anglican Book of Alternative Services12 shows an inmate that their newfound faith has found religious expression over many years. An inmate must decide how they will sustain their faith through involvements with any number of churches and denominations.

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An Islamic Formation of Faith

Malik Muhammed is a site-based Muslim chaplain who is providing faith formation resources to Islamic inmates in a Canadian federal penitentiary. He has prepared a series of faith exercises, prayers, teachings from the Holy Qur’an, and recitations of the divine name that inmates can use to sustain their faith. He meets with Muslim inmates regularly and teaches them how to pray five times a day. These easy-to- learn teaching tools give Islamic inmates a better understanding of their faith. Com- bined with the fast and feast festivals of Ramadan and Eid, Malik has been helping Islamic inmates for the last two years. Malik identified several challenges in forming a faith group in prison. Some inmates have tried to take control of the group by identifying themselves as the inmate representative. This tendency reflects the power and control mentality of gangs in prison life. Inmates assume that there needs to be an authoritarian leader of the group. Malik has worked hard to undermine this gang mentality. He has identified himself as the faith leader who can help Islamic believers grow in their faith. Offenders’ conversion from one faith to another has caused some consterna- tion among chaplains. An inmate who was attending a Christian Bible study decided that Islam provided more meaning for their belief in God. The chaplains clarified this situation among themselves so that this shift in allegiance did not undermine collegiality and mutual respect. The fact that Malik is both an Islamic chaplain and site-based chaplain means that he provides pastoral care in a variety of ways to inmates. He is considering offering a spirituality course on the book, Houses of Healing, by Robin Casarjian.13 Scott Peck’s book, The Road Less Traveled,14 could serve a similar purpose. This type of service is provided to inmates who are interested in finding meaning and improving their lives without necessarily looking for something religious. Sacred space continues to be an issue because the chapel is used by both Cath- olic and Islamic faith groups. Malik has been in contact with Catholic representatives to see how the religious items necessary for their respective faiths can be accommodated within a multi-faith setting. Malik has been in contact with Islamic faith groups in the community to see how they can provide support to ex-offenders along with their families. He has identified a variety of needs as well as indicated his willingness to provide training to

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Malik's Plan for Muslim Inmate Progress. This is not the final plan. It is under evaluation.

Gets Halal Diet * ETA to Update religion Can get Can Attend Daily Achievements? Benefits Can Attend Islam Can try Friday Card. Can attend Can Attend EID Mosque. * EID in system to Referance Letter Afternoon ? 101 meeting Muslim Prayer Friday Muslim Celebrations Gift Basket to Muslim to parole board (Dhuhr)prayers. Prayer kids

Muslim in the System or 1 Interested in Islam

Learns 6 Articles of Faith and 2 Accepts it

3 Learns 5 pillars of Islam

Memorized a Verse from 4 Quran (arabic)

Consistently Attends FRIDAY 5 Muslim Prayers (Have rules)

Fasts During RAMADAN 6 (Have rules)

Prays daily 5 Prayers. (Have 7 monthly Chart)

Have Weekly personal development planmeeting 8 with Imam and have high Achivements

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MUSLIM CHAPLAINCY SERVICES PROPOSAL TO ISLAMIC ORGANIZATIONS

As-salamu alaykum, We, chaplains at Correctional Services, want to thank Islamic Organization for their continuous support of our work. It is our obligation to care for incarcerated Muslims. Our goal is to build relationships with them in the correctional facilities and successfully integrate them back to the community. Therefore, that Muslims are not a burden to the society. This proposal is prepared to explain what we need to achieve this goal in partnership with Islamic Organizations. THE NEEDS WE NEED A BASIC INFORMATION PACKAGE ABOUT ISLAM. IT IS ESSENTIAL TO PROVIDE BASICS FOR PEOPLE WHO WANTS TO LEARN ABOUT ISLAM. INMATES HERE HAVE A LOT OF TIME TO LEARN ABOUT MANY DIFFERENT THINGS HERE BUT THEIR ATTENTION CAN BE TOO SHORT IF WE CANNOT PROVIDE THEM WITH BASIC INFORMATION PACKAGE THE MOMENT THEY WANT TO LEARN IT. THIS PACKAGE SHOULD INCLUDE THESE: 1. FIVE PILLARS OF ISLAM, EXPLAINED. 2. SIX ARTICLES OF FAITH EXPLAINED 3. SURE AL-FATIHA AS AN EXAMPLE OF A SURAH FROM QURAN. SURE AL- FATIHA SHOULD HAVE CLEAR ARABIC SCRIPTURE TRANSLITERATION MODERN ENGLISH TRANSLATION. 1. We need copies of Quran. Modern English translation that is easily understandable by young population. 2. We need Audio sources like CD and Audio Players loaded with sermons, the Quran and Islamic stories. Mega voice Audio Bible is a good example. https://megavoice.com/ The Audi Devices content must be sealed. User should not be able to upload anything else for security purposes in the Institutions. 3. We need books about various Islamic topics. There are some restrictions on physical material of the books. 4. We need Islamic magazines. Periodicals are important for inmates who want to have some things to wait for in their lives. 5. We need donations of money or food items for the Eid Celebrations inside the institutions. 6. We need a team or organization to work on Study materials. Crossroads Prison Ministries is an example of well-organized Christian organization that have study lessons and mentorship through snail mail. https://cpministries.ca/ 7. We need supply of long-term Volunteers who are interested in a. Running classes at Correctional Facilities. b. Coordinate weekly support group for released inmates. These Volunteers Should: i. Believe in the rehabilitation of the sinner. ii. Desire to serve long term. iii. Have training in Islamic Subjects. iv. Be willing to receive security trainings at the institutions. 8. We need a public place of gathering (Mosque) where there are daily prayers offered. This place needs to have a contact person for the Support Group. This person should i. Believe in the rehabilitation of the sinner. ii. Be one of the main leaders of the Mosque. iii. Take security training iv. Have monthly meeting with Coordinator Volunteer. 9. When a person commits crime, they must pay for their crime, but often time innocent spouse and kids of the inmate faces a lot of pressure and judgement from the society. Without a proper support, the kids might adapt the criminal life of their incarcerated parent. We want to support innocent families by: i. School Supplies for the Kids in August ii. Eid Al-Adha meat packages iii. Ramadan EID small gifts 10. We need a small expenditure budget for the Coordinating Volunteer to buy coffee, tea and cookies for the weekly support group gatherings

Malikmurad Muradov Site Chaplain Drumheller Institution

162 these faith groups so that they can be supportive in a safe manner. Volunteers and ex-offenders are organizing a monthly meeting in a neutral area where they can share a meal, fellowship, socialize, as well as exchange ideas and information about becoming reintegrated into the faith communities. Malik is excited about his work as a prison chaplain as well as hopeful about making a difference in prison. He has found inmates to be motivated by faith and interested in learning more about Islam. Malik has been dedicated to guiding new Muslims in the right direction so that they do not become radicalized.

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Ecumenism and

Inter-Faith Dialogue

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Chapter Nineteen

Rationale for Religious Accommodation1

A chaplain’s task is to provide an inmate of a specific faith with as rich an experience of that faith tradition as possible. The salient features of a Jehovah Witness’ belief and practice, the prayer requirements of a Muslim inmate, the solitary needs of a Pagan practitioner, the importance of a shrine within a Buddhist’s cell, and the sec- tarian beliefs and practices of fundamentalist Christians are salient features of different religions that need to be respected, advocated for, and “validated” in the sense that they are honoured within the correctional environment. Chaplains are not generic providers of religious and spiritual experiences. They are attentive to the needs of offenders so that they can be accommodated in relation to the good order of the institution. The “good order of the institution” has been added to the last sentence because religion can be used for ill as well as for good. Celtic spirituality has been used as a front for white supremacy groups, Islam has been used as a front for terrorism, sec- tarian Christianity has been used to put down other religions, Wiccan practices have been used for the purposes of black magic, and a generic spirituality has been used to undermine the particularity of religions in their multi-faceted aspects. A dialectical approach takes seriously the difference of other religions while incorporating them into a theoretical and practical framework of inclusivity. This method has been outlined in Glimpses of Grace, in which Donald Stoesz makes a distinction between the symbolic and the literal.2 Literal interpretations of Scripture and religion tend toward distanciation, as outlined in Paul Ricoeur’s book, Hermeneutics and the Human Sciences.3 The symbolic is more inclusive because of its polyphonic nature. To take an example from Christianity, the representation of a crucified or resurrected Christ on a cross refers to the singular fact that Christ was either dead or alive. A plain cross is open to a polyphonic interpretation. It refers to the fact that Jesus was both dead and alive. Stoesz has developed two logos that illustrate the difference between the inclusivity of the symbolic and distanciation of the literal.4

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Inclusivity of the Symbolic

Distanciation of the Literal

Guidelines for religious accommodation have recently been developed and modified by the Correctional Service (Appendix 2).5 The accommodation instructions recognize that a chaplain is able to provide the necessary spiritual and religious rituals and items to an offender from their own faith tradition. A chaplain can accommodate an offender from a different faith tradition by asking a community faith representative to accommodate that person. The service has hired chaplains from a variety of faiths, representative of the prison population, as well as made provision for chaplains to contact faith representatives to help them in this religious accommodation process. There are times when a chaplain or community representative of a faith tradition is unavailable to provide services for an inmate of a specific faith, religion, or spirituality. The guidelines suggest that the available site-based chaplain can stand in as an alternative representative of this person’s faith if the inmate accepts their leadership.6 This possibility points to the dialectical relation between a chaplain’s integrity regarding their own faith tradition and their empathetic stance as a representative of another person’s faith. This stance is illustrative of the relation between inclusivity and difference outlined above. The assumption that a chaplain can serve as a spiritual care provider to an inmate of another faith or spirituality shifts the role of a chaplain from that of secular facilitator to empathetic participant. The difference between the two functions has to do with the fact that the chaplain can only stand in as an empathetic participant if they are willing to delve more deeply into the salient features of an inmate’s faith. Empathy implies a bracketing of one’s own faith,7 a transference of a chaplain’s

166 spirituality from that of their own faith to that of another, and an ability to understand the other. An assumption of the universality of religion and spiritual experience8 allows this transference to take place in such a way that the chaplain can stand in as a faith representative when no other is available. Changes occur regarding one’s own faith and practice as a result of a chaplain’s bracketing and transference of spiritual care to an offender of a different faith. Research into the religious practices of others often leads to an “ah ha!” experience of recognition regarding one’s own spirituality. To give a simple example, the fact that Hindus place a crib at the front of their temple when they celebrate the birth of their god Ram deepens and broadens Christian chaplains’ understanding of divine incarnation in regard to Christmas.9 To cite another example, a comparison of Jesus and Muhammed as prophets yields fruitful results in regard to a dialogue between Christians and Muslims about the merits of monotheism. Chapters Twenty and Twenty-One offer examples of this comparison, transference, and inter-faith dialogue. In lieu of a faith representative unavailable to serve the needs of Wiccan inmates, Donald Stoesz spent five years accommodating Pagan and Wiccan inmates at Bowden Institution (1998-2005). In another setting, Stoesz accommodated Rastafarian offenders when he was unable to locate a faith representative (1993-1998). His research into this religion yielded surprising results. Many sociological similarities between the rise of Rastafarianism within Jamaica (twentieth century) and the rise of Anabaptism within Reformation Europe (sixteen century) are evident. His religious accommodation of Rastafarians provided greater insight into his own faith tradition.

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Chapter Twenty

Establishment of Wiccan Practices in Bowden: 1998-20051

Introduction

This chapter reflects on the establishment of Wiccan Practices within a prison. This proved to be a challenge for a chaplain in providing multi-faith care. He received several requests from inmates who wanted to receive spiritual care as well as practice their Wiccan spirituality within a prison context. This chapter outlines the way this care was provided. It should be noted that there was no Wiccan chaplain available at the time.

Description of Four Interviews

The first person interviewed was a former Jehovah Witness who was attracted to Wiccan practices while he was an offender in another prison. Upon arriving at the prison in which the chaplain worked, he requested the chaplain’s services. The inmate wanted to burn a candle in his cell, establish a Wiccan group, and receive spiritual care. Because fire regulations prohibited candles in cells, the chaplain offered him a time and place in the chapel for Wiccan meditation. The chaplain did research into religious objects that were required. He provided bowls for salt, water, a candle, feather, and a wooden wand that could be used in lieu of a sword. He provided a table as an “altar” along with a place in the chapel lounge area for group meditation. The chaplain made a spiritual inventory at the inmate’s request and mailed a copy to his parole officer so she had a better idea of what Wiccan faith and practice was about. A small Wiccan group met once a week for about four months before the group inmate leader transferred to another institution. The other three interviews were similar in nature. The chaplain asked them about their faith journey, was able to connect at a variety of levels in terms of spirituality and dealt therapeutically with two offenders in terms of their crime cycles. The latter encounters proved somewhat disturbing. One of the inmates was attracted to the alleged “orgies” that took place during Wiccan rituals. He was a convicted pedophile whose predatory assault had been taken place in a public place with a

168 young girl who was a stranger to him. The chaplain realized that Wiccan spirituality was only one small facet of many other things that were going on in this man’s life. Another person who was interviewed had been a Christian. He came to the Protestant worship services until he got into an altercation with some other believers. He told the chaplain that he had practiced Wiccan spirituality in the community and asked for Wiccan resources. The chaplain put him in contact with a Wiccan representative from Ottawa. She mailed him materials relating to Wiccan practices in prison. The chaplain continued to meet with this person. They talked mostly about the inmate’s past life and crime cycle. The offender’s tendency to “flit from one issue to another” made it hard for him to focus on specific issues. The fourth person interviewed came to the chaplain because of his frustration with his parole officer. He felt that he was not being supported for release because his version of his offence differed from the official version. Based on evidence, the judge claimed that the “break, enter, and assault” of which the inmate had been convicted involved some intention toward sexual assault. The offender denied this intention during the four years in which he was incarcerated. He had at least another four years to serve if he was not granted parole. This man asked the chaplain to order some Wiccan materials as well as spoke about his attraction to Wiccan spirituality. The chaplain and offender touched lightly on these subjects as they explored the current dilemma that the inmate faced regarding his parole officer. The inmate told the chaplain that he had received good pastoral care from a Catholic chaplain while at another institution. He had been part of a Houses of Healing program2 and had done some painting to help him in his life’s journey. Stained glass work was something that he started doing while at another prison. This offender was a sensitive man who was quite shy about sharing in a group. He had recently quit his job as a painter in the institution because he felt that he was being micromanaged. This decision to quit his job hurt his ability to be recommended for parole.

Community Wiccan Representatives

The chaplain contacted a Wiccan representative in the community and met with her several times to see if she would be willing to provide resources to offenders in prison. She decided after a series of meetings that she did not feel comfortable in meeting with offenders in jail. The chaplain subsequently contacted a representative from Ottawa who was active in providing Wiccan as well as Pagan materials to prisoners. Wiccan and Pagan religious and dietary practices are described in the Reli- gious Accommodation Manual3 that Correctional Service Canada provides to chaplains. It acknowledges that there are many varieties of Wiccan and Pagan practices.

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Pastoral and Theological Reflections

The chaplain was able to connect pastorally as well as theologically with each of the offenders. He found that the bulk of his time was spent with therapeutic matters in relation to their crime cycle. The inmates came to a chaplain because they felt safe in speaking to him about a variety of matters, including Wiccan spirituality. While their initial requests were for Wiccan materials as well as for the right to practice Wicca in prison, it became clear quite quickly that they wanted someone to talk to about their life in general. Three of the four offenders came from Christian back- grounds and had practiced that faith before they were attracted to Wicca. Each of them was at different stages in terms of their adherence as “Wiccan practitioners.”

Dilemmas and Responses

The chaplain was viewed as the expert by the Wiccan practitioners. They looked to the chaplain for the proper way in which the four elements of the earth should be laid out on the altar. They asked him to lead out in prayer in their first meditation. They looked to the chaplain as their spiritual advisor in relation to Wiccan and Pagan practices. The chaplain’s role shifted from being a facilitator of Wiccan practices to becoming an empathetic practitioner or spiritual guide of Wicca. This book assumes that it is not enough for a site-based chaplain to serve in a purely administrative capacity regarding minority-faith issues. The ecumenical and multi-faith aspects of prison chaplaincy necessitate a spiritual care giver to enter an empathetic relationship with the inmate and their religion. This possibility has been outlined in a recent Correctional Service Canada bulletin that gives guidelines for chaplains to follow regarding religious accommodation requests using the form, Religious Accommodation Recommendation and De- cision Form (1540).4 It suggests that in addition to being a competent chaplain in terms of one’s own faith tradition, it is also possible to become a “faith community resource person” regarding other faiths:

While the inmate’s own identified faith community person is preferred, a local faith community resource person or a chaplain can be considered as the inmate’s faith community resource person if the local person or the chaplain is presented as an alternative to the inmate and the inmate accepts their leadership. This is not imposed but may be offered and it is the inmate’s choice to accept them.5

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This guideline has been implemented because it is sometimes difficult to find faith community resource persons who are willing to serve in this capacity to inmates in prison. The above experiences are a case in point. More recently, chaplains from various minority-faith traditions have been hired to provide this type of religious accommodation. This situation can make more work for the site-based chaplain because of the various administrative and accommodation questions that arise. Faith-based chaplains are not given enough time and training to fulfill the administrative aspects involved in having religious accommodation established for individuals or groups within a prison environment. Site-based chaplains receive so many different religious accommodation requests that it is difficult for “faith community resource persons” to be found, trained, and accommodated regarding all these requests. In relation to minority-faith groups in prison, site- based chaplains are often left “holding the bag” when issues of supervision, security, questions, and issues arise. Besides this practical issue of site management, chaplains need to reflect on their role as a substitute faith community resource person. Is it possible or necessary to enter a therapeutic and empathetic relationship with an inmate of a different faith tradition? Pam Driedger, a chaplain working in the health care sector, has reflected more deeply on this issue. She begins the discussion by turning the tables on the persons involved. She asks: “If I were an inmate of the Christian faith, would I feel comfortable receiving spiritual care from a site chaplain who happened to be a Wiccan?”6 Based on the above discussion, it would appear possible for an inmate of a Christian tradition to feel comfortable working with a site-based chaplain who happened to be a Wiccan. The chaplain and inmate could speak about the ways in which Christians and Wiccans affirm the natural world as spiritual, while disagreeing about how divinity is involved in that sustaining process. The chaplain could accommodate the Christian by finding a practitioner who would provide worship services and communion in prison, or at least a peer group that could be called a Christian faith community. The chaplain may also be able to help the offender integrate their faith with the very practical issues of why they came to jail and what they are doing to deal with the situation.

Conclusion

To summarize, a chaplain provides space and time for inmates’ spiritual practices. The chaplain enters a dialogue and therapeutic relationship in terms of inmates’ social, psychological, and religious needs. The chaplain facilitates the process of religious accommodation, advocates for it on an administrative and practical level, and gains a better understanding of another person’s faith and practice.

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A different example illustrates this point. Some chaplains have served as liai- son officers for the Alcoholics Anonymous group in prison. They made a conscious decision to do so because of the similarity between the twelve-step process of Alco- holics Anonymous and a person’s work as a chaplain. Inmates come to a chaplain to work on Steps four and five of the twelve step A.A. program. After making an inventory of their wrongs, they disclose these actions to a chaplain as part of a confes- sional. Further connection between A.A. and Christianity was established when Sad- dleback Church in USA initiated a Celebrate Recovery program.7 This program combines the twelve steps of Alcoholics Anonymous with eight Christian principles of Recovery. The higher power named in the third step of A.A. is identified as God through Jesus Christ in Celebrate Recovery. Men who have been involved in this program have found it to be an excellent way of finding fellowship, expressing their faith through worship, teachings, testimonies, and working on their recovery through gender-specific sharing groups. A similar symbiotic relationship exists with Wicca. Its naturalistic spirituality can be linked with aboriginal spirituality, care of creation within the Christian tradition, and a type of process theology. At the same time, differences exist in the sense that the divinity identified in naturalistic spirituality is named as Jesus Christ within Christianity. A dialectic relation exists between the two, in the same way that Cele- brate Recovery incorporates aspects of the A.A. process while naming its own eight Christian principles. Some final words from Paul demonstrate the challenges of this approach. He suggests that “he became a Jew in order to win the Jews and he became as one outside of the law in order to win those outside of the law” (1 Corinthians 9:20-21). An Islamic chaplain once made the statement that he was a Muslim to Muslims, a Chris- tian to Christians, and a Jew to Jews. The chaplain responded by saying that he would find it most helpful if the imam would help him understand Islam and provide services to those Muslims who requested it. Difference and inclusivity, along with mutual respect and empathetic understanding, operate at a variety of levels.

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Chapter Twenty-One

Value of Sociology in Comparing Religious Groups

Introduction

One of the mistakes new site-based chaplains make is that they assume that they need to defend the truth claims of their own faith vis-à-vis other religions. As former ministers of a community or congregation within a specific faith tradition, the new chaplain assumes that they are tasked with showing how their specific beliefs are “true” when they lead worship or teach Bible courses in prison. They view the faith community to whom they are ministering in prison as similar to the congregation to whom they ministered in the community. Given the myriads of different beliefs and faith practices in a prison setting, a chaplain has many opportunities to explain to offenders why Protestantism, Catholicism, Wicca, Buddhism, or Islam in “true.” The goal of this chapter is to show chaplains how they can be empathetic, even moved by the deeply spiritual and religious expressions of other faiths, without feeling the need to defend the truth claims of their own faith. Sociology will be enlisted to help with this task. It provides a variety of analytical tools that suspend history and the question of truth in order to show the similarities of various religious beliefs and practices. This chapter will compare Anabaptism, the specific faith tradition of a chaplain, with Rastafarianism, a religious group that is historically and doctrinally quite different.1 While Anabaptism was a sixteenth-century radical Protestant movement that reacted against certain beliefs and practices of Lutherans and Calvinists, along with Catholics, Rastafarianism represents a twentieth-century religious movement that protested against the dominant British rule of Jamaica. Identification of sociological similarities will help chaplains in their work with inmates with radically different religious views than their own.

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A. Relativization and Retrieval of Sacred Scriptures Anabaptism and Rastafarianism are similar in their relativization and reclamation of parts of the Bible. Anabaptists took the sayings of Jesus that spoke about non-resistance and pacifism literally, undermining any Christian justification of violence or war (e.g. “Do not resist an evildoer. But if someone strikes you on the right cheek, turn the other also,” Matthew 5:39; “Love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you,” Matthew 5:44; “When he was abused, he did not return abuse, when he suffered, he did not threaten,” 1 Peter 2:23). Rastafarians did something similar with the Old Testament. They adhered to the Samsonite vow not to cut their hair (Numbers 6), claimed that they were the rightful black Jews of which Exodus and Paul had spoken (Exodus 12:35-36, Gala- tians 4:25), and suggested that marijuana was mentioned several times as a “herb of the field” to be consumed (Genesis 1:12; 3:18; 30:14-24). Each faith group relativ- ized parts of the “dominant” Christian and Jewish beliefs in order to reclaim those aspects of the gospel that applied directly to them. Various other faith groups have used this hermeneutical method of suspicion towards the “dominant” textual reading in order to retrieve minority biblical verses that “prove” the veracity of their own faith claims. One thinks of the Jehovah Wit- nesses, who have claimed that Jesus was killed on a stake instead of a cross in order to relativize the importance of the cross as a “Christian” symbol.2 Seventh-Day Ad- ventists have used the fourth of the Ten Commandments in Exodus 20 to suggest that Christians should worship Jesus on Saturday instead of Sunday. The Latter Day Saints have suggested that adding sacred revelations to scriptures is a practice that can be condoned on the historical precedence of Christians adding the new revelation of Jesus to the Torah to make up the Old and New Testaments. Awareness of these hermeneutical moves on the part of minority faiths within the larger Judaic-Christian tradition enables chaplains to be more empathetic to the way in which sacred scriptures are legitimized by a variety of individuals and groups. While a chaplain could argue that these individual beliefs are incorrect on the basis of a larger and longer Christian tradition, this misses the point about what chaplaincy is all about. A chaplain’s job is to help an inmate grow stronger in their own faith. Offenders’ interpretation and use of certain Scriptures helps to solidify their own identity and beliefs, regardless of the chaplain’s views of the matter.

B. Pacifism and Rapprochement as Strategies of Resistance

Anabaptist and Rastafarian (re) interpretations of Scripture on the basis of suspicion and retrieval are not adequately explained without an understanding of the social

174 setting in which these religious movements arose. Anabaptists were viewed as Schwaermer, enthusiasts and anarchists who were threatening the good order of the state. The fact that some Anabaptists joined the Peasants’ Revolt and others proclaimed that the Kingdom of God needed to be established by force fuelled these suspicions, causing many of these believers to face a martyr’s death. Pacifism was endorsed by the Anabaptists as much to show that they were a peaceful Christian community, respectful of authority, as to base this belief on biblical principles. A similar phenomenon occurred in the Rastafarian community, When their leader, Claude Henry, was imprisoned for six years, and his son Ronald along with four others were sentenced to death for their guerilla activities, the Rastafarian community retreated to communal living in the hills and a quiet peaceful existence in the cities. Peaceful rapprochement with the authorities became a way that this religious movement could survive.

C. Adult Baptism and Ganja Anabaptist and Rastafarian proclamations of the peacefulness of their religious movements were necessary because their beliefs and practices called into question some fundamental aspects of the Christian faith. Anabaptists proceeded to rebaptize believers who had been baptized as infants by the Catholic and Lutheran state churches. Infant baptism for the majority of Christian believers in Germany meant that they belonged at one and the same time to the religious and political kingdoms. Anabaptists questioned this close association. Even though they were citizens of an earthly kingdom, Anabaptists as Christian believers lived by a different set of beliefs and practices that did not condone the use of coercion. This difference was accentu- ated by their adoption of adult baptism, an illegal practice at the time. Rastafarians made a similar move by adopting the smoking of marijuana, an illegal drug, as a central aspect of their religious rituals. They were suggesting that the use of this herb was necessary to accentuate the naturalistic aspects of their religion. The fact that they grew marijuana as a cash crop in their rural communes lent substance to the idea that they represented an alternative, dissenting response to the dominant “civilized” Jamaican community that was ruled by the British. Like the Anabaptists with their practice of adult baptism, the Rastafarians were making a political statement with their use of marijuana in their religious rituals.

D. Head Coverings and Dreadlocks Conservative Anabaptists’ increasing use of distinctive clothing and head coverings to demonstrate their separateness from the dominant culture represents a fourth similarity with Rastafarians. Known variously as Amish, Old Order Mennonites, and Hutterites, these Anabaptist groups felt it was necessary to show their uniqueness by

175 the wearing of traditional clothing, black strait jackets and suspenders for men, and long dark-coloured dresses and head coverings for women. This traditionalistic response to the fashions of the day had as much to do with conservative Mennonites’ reaction against modern technology as with uniqueness. Manual labour was an integral aspect of their rural way of life. The manual saving features of combines and tractors in the fields, along with the availability of electric stoves and fridges for their kitchens, were counterproductive for the Mennonites who had to find work for their large families. Conservative Mennonite groups found ever new ways to react against modern culture and technology in order to keep the social, communal, and religious nature of their groups intact. Rastafarians responded to the dominant British culture of straight hair and clipped barber cuts by growing their hair long, keeping the curly aspects of their hair intact, and braiding their hair into lengthy strands. The “wild” aspects of these dreadlocks were in keeping with the Rastafarian naturalistic reaction against the modern- izing trend of Jamaican society. Like the conservative Anabaptists, they retreated to rural agrarian communes in which they lived a subsistence existence, working in bricolage industries.

E. Equality versus Hierarchy A fifth similarity between the two groups has to do with the egalitarian nature of their beginnings. The fact that many Anabaptist and Rastafarian leaders were killed during the start of their movements meant that the remaining believers formed tight- knit social and religious circles in which there was mutual sharing. Hutterites in Mo- ravia went so far as having their material possessions in common, a practice that they continue today. The two groups had to rely on each other because most of their charismatic leaders had been killed or were dispersed. The Swiss Anabaptists came to rely on a Schleitheim Confession of Faith to guide them. The Rastafarians relied on six principles that had been adopted by one of their early leaders, Leonard Howell. These informal “constitutions” provided the wherewithal for these persecuted believers to survive and thrive. The egalitarian genesis of their group formations continues to be a significant factor in their religious practices. An irony of this situation has to do with the fact that it is difficult for a small religious group to keep the communal and mutual aspects of their community intact without a strict code of ethics and conduct being established. The Bruderhof of New York found this out for themselves as they transitioned from their 1960s idealism of establishing a religious commune to becoming a sustainable community. They ended up adopting the strict gender roles of the Hutterites in regard to labour and association in order to survive.

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A similar hierarchical effect occurred among the Rastafarians. Male believers who identified with King Haile Selassie as their role model tended to see themselves as “kings” of their own household, asserting their male authority over their families. Numerous women Rastafarians have criticized this patriarchy on the basis of the egalitarian foundation and momentum of their movement (see endnote #1).

Conclusion

The five similarities detailed above demonstrate the value of sociological analysis in comparing different religious groups. Chaplains can be empathetic to other religious groups because they have much to teach chaplains about the relative value of their own faith traditions. The fact that so many similarities can be identified between these two disparate groups -- historically, culturally, and religiously -- provides a way forward for mutual exchange, accommodation, and dialogue. In the case of Anabaptists and Rastafarians, chaplains can see how they have used similar strategies to respond to and negotiate with the dominant culture, while keeping the unique aspects of their own faith intact. Solidarity and collaboration rather than dif- ferentiation and dissonance is the result of such a discovery.

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Establishment of Sacred Spaces

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Chapter Twenty-Two

How Post-Modern can a Prison Chapel Be?1

Introduction

David Harvey has argued that post-modernity first surfaced regarding the changing role of architecture. The massive building projects that began with industrialization have given way in Western society to information software. New housing and fac- tory units have waned in the face of renovation and gentrification. People have begun to ask what it means to live within the parameters of their available space, without assuming that more room is needed. The rise and fall of modernity have also been linked to changes in prison architecture. Jeremy Bentham’s “all-seeing-eye” design of a Panopticon prison has become a metaphor for the centralization, bureaucratization, and standardization of the modern state. Bentham, an eighteenth-century philosopher, reformer, and father of utilitarianism designed a circular prison in which a single inspector was situated at the central core while inmates occupied individual cells around the periphery. Light was used to the advantage of the gaoler so he could see all the prisoners while he himself was invisible in the dark focal point. Michel Foucault has employed this symbolism to good effect in his demonstration of the modern imbalance of power between the governed and those governing.2 A prison chapel has been chosen for consideration of post-modernity because the role of religion in prison needs to be analysed from a more objective vantage point. The accent upon the inmate as subject (Kantian epistemology) has been replaced by a new emphasis on the need to act upon the inmate as object. The bricks and mortar of religious architecture is a logical place to begin in reflecting on the future of belief – especially if Harvey and Foucault are right that the best signs of post-modernity are to be found in transformed architectural designs.

Limits of Uniform Functionality

David Harvey has argued that the demolition of various American high-rise housing developments in the early 1970s marks the symbolic end of modernity and beginning of the post-modern age.3 The housing projects were condemned as uninhabitable, even though their design reflected the work of one of the most famous twentieth-

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Figure 1: Bentham’s All-Seeing-Eye Prison

century architects, Le Corbusier. Le Corbusier conceived his houses in relation to the 1920s industrialization of society that was happening around him. He saw fac- tory, automobile, and machine as perfect symbols for his ideal home. Houses were to become the new ‘machines for modern living.’4 The subsequent over-crowding of people into rows upon rows of box-like apartments, stacked on top of each other for greater efficiency; bad management of large heating and ventilation systems by ill-prepared superintendents; and the inflex- ibility of these buildings to user-friendly modifications made the failure of these modern slums an almost foregone conclusion. People did not want to live in air- tight, machine-like efficiency apartments when they came home from work at the assembly line. These architectural failures raise questions about modern assumptions about humanity. Is there something inherently wrong with the repetitious singularity of design, the abstract division of space into equal units, the central control of heat and air movement, the rationalization of economies into one rental office, and the effi- cient flow of people traffic within a confined space that is typical of these high-rise buildings? While the answer to the above rhetorical question is yes, the roots of the modern impulse remain ambiguous. What made this mad dash toward efficiency and uniformity seem like such a good thing to do?

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Rational Reflection versus Corporal Punishment

One of the answers lies in prison reform that took place toward the end of the eighteenth century. Michel Foucault has provided an historical overview of the shift in thinking regarding punishment.5 The original purpose of punishment was to inflict pain on the body through torture and slow death. The reason for this corporal punishment was so that the hierarchical gulf between supreme monarch and subjected peasant could be reinforced. The pain directed to the body of the criminal within a public setting made the ruler’s personal and absolute power clear to everyone.6 The demise of monarchy through democratization and industrialization marked the decline of this public display of difference. There was no longer any need to torture the body because enlightenment took place through rational reflection on the part of the individual intellect. Mind and soul were brought to repentance through separation, silence, reform, and discipline. Authority became invisible at the top. An infrastructure of rules and regulations, established by elected committees and legislative bodies, replaced the personal power of the sovereign monarch. A public display of king and criminal was no longer necessary because the modern citizen felt the law’s effects through a myriad of invisible, constitutional safeguards. This historical shift in thinking reveals the rationale behind Bentham’s Pan- optical (all-seeing) prison.7 Inmates were placed in individual cells so that they would have time to reflect on the crime they had committed. They meditated in silence so that the enormity of their errors would “eat away at their souls.” They were separated from other offenders so bad influences would not rub off. Light was directed from the gaoler to the inmate so that the latter would know that every action could be noted and analysed. Finally, inmates were given work to do in their cells in order to take responsibility for themselves and make restitution to a society they had wronged. Bentham’s prison can be viewed as a reification of modern ideals. The nation state serves as the invisible, omnipresent task master. Individuality, separation, and silent reflection upon the collective will creates the necessary conditions for an appeal to moral conscience. The citizen acknowledges their selfish thinking and accepts the call of destiny. A regime of discipline and hard work is instituted to assuage guilt as well as to contribute to society.

Hierarchy as the Achilles Heel of Modernity

The above description lends itself to a Weberian affirmation of the Protestant work ethic as the charismatic engine of modern society.8 Modernity has progressed because individuals have discovered that they are the creators of society, able to take

181 responsibility for themselves and contribute socially, economically, and politically to the betterment of the world. Bentham’s prison reforms fall within this general interpretation of modernity. His prison can be viewed as a “theoretically workable” idea for people who have hurt others and wronged society. Foucault’s analysis of prisons raises questions about the adequacy of this interpretation. Although monarchy has been relegated to the dust bin of modernity, rules and regulations continue to play an omnipresent role in people’s lives through the aid of Freud’s super-ego (external authority such as prisons) and Durkheim’s collective unconscious (peer pressure, vilification of inmates). This invisible super- structure raises the possibility that the modern affirmation of equality and opportunity is not all that it has been made out to be. In fact, one could argue that there is an imbalance of power in modern society, even a pre-modern form of hierarchy that has transformed itself into modern guise. The asymmetrical relation between inspector and offender in Bentham’s prison helps to illustrate this modern dilemma. The direct visual contact between gaoler and inmate encourages the idea that penitence happens within the framework of an unmediated relation (God and human, state and citizen). Society’s norms are internalized through a socialization process that involves an invisible subconscious. This immediacy of vision disguises the great physical and psychological distance between gaoler and inmate. The analogy of a tree trunk and its branches is instructive.9 The jailer represents the tree trunk and the inmates its branches. The inmates are under the jailer’s authority and must pass by him in order to be nourished and freed. The offenders are the most powerless because they are at the furthest point away from the tree trunk, at the very tips of the leaves. Isolated from every other leaf, they need to go back through the stems, twigs, branches, and trunk to be sustained. A multi-tiered hierarchy is evident within the physical structure of the prison. A person passes through eight to ten doors in order to proceed from the accessible periphery (front entrance) to the inner, segregated heart of the institution where inmates reside. Normal familial and fraternal relationships among inmates and the rest of society are difficult to establish under these circumstances. The alienating, physical effects of hierarchy militates against the modern subjectivistic purpose for which prisons were built, namely for inmates to “hone their rational powers in the exercise of rational judgement.”10

Summary

To summarize, the public spectacle of physical torture and death in the pre-modern era has been replaced by invisible laws of internalization in the modern era. These

182 latter rules of authority assume an internally-direct relation between God and human beings, state and citizen, and inspector and inmate. These laws have created the necessary immanent conditions for rational reflection and willing compliance without need for punishment of the body. This progressive notion of enlightenment has been questioned in the light of a significant hierarchical structure within prison settings. An imbalance of authority between gaoler and offender is illustrated by the fact that the “home” in which inmates live is a separate, cut-off world that features a very limited amount of decision-making power on the part of the individual. The physical and psychological limits that these stratified realities place on modern ideals invite an inquiry into what is possible after modernity.

Illustration of a Chapel in a High Security Prison

The time has come to take a closer look at a chapel within the prison context. Located in a high security prison in Quebec, the chapel was “constructed” in 1985. The word “constructed” has been put in quotation marks because the original design of this institution made no provisions for a chapel at all. There was a central control area, four wings fanning out in a spoke shape from a central access point, some small lounges in the wings, a classroom, a visiting area, a health unit, a court room, and a large gymnasium. The fact that no provision was made for a chapel speaks volumes about the place of religion in modern society. Religion has been relegated to the privacy of one’s heart (cell, soul) while traces of a Protestant work ethic are to be found in the scientific rigor of a classroom setting and in the sports that are played in the gym. Upon hearing of this lack of worship space, the regional chaplain along with the regional administrator convinced prison officials to change their minds.11 The architect was called upon to find a corner within the circle design of the prison in which a priest could celebrate Mass. A twenty-foot high niche along a retaining wall in addition to an adjoining coffee room were redrawn and converted into a chapel. The ability to find room for religion within an existing space suggests a post- modern solution to a modern problem. Post-modern society is open to religious expression precisely because it has begun to tire of science as king, of objectivity as the goal, of sports as everything, and of a meta-less physical realm. The very existence of a high security prison for persons who have become incorrigible based on human standards cries out for the need to be touched by angels. An interesting feature of this chapel has to do with its inverted “L” shape. The priest occupies space at the bottom of the twenty-foot high vertical column of the “L” while inmates are situated adjacent to the priest in a small, seven-foot high horizontal space.

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Figure 2: Prison Chapel and Office with an inverted L shape

Several theological reflections follow from this inadvertently ad-hoc design. The priest occupies, so to speak, the heavenly part of the chapel, with its cathedral ceiling and divine rays reflecting God’s glory. The inmate occupies the earthly, horizontal space, representing a lowlier state of human nature in the face of such heavenly light. The priest stands as divine intercessor in this arrangement, situated at the junc- tion of these two realities, hearing the offender’s confession while offering absolu- tion and redemption as Christ’s representative on earth. This act of reconciliation is nevertheless ironic when one realises where it is taking place. The prison, as a metaphor for modernity, has replaced the all-seeing eye of God with the all-seeing eye of the inspector, the all-seeing eye of the camera, the all-seeing eye of the guard tower, and the all-seeing eye of scientific evaluations. There is, nevertheless, an anomaly in this instance. While security windows are an omnipresent part of every other prison, they are not a factor here because of the location of the chapel. One of the windows is located so high in the vertical part of the “L” shaped room that it makes it virtually impossible for the guard to see what is going on below. The same holds true for another window located at the end of the horizontal part of the chapel. This small window is so high and behind a door that the correctional officer must make a special effort to monitor activities going on in the adjacent chapel. A reversal of the original modern intention has occurred: privatized religiousity has reappeared and displaced the obscured all-seeing-eye of

184 survelliance. It is within this sense that the chapel can be designated as a post-modern space. Religious belief has found a place within the failure of modern ideals.

Open Bars of Comunication

The reader may have imagined that the chapel being described is an open space in which inmates and chaplains are free to mingle and interact. This is only tangentially true. Bars running from floor to ceiling are located at the juncture of the vertical and horizontal wings of the chapel (a cross and sign of fish appear in the barrier design). The priest is effectively separated from the inmates and their small table and chairs. These bars may appear to the reader to be unnecessarily restrictive. In an ideal world, this would be true. The reality of the situation is that each inmate that comes to the chapel is handcuffed and accompanied by a minimum of two security staff. There was talk of covering the existing bars with plexiglass, as is the case in the adjacent classroom. The teacher in that room hands all homework to her students through a small three-inch by nine-inch slot in the clear plexi-glass wall separating her from the adjoining classroom. She communicates to her students using a microphone at her desk, which amplifies her voice through speakers on the classroom side of the partition. Suddenly, the fact that the bars in the chapel are open for easier communication, for touch, and even for communion becomes a liberating feature.12 A comparison of these chapel bars with the cell bars in Bentham’s Panoptical prison helps to show how this chapel can be viewed as post-modern. The cells in Bentham’s prison were designed to be open at one end so that the prisoners’ movements would be transparent to the inspector’s gaze. It was believed that the relent- lessness of this omniscient eye would convict the inmates of their sins and cause them to repent. The relation of inmates to security staff in this Bentham prison remains distant. Even though the bars allow for as much light and air and noise to come into the cell as possible, no staff person is required to be nearby.13 Visual as opposed to physical contact is the only requirement from the standpoint of the inspector’s tower. Transparency to the all-seeing-eye of modernity is not as evident in the chapel described above. Its place within the prison is in such an ad-hoc, after-thought manner that the only real security measure that keeps the inmate from the priest are the bars themselves. This offers the unique situation of a person facing another person on a personal, immediate, and private level within an environment that is designed for the opposite. The post-modern sense of mystery becomes real within this singular, sacred space. A space has opened within the existing constraints of uniformity and control so that one can experience the real force of human, personal interaction. A new sense of bonding, identity, and belonging fostered by this atmosphere speaks volumes

185 about the possibilities of redemption. While bars continue to separate priest and inmate, in the same way that we as humans are still separated from heaven in a physical sense, the communication of mystery engendered by the structure of this chapel makes it different from modern discussions of moral reform and scientific evaluations.

Conclusion

Reflection on the location and shape of a prison chapel has demonstrated that the asymmetry of equality and hierarchy so evident within a prison context can be obvi- ated in some ways. The fact that inmate and priest are on the same footing within a chapel that bends low in the case of the offender, and extends upward above the priest, makes it possible to subvert the architectural reality of hierarchy with the real presence of human interaction and intercession and confession.

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Chapter Twenty-Three

Celebration of Spiritual Care Spaces at the Bowden Annex: 2011-20161

Introduction

The purpose of this chapter is to show how spiritual care services can be provided in prison. The Bowden annex will be used as an example. The chapter has been divided into three parts to outline the diversity of ministries available. The first part recognizes the work of the aboriginal elder in providing inmates with a better understanding of their culture and spirituality. This work involves weekly sweat ceremonies, aboriginal feasts, programs dealing with trauma, counselling, and escorted temporary absences into the community.

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The second section illustrates other programs and ministries being provided. These services range from weekly Bible studies by Mennonite volunteers, to Chris- topher Leadership courses, to Jewish and Islamic prayers. A photo of each display has been provided to give the reader a better understanding of what religious accommodation means. Classroom #1 in the R-3 building has been reserved for these types of activities.

Figure 1: Classroom #1 in R-3 Building in Bowden Annex

The third section illustrates various items used for Christian worship. The establishment of a chapel took five years, after which the conference minister of the chaplain’s denomination was asked to say a few words, provide a blessing, and to offer a prayer of dedication. The chapel is in the R-3 building.

Aboriginal Services by an Elder

Various items are used by the elder to provide aboriginal inmates with a greater sense of their identity, culture, and spirituality. Drums, rattles, sweet grass, honour songs, healing circles, pipe ceremonies, sweats, and feasts are all part of what it means to become grounded in one's spirituality. These services take place at the sacred grounds as well as in classroom #1 in the R-3 building.

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Religious Accommodation

Religious accommodation is provided in a variety of ways. This service ranges from specific faith groups affiliated with Christianity to other faiths such as Islam and Judaism. Information about various courses and groups based on a spiritual foundation has also been included.

Bible studies through correspondence and group involvement have been a means of helping inmates become more grounded in faith. Studies by correspondence are offered through groups such as Gospel Echoes, Crossroads, and Redemp- tion Prison Ministry. Volunteers from a local Mennonite church and from Three Hills offer Bible studies on a weekly basis.

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Catholic Mass and spiritual care services are provided on an occasional basis by a priest and Roman Catholic chaplain.

Friday evening prayers for Jewish inmates are available in Classroom #1. A variety of religious items are available for Jewish inmates to practice their faith.

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A display of the Islamic faith reflects the fact that Friday afternoon prayers are available to be said in the chapel or Classroom #1. A variety of religious items are available for Islamic inmates to practice their faith. There is an Imam who is available to provide religious services.

Denominational volunteers from the Jehovah Witnesses as well as from the Latter- Day Saints offer Bible studies on a regular basis, depending on the number of adherents.

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A display of the Christopher Leadership course reflects the fact that this program has been offered at Bowden Institution for the last twenty-five years. Started originally as a course to provide formation to lay leaders in the Catholic Church, the program has become non-denominational and non-religious to teach leadership and public speaking skills to a wider variety of people. It remains spiritually based in the sense that it emphasizes the unique gifts of each person and the ability of each person to contribute to the rest of the community.

A display of the Alternatives to Violence course reflects the fact that this course has been offered at Bowden Institution for over twenty years. Started originally by the Quakers in the United States to help prisoners find non-violent ways of solving problems, it has expanded throughout the world as a means of re- solving conflict. Facilitators from inside and outside the prison organize weekend workshops for inmates to learn how to deal with problems in a pro-social manner.

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Other courses offered at the Bowden annex include relationship courses based on Harville Hendrix's book, Get- ting the Love You Want, codependency courses based on Melodie Beattie’s book, Co- Dependency No More, as well as a Grief Recovery course based on John James and Russell Friedman’ book, The Grief Recovery Hand- book. There are also introductory courses to Christian- ity such as Alpha and Experi- encing God. A variety of programs based on the 12-step program of Alcoholics Anonymous, such as Celebrate Recovery and Life Recovery, are offered. These courses serve as complements to core programming that inmates receive from program officers.

Establishment of a Chapel in a Prison Setting

One of the last new chapels built in a Canadian federal prison was installed in the 1990s in the Reception Centre in Saint-Anne-Des-Plaines, P. Quebec.2 It is a dedicated Roman Catholic space and used for Catholic Services. Much more common has been the closing or reallocation of chapel spaces within a prison setting. When space was needed, the Protestant or Catholic chapel was converted into a library or gymnasium. The chapel space that remained was shared ecumenically and on a multi-faith basis. The increase in minority faiths as well as the establishment of aboriginal sacred spaces denote changes that have occurred from the time when Protestant and Catholic chapels were the norm in prisons. Aboriginal Elders have been hired to work with aboriginal inmates in relation to native spirituality. Chapel spaces are used for a variety of activities by various Christian denominations as well as by other religions. Religious accommodation has become the new watchword for prison chaplains. It is within this context that a chapel was established at the Bowden annex. A Christian chapel within one of the smaller spaces of the activities building (R-3) was

193 set up while one of the larger classrooms in the facility was used for various programs, courses, and religious accommodation. This arrangement has worked well. Various Christian elements of worship have been placed within the sacred space. The chapel is also used for Bible studies, music practices, prayer times, for specific denominational purposes such as Catholic Mass, as well as for Islamic and Wiccan activities and prayers.

Logos were installed on the chaplain’s office door as well as in the chapel to illustrate chaplaincy services. The logo on the chaplain’s office door is an inclusive symbol that includes various faiths such as Christianity, aboriginal spirituality, Is- lam, Judaism, as well as Zoroastrianism. While not representative of all faiths, the semi-circle that frames the logo demonstrates chaplaincy’s inclusiveness.

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An image of a dove being released from two hands was considered inclusive enough to be placed at the chapel’s entrance. Freedom is a precious commodity for anyone who is “doing time.” This chapel logo has been used more widely to represent prison chaplaincy.

Incorporation of Christian Elements into the Chapel

Various elements of Christian faith were incorporated into the chapel so inmates who came to worship would have a better understanding of what faith entailed. As many images and symbols and signs were included as possible. Visual aids provide direction and focus for reflection.

Resurrected Christ A cross with a resurrected Christ was installed. This was done for two reasons. First, it reinforced the importance of freedom that the dove on the chapel door represented. Secondly, it emphasized the importance of victory that Christ represented in his resurrection from the dead. In the same way that freedom is a precious commodity for inmates, victory over addictions and temptation and despair and hopelessness comes in as a close second.

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Lenten Services A variety of other symbols emphasized the birth, life, and death of Jesus. An Ash Wednesday service was organized so that inmates could journey along with Jesus as he “set his face to go to Jerusalem” (Luke 9:51). The ashen sign of the cross on their foreheads served as a reminder of what the journey of Lent entails. The journey of Lent is symbol- ised by a processional that precedes the Ash Wednesday service, the Passion Sunday service, and the Good Friday service. The men stand at the end of the hallway for the beginning of the service. Scripture is read, prayers are said, and a song is sung as the congregation proceeds along the hallway to the chapel, bearing a cross that is placed in its stand on the floor in the chapel. The inauguration of this procedure requires some explanation. The fact that the resurrected Christ is replaced during Lent by a cross on a stand on the floor signifies the extent to which Jesus can identify with humanity. As Hebrews 4:15 says, “We do not have a high priest who is unable to sympa- thize with our weakness, but one who in every respect has been tempted as we are, yet without sin.” The forty days of Lent are used to reflect on the way Jesus lived, suffered, and died as a man. The cross on the floor represents the earthly part of his life and ministry. The processional serves as a reminder of the ways that believers imitate Christ as he journeyed toward the cross. It took an act of the will to enter Jerusalem, to carry his cross to Golgotha, and to allow himself to die on a cross. The Good Friday service includes a time when inmates come forward and kneel before the cross. This annual event has become an important time when inmates reflect on the salvation that has been achieved on the cross and pray for themselves as well as for others.

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Maundy Thursday Two other events have become important during this time. The Gospel of John includes foot wash- ing as part of the Last Supper experience, making it a command (mandatum) as a way of honouring Jesus’ last meal with his disciples (John 13:14). This has become a meaningful and sacred time of humility and service. A ceramic washbasin and pitcher made by one of the men is used.

Holy Saturday Holy Saturday has become a meaningful time of “in between.” 1 Peter 3:19 mentions the fact that Jesus “ministered to the spirits in prison” after his death. The Apostles’ Creed states that Jesus descended to the dead after his crucifixion. Both passages have been used by theologian Hans Urs van Balthasar to affirm the fact that Jesus is there for people in times of great need.3 Prison can represent death and despair and hopelessness. Memorial services for inmates who have died in prison occur on a regular basis. The passage about Jesus ministering to the spirits in prison has become meaningful in this regard. The Holy Saturday service complements other memorial services held on Prisoner Justice Day (August 10), All Saints Day (November 1st), and on New Year’s Eve.

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Easter and the Celebration of the Eucharist Fifty days after Easter are a time to reflect on the significance of Jesus’ resurrection. His walk to Emmaus, his feeding of the five thousand, and his announcement that he is the bread of life are all ways of commemorating the reality of his Presence in the bread and cup of which believers partake. Raphael’s painting, “Disputation on the Holy Sacrament,” has been installed in the chapel to serve as a reminder of what happens when communion is celebrated. The fact that Jesus is shown as a resurrected Christ in the painting reinforces the resurrected Christ on a cross that is in the chapel. The painting’s depiction of a host with a dove on it reinforces the importance of the Holy Spirit, the centrality of peace, the priority of freedom, and the integral way in which the body of Christ is related to God the Father and Holy Spirit.

Pentecost, Trinity Sunday, and Ordinary Time A banner with tongues of fire on it has been chosen to represent Pentecost. The tongues of fire underline the fact that a common language is needed for the congregation to communicate with each other. The diversity of inmates as represented by their different nationalities, faiths, offences, behaviours, and ages means that the Holy Spirit is needed for everyone to get along. The very foundation of the church was established in diversity of men and women, Jews and Gentiles, and slaves and free citizens. Trinity Sunday, celebrated a week after Pentecost, is especially important because it integrates the power of Spirit with the life of Christ and the eternal presence of God.

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An icon of the Holy Trinity by Saint An- drei Rublev and an icon of Madonna and child (Theotokos of Vladimir) attributed to Saint Luke the Evangelist have been placed in the chapel. Trinity Sunday follows closely on the heels of Pentecost while Madonna represents the church within which Christ lives.

Advent Preparation Christians established feasts and festivals in relation to the two liminal aspects of Jesus’ life, birth, and death. After they had begun to set aside several days and weeks to prepare for Good Friday and Easter morning, believers also decided that a similar time of preparation was necessary for the birth of Christ. The church decided on four weeks as the appropriate time to have a series of readings in preparation for the birth of Christ. Four advent candles are traditionally used for this time of preparation, not including the white Christ candle that highlights his birth. An advent calendar was constructed so that inmates could ponder the significance of the incarnation daily.

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Epiphany and the Baptism of Christ The church year fills in around these two central Epiph- anies of the Christian faith. The visit of the wise men celebrated on January 6th represents the beginning of Epiphany, which lasts for four to six weeks. Christ’s baptism along with his turning water into wine at Cana is celebrated during this time. A baptismal font was installed at the entrance of the chapel to indicate to believers that they renew their vows every time that they cross the threshold of the chapel and come to worship. Read- ings from Ezekiel 47, in which water flows from the altar, and from John 4, where Jesus claims to be the water that gives eternal life, are useful to ponder during this time. The plant growing beside it testifies to the power of the Spirit of life. The believer “is like a tree planted by streams of water, that yields its fruit in its season, and its leaf does not wither” (Psalm 1:3).

Ordinary Time The establishment of the church as chronicled in the Book of Acts is a useful jumping-off point for the start of Ordinary Time. Confession of the Presence of God as manifested in the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit is incarnated into the concrete reality of the disciples spreading the Word of God to Jews and Gentiles alike. The incorporation of Paul’s epistles into the Bible is a wonderful way for inmates to understand the numerous challenges that Paul faced in establishing congregations in Ephesus, Galatia, Philippi, and Corinth. Paul’s way of combining theology and faith, ethical admonishment and spiritual encouragement, leadership initiatives and humble acts of goodwill serves a chaplain well in understanding what it takes to establish a faithful community of believers in jail.

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Saint Francis A sculpture of a famous saint has been added as a signature piece for the chapel. The type of service that Saint Francis exemplified is indicative of what is needed by believers. His work in the renovation of churches, in reintroducing the importance of the Eucharist, in establishing a nativity scene as part of Christmas worship, and in surrendering worldly wealth in exchange for ministry serves as an example of what is needed for offenders to change their ways. Grief, loss, surrender, and change are an integral part of what it means to become a believer in prison.

Prayer of Saint Francis

Lord, make me an instrument of your peace.

Where there is hatred, let me sow love, Where there is injury, pardon, Where there is doubt, faith, Where there is despair, hope, Where there is darkness, light, Where there is sadness, joy.

O Divine Master, Grant that I may not so much seek To be consoled, as to console, To be understood, as to understand, To be loved, as to love.

For it is in giving that we receive, It is in pardoning that we are pardoned, It is in dying that we are born to eternal life.

Thanksgiving and Christ the King Sunday Canadian Thanksgiving in October and Christ the King Sunday at the end of No- vember wraps up the church year. A display of the fall harvest including a variety of colourful candles are used to celebrate the richness of God’s creation. God created the world and brought it to fruition through the domestication of animals and plants, along with the husbandry involved to cultivate the earth. The growth in faith that inmates experience while incarcerated can be celebrated as a fulfillment of God’s purposes. Believers have learned to live pro-social and pro-spiritual lives as they journey on in their lives.

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The establishment of Christ the King Sunday at the end of the church year is a way of affirming Jesus’ Lordship over all the earth. In the same way that believers have had to learn to master themselves, their relationships with others, and give their wills over to God to let God work through them, believers celebrate the fact that Christ is es- chatologically the ruler over the kingdom of God. In the same way that believers welcome God into their presence through their Palm Sunday greet- ing, “Blessed is He who comes in the name of the Lord,” (Matthew 21:1-9) so too does God respond to them by announcing that God is master of the universe through God’s raising of God’s Son from the dead.

Conclusion

The purpose of this chapter has been to help readers understand the nature of spiritual care services in prison. The article has focussed on the specifics of Christian worship in order to show the importance of difference regarding religious expressions and practices. Similar religious accommodation could be developed for Islamic, Wiccan, Jewish, and other faiths, practices that would make it necessary for modifications to be made in the chapel spaces at Bowden. Other institutions and facilities have their own approaches to accommodation, given the unique needs of offenders in those facilities.

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Book Reviews

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Chapter Twenty-Four

Inherent Goodness of Human Beings

Reviews of Stephen Duguid, Can Prisons Work? (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000), T. Richard Snyder, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Punishment (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2001).

Two books underline the importance of assuming the innate goodness of human beings as a starting point in prison ministry. The similarity of focus in the two books is surprising. The first one has been written by a Canadian university professor of the humanities who only mentions religion once. The second book has been written by a professor from New York Seminary who devotes his entire book to the theological meaning of grace. This continuity is heartening in that it can help those in prison ministry find a way out of the morass of negative attitudes towards prisoners that currently appears to be the norm. Stephen Duguid speaks out of twenty years of experience in teaching university courses to inmates in British Columbia. He bases his findings on a study of six hundred and seventy-two offenders. His research shows that those who have taken university courses over a length of time are less likely to reoffend than those who are involved in correctional programming and/or did not take programming at all. Duguid draws two conclusions from these findings: (1) professional and non- professional outsiders have an important role to play in the lives of inmates; (2) inmates should be given as many opportunities as possible to improve their lives. Duguid’s approach makes different assumptions about inmates than that of programming offered in the institution. While the latter assumes an inherent defect in the inmates that needs fixing, Duguid argues that inmates should be taken at face value as subjects who, given viable alternatives to a criminal lifestyle, can make informed choices to improve themselves. This is how Duguid characterizes the two approaches:

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The practice of prison rehabilitation . . . grows from the unique belief that the malady is in the person and the cure is achieved by professional intrusion into that person. In that understanding, the allopathic faith stands isolated in therapeutic history as it ignores the world around the person and the person as healers. Deliberately moving away from the psychologically-based ‘disease’ model, . . . the university program puts its emphasis on understanding the criminal as a ‘rational decision-maker,’ on individual responsibility but responsibility seen in a specific social, cultural and psychological context.1

Richard Snyder’s book continues along this same vein when he argues that the divinely created goodness of each human being is a better place to start in prison ministry than the redeemed grace of salvation that is so often the case. The latter approach is deceptively counter-productive because it starts with the assumption that human beings are inherently bad or evil. Christians as well as the rest of society can write off people who have been incarcerated because they are regarded as less than fully human. This approach assumes that the only ones worth saving are those who have been transformed by redemptive grace while the others can “rot in hell.” This is how Snyder states his case:

If we believe that all persons are essentially corrupt save for the extraordinary intervention of God’s grace in their lives, it is a simple step to think that those who are poor, sick, or in trouble with the law . . . are somehow evil . . . The step from the recognition of difference to the assumption of superiority and inferiority, which is the basis of racism, is a simple one. When we divorce grace from creation, it is possible not only to treat the environment as a thing to be used, but also to treat persons as things with only functional value . . . It then becomes possible to treat persons as ‘other’ and to objectify them into non-personhood. Nowhere is this to be seen more clearly than within our penal system and the general public’s response to criminals. 2

Snyder’s rejoinder to this protestant principle of wretchedness is to assume that each person has been created in the image of God and therefore has much to give to other people and society. “Love the offender and hate the sin” is an adage that applies in this case. The offenders are not themselves bad, as Duguid has pointed out in his book on the subject. It is rather the action that needs to be condemned, with redemption being linked to an appeal to the original goodness within a person. Snyder goes on to show how this created goodness offers a new restorative way of dealing with offenders.

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The relevance of these two books for ministers, volunteers, correctional staff, and chaplains is self-evident. It gives legitimacy to the large number of outside volunteers who take the time as part of their mission to become involved with the lives of offenders and ex-offenders. There is something about bringing normality to an abnormal setting which makes wholeness possible. Duguid is speaking about these types of contacts between inmates and the rest of society when he points out the benefits of educational opportunities for inmates. Christians can identify on a parallel level when they think of how the church can become a place of belonging and hope for inmates. A link between the body of Christ and the body of the prison can be made that obviates the visible fences that separate the two. Snyder’s emphasis on the inherent goodness of creation is also apropos. It intercepts the downward spiral of guilt and shame and condemnation and judgment that has become part of the sawdust trail of protestant revivalism. This message is replaced with an affirmation of incarcerated people as fellow human beings, fellow Christians, fellow workers, and fellow couples who are striving like the rest of us to make a life for ourselves in spite of sinful tendencies and actions. The redeemed evidence of transformed, grace-filled lives is set into a godly perspective of goodness which gives up on finding a magical cure for the disease called crime. Prisons are not medical problems; they are human problems. Some final comments clarify what is going on as programmers and chaplains and citizens work with men and women who have been convicted of crimes and are serving their time in a variety of prison facilities. An irony of the Enlightenment has to do with the fact that while French revolutionaries were putting Reason on a ped- estal, Protestant Reformers were rediscovering the impact of original sin in the lives of believers. These assumptions have worked themselves out in a variety of ways in relation to prison rehabilitation. Programmers operate with an optimistic assumption that inmates can change if given the right set of tools. This belief in instrumental rationality fails to speak to the intrinsic heart of the matter. A tool can as easily be put down as picked up. Instrumental rationality must be linked to essential reason for an inmate to “get it.” In other words, an internalization of values is necessary along with an application of external authority (prisons writ large). An overly optimistic view of life on the part of society is what has caused the swing to pessimism about rehabilitation. Positive beliefs in rationality and change were transformed into a cynical view of human life when the first approach did not have its desired effects. “Lock them up and throw away the key” has replaced an idealistic belief in the idea that inmates will change if given a chance. Secular society has substituted the disease model for the original sin of the Reformation as a way of naming “the evil that we do in spite of the goodness we

206 are.” The tremendous strides that have been made in medical research regarding cures for cancers have given human scientists hope that a similar cure is possible regarding offenders. The disease model has been adopted by human scientists precisely because it has proved so promising in medical science. The question that must be asked is whether this transference of models from the medical to human sciences has been effective. There are limits to an instrumental approach. The scalpel of behaviour modification is only as effective as it heals the rest of the body that is not diseased. Inmates, in other words, will continue to default to old behaviours when released if their rationality and faith have not been suffi- ciently buried in the heart of the soul of their lives. Snyder’s comments are apropos because he balances the important discovery of original sin by the Reformation with the prior fifteen hundred years of Catholic history. Catholics have always assumed that the original grace within human nature stands as the kindle that can be used to fuel the flame of redeeming grace. All the matches in the world will not ignite anything if there is no firewood to use in the first place. The split between the optimism of the Enlightenment and the pessimism of the Protestant Reformation can be repaired by taking the Catholic affirmation of natural law and original goodness more seriously.3 This moderate approach will tem- per high idealism in regard to prison reform as well as intercept the current descent into cynicism that is so evident in society’s disregard for inmates as belonging in any way to the organic whole.

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Chapter Twenty-Five

Review of Correctional Chaplains: Keepers of the Cloak, by W. Thomas Beckner (Orlando, Florida: Cappella Press, 2012).

Foreword

Dr. Beckner has been involved in the supervision and training of prison chaplains in the United States for over thirty years.1 He has developed university courses for ministers and chaplains that speak directly to the challenges of prison ministry. He has nurtured their pastoral and spiritual identities. He has developed a set of chaplaincy competences that have to do with (1) personal identity, (2) pastoral gifts, (3) administrative oversight, and (4) community involvement. He has created this plan so that it can be empirically measured in qualitative and quantitative terms. These guidelines go a long way in establishing prison chaplaincy on a more professional basis.

Introduction: Gift of Fear and the Power of Intuition

Dr. Beckner begins his book by relating a story from the Bible about a demon-pos- sessed man in a graveyard (Mark 5:1-20).2 The people of Decapolis are eminently afraid of the man because he has caused so much destruction around him. The people have chained him up several times and tried to keep him as far away from society as possible.

A. Fear of Inmates

Beckner uses this story to speak about the current climate of fear that pervades North American society regarding criminals.3 The gut reaction of many people is to have the government lock inmates up and throw away the key in the hope that this will solve the problem. Beckner suggests that fear of inmates will only subside when the “inner psychological, social and spiritual forces”4 at work in these incarcerated individuals are addressed. Irrational fear must be identified, named, and addressed in

208 order to move it from a subconscious, emotional level to a conscious, mature approach which differentiates real dangers and real possibilities of transformation.5 The identification of irrationality and belief in change represent the challenge of prison chaplaincy!! The many fears of society need to be validated in order to move the discussion from a preoccupation with irrationality to a rational plan that addresses the myriad of issues involved in working with offenders. The man or woman sitting in a prison chaplain’s office has already inherited many good and bad influences in their lives, learned a multitude of survival skills to cope with these factors, and has been involved in criminal activities to solve some of these problems. If these men and women have been involved in criminal activities for the last ten years, it will take at least that long to unlearn everything they have learned up to now. A chaplain does not want to meet offenders three months after they have been released. They want to meet them ten years after they have been released to see “how they are getting along.” Several men come back to prison twenty years after they committed their first offence.6 These men have been in the community for most of that time before they relapsed into criminal behaviour. Chaplains must look at the extent to which nature instead of nurture plays a role in men and women’s coping abilities.7 Beckner suggests that healing and transformation of inmates are possible. The fact that the demonic that Jesus healed was sitting in the graveyard dressed and in his right mind means that vilification of criminals is only so effective. Society needs to take a closer look at the men and women it has demonized. Inmates are not going away, so to speak. They are part of society, whether in prison, recently released, or living in communities as respected citizens. Over ninety percent of incarcerated men over the last thirty years have been released into society. Is it not better to face these facts than pretend that inmates no longer exist after they have been convicted and sent to jail?

B. Fear of Reduction of Crime Industry

Beckner speaks prophetically about a second fear in society.8 He suggests that the people of Decapolis were also afraid of Jesus because he represented a threat to their economical wellbeing. The fact that he sent the unclean spirits from the man into a herd of pigs meant that their livelihood of animal husbandry was threatened by Je- sus᾿ act of healing. Beckner suggests that the burgeoning crime industry could be jeopardized if people realise that not all the men and women they have vilified live up to their billing. The fact that crime has decreased in the last twenty years flies in the face of the opposite response of the government, namely, to build more prisons and put more

222 people in jail for longer lengths of time. There is something fundamentally wrong with this picture. The biblical story of healing has economic implications if it becomes entrenched into the mindset of North Americans. A final part of this story has to do with the fact that after being healed, the demonic tells people the good news about what God has done and how Jesus has shown mercy to him. There are many stories of healing and transformation that would cause a similar reaction of amazement on the part of people today.9

Chapter One: Historical Roots of Correctional Chaplaincy

A. Implementation of a Medical Model for Rehabilitation

In his historical overview of the prison system, Beckner notes that the medical model of rehabilitation replaced the theological one of penance sometime in the nineteenth century.10 Taken over from the natural sciences, the social sciences believed that discipline and programming represented the substitute scalpels that could be brought to bear on an inmate’s dysfunctional thinking and acting out patterns.11 Replacement of distorted thinking with programming, along with displace- ment of a poor work ethic with discipline, are needed salves to heal the deep wounds of neglect and abuse inmates have often experienced in their childhood. The male inmate can replace the anti-authoritarianism of his upbringing with pro-social values, his misogynistic views of women with healthy respect and mutuality, and his gang affiliation with communitarian groups that were committed to living within the statues of the law.12 Their work experience in the metal shop, hair-cutting salon, and construction site, together with the apprenticeship papers and school upgrading that goes along with their employment, are a vast improvement over the lives they have lived before they came to jail. A problem with a medical model is that it acts upon the body of an inmate’s mind in the same way that a doctor excises a tumor on the liver. While there is justification in “acting upon” an inmate in the form of punishment, discipline, and programming, there is an outer limit to the effectiveness of such a strategy. In the same way that the removal of a tumor on the liver ensures the continuation of life without guaranteeing its quality, re-programming and re-disciplining an offender are only as effective as results are demonstrated over a longer period. While the abnormal atmosphere of a prison makes programming and discipline eminently possible within the confines of a tight authority structure, the freedom that an inmate experiences after prison makes it likely that some old habits -- learned and entrenched long before the person came to jail -- will rear their ugly heads. It behooves us all to treat each person as a subject, regardless of the extent to which that person has been treated as an object. To take another example from the

223 medical field, while the surgery may have been a success, the patient can still die. In other words, a broader perspective is needed that takes the subjective and objective natures of an inmate into account.13

B. Punishment as a Solution

The ideals and practices of rehabilitation continue to be an integral part of Correc- tional Service Canada in relation to their programming priorities, their commitment to higher education and teaching inmates work skills, and in their assistance of offenders in being granted Escorted Temporary Absences and earning parole. Society, however, has been less sanguine about these possibilities. Society is more committed to healing itself, to healing victims that have suffered as a result of crime, and to making sure that society is a healthy organism. It is for this reason that Beckner devotes the final section of his first chapter to the current societal emphasis on punishment.14 Society has decided that the previous emphasis on rehabilitation was ba- sically a waste of time. The primary goal of corrections is to give the offender their “just desserts” through imprisonment. One reason for a more punitive model is because of the disappointment that society experienced in relation to its high ideals of the 1960s. While society believed fifty years ago that prisoners would change, it now believes that nature plays a larger role in rehabilitation -- or the lack thereof -- than nurture. According to this view, inmates will fall back to their default manner of coping in life once they are released, even if they have received extensive programming and education in prison. The abnormal, therapeutic atmosphere of a prison will have limited effect on an inmate because of the twenty years of life that they lived before they came to jail. Because of this more pessimistic view of human nature, society has decided that putting criminals in jail is about the most that can be hoped for in terms of its ideals. On the one hand, the prisoner pays for their sins by being incarcerated. On the other hand, society is relatively safe while they are in jail. Other “higher” ideals are of surplus value. The first chapter of this book has suggested that goals of rehabilitation, reduction of crime, and the amount of money it takes to incarcerate an individual convicted of a crime is incidental to the concerns of society. The priority of society has to do with respect, loyalty, and commitment to the common good. People who violate these values do not deserve a second chance. The mere knowledge that offenders are being incarcerated at a greater rate gives society a psychological sense of wellbeing about its own perceived safety and progressive movement forward. Another way of saying the same thing is to suggest that society has become so fearful of so many things that inmates and crime represent an externalization of these unconscious fears. Fear of inmates, fear of immigrants, fear of terrorists, fear of Islam, and fear of danger may have its roots in society’s fear that it is losing some

224 of its fundamental values. This could have to do with the value of safety, the value of family, the value of religion, the value of economic security and freedom, and the value of political will. These unconscious reasons have expressed themselves consciously through a variety of negative stereotypes, including the vilification and fear of inmates.

A Somewhat Humorous Aside

Inmates who come to prison are told that they can apply for parole at one-third of their sentence if they take core programming, if they get involved in a variety of self- help groups including chapel programs, if they take upgrading in school, if they find a job, and if they behave themselves in prison. By the time these inmates have finished these tasks, they feel as though they have come a long way in their rehabilitation. They anticipate being granted Escorted Temporary Absences, being involved in Community Service projects, being granted Work Release, and being recommended for parole. When these same inmates are turned down for parole, when they cannot get on the Community Service crew, when they are told to take another maintenance program, and when they are told that they are not yet ready “for the street,” they come to the chaplain and complain. After being promised so much, why are they being held back from getting on with their lives? The chaplain has a simple answer for these inmates. The chaplain tells them that the reason that the “carrot and stick” approach has not been totally effective is because they are still being punished for their crimes. Perhaps the parole board felt that they had not done enough time for the crime they have committed. Perhaps the parole officer was doubtful whether the programming tools that the inmate had learned had been adequately internalized. Perhaps the community assessment that was done on the family of the inmate was more negative than expected. Perhaps the police in the city into which the inmate was being released still had a lot of concerns about the inmate’s past criminal behaviour. Some or all these reasons are enough to keep an inmate in prison for a longer period. Inmates generally are grateful that the chaplain pointed out the fact that they are still being punished. Offenders are so committed to their recovery, to their newfound discovery of faith and pro-social values, and to the insights that they gained at work or in their programming that they forget the fundamental reason that they are in jail in the first place. They are there, first and foremost, to be punished. Reha- bilitation is a surplus value that while intrinsic to the meaning of punishment itself does not replace incarceration as a reality. In fact, knowledge that they are in jail because they are being punished relieves the inmate of anxiety that they have when a carrot and stick approach becomes too predominant. The inmate is literally paying

225 for their sins by being punished. Meaning that is added to this punishment is a deeply personal and internal one that has to do with the possibility of restoration in all its full-orbed richness, something that has to do with standing before God instead of the parole board.

Chapter Two: Professionalization of Chaplaincy

Thomas Beckner outlines various paths that prison chaplaincy has taken regarding professionalization. Clinical Pastoral Education (CPE) became a part of chaplaincy programs because it emphasized the therapeutic nature of one's work. Chaplains were trained in the social sciences to gain a better understanding of human nature regarding grief, loss, health, sociopathology, and criminology. Pastors gained experience as counsellors by embarking on clinical assignments. One problem with this approach is that most of this training takes place in the context of a hospital. Few CPE facilitators have been trained to deal with environments such as a prison, where the clinical aspect of one's work is only a small part of what one does.15 Beckner suggests that a broader type of training is needed for a prison chaplain Another priority over the last twenty years has been that of religious accommodation. The fact that there are so many different religions represented in prison, and that each of these traditions has its own set of requirements regarding food, ritual, practice, and belief means that a large part of a chaplain's job has entailed accommodating these different religious traditions. A specific skill set is needed for a chaplain to be competent in this area. Beckner notes that academic qualifications, experiential standards, and the credentialing process have varied so much across the board that chaplaincy associations have shifted to using words such as "qualified professional" and are referring to a chaplain's qualifications as "a set of competencies." These labels allow the academic qualifications and credentialing requirements to be more fluid in relation to the ability of a chaplain to do their job. Beckner suggests that the hiring of chaplains should be directly related to their ability to meet the various challenges of a prison ministry environment. Beckner goes on to state what these competencies are: “Highly polished counselling skills, strong management and facilitation abilities, a working knowledge of various faith group requirements . . . and a strong commitment to serving all residents of the institution regardless of their faith identity or lack thereof.”16 These tasks are similar to what has been outlined in this book. A final issue that Beckner touches upon has to do with whether a chaplain should be a government employee or hired by a faith community. Some administrators have argued that only a government employee guarantees the assurance of reli-

226 gious freedom. Regional chaplains, as employees of CSC, serve as arms-length managers while institutional chaplains continue to serve as spiritual care providers under a contracting model. Beckner suggests that it is possible for a chaplain to be employed by a faith agency and still be a professional regarding all inmates. Prison chaplains have always been aware that they are serving two masters, God and the state. It behooves a chaplain to live with this duality rather than making it into an irreconcilable dualism. A chaplain can be faithful to their faith tradition as well as to the state regardless of whether that person is employed by the state or a faith body. Beckner is correct in his overview of how chaplaincy has changed, the variety of competencies needed, and the shift in standards and employment models. Aca- demic standards have become increasingly lower, credentialing processes have become more varied, and quality oversight has been spotty, at best. The overall reason for this slide from professional chaplain to something that can be referred to as a prison ministries model is because of a lack of commitment on the part of government and churches to the professionalization of chaplaincy. It has become harder and harder to find chaplains with the necessary skills outlined above. Combined with this dearth of interest and low status of prison chaplaincy has come lower salaries and a contracting model that puts chaplains at an even greater arms-length relationship to the authority structure of the institution in which they serve. This is the reason, perhaps, that Beckner devotes the rest of his book to right- ing the ship.

Chapter Three: Review of the Literature

Thomas Beckner reviews five books in his search for a suitable ministerial model for chaplaincy. Dale Pace's 1976 work, A Christian's Guide to Effective Jail and Prison Ministries,17 is ground-breaking in the sense that he (1) predicted the shift from pastor as shepherd to chaplain as religious coordinator, (2) outlined the differing dynamics between mainline churches' emphasis on professionalism and evangelical churches' commitment to evangelism and outreach, (3) named the credentials and competencies that chaplains needed to do a good job, and (4) gave his reasons for preferring a church-supported model. Henry Covert's 1995 work, Ministry to the Incarcerated,18 is slightly different in that he outlines the theological resources of Christianity for ministering to inmates. The suffering and death of Christ help inmates deal with their own pain and need for grace. The compassion and empathy of Christ speak to the need for chaplains to be present as an accompanier in inmates' lives. The priesthood of all believers speaks to the reality of mutual ministry in the context of a congregation. The

227 communal bonds of fellowship activate the ability of inmates to be concerned for others. The amount of stress involved in prison ministry is highlighted by Henry Cov- ert as well as by Richard Denis Shaw in his 1995 book, Chaplains to the Impris- oned.19 Shaw highlights tensions between staff and inmates, alienation of chaplains from their denominations, isolation within the broader mandate of corrections in regard to security and punishment, and the variety of dysfunctional behaviours exhibited by the inmates to whom they minister. Beckner concludes that "those (chaplains) who survive, and flourish are the resilient ones who creatively manage the inherent stresses of the position."20 The final work Beckner considers, The Role of the Prison Chaplain, 21 by Jody Sundt and Francis Cullen, is more academic in nature and more professional in tone. The book identifies five tasks for which chaplains are being paid: (1) administration, (2) counselling inmates, (3) religious activities, (4) assistance of correctional staff, and (5) community relations. The authors conclude that most of these tasks are secular in nature. Coordination of Religious Activities could be done by a Social Pro- grams Officer, counselling could be done by a psychologist, staff could be helped through the Employment Assistance Program, and community ministry could be done by agencies in the community. This leaves religious activities as the sole requirement for a chaplain to be present. Beckner takes issue with these conclusions. He suggests that pastoral counselling along with the broader inmate support implied by this ministry is considered by chaplains to be an inherent part of their religious mandate. As outlined by Covert above, chaplains bring theological and pastoral resources to bear on the guilt, shame, grief, suffering, and loss that inmates experience. Beckner suggests that the weak link between "performing religious tasks and job satisfaction" that Sundt and Cullen identify in chaplains is in fact stronger if one takes into account the tremendous ful- filment that chaplains experience in their counselling sessions.22 The gratification and success that comes from individual counselling sessions, along with the emotional and spiritual bonding engendered by community worship and group programming, are three reasons that chaplains have continued to view their work as a life- long calling.

Chapter Four: Religious Worship Versus Rehabilitation

An important question raised by Beckner in the fourth chapter has to do with the two loyalties of chaplains: a faith community and the state. He suggests that chaplaincy can only be successful if it fulfills secular as well as religious mandates.23 On the most practical level, programs such as the Christopher Leadership course, Alterna-

228 tives to Violence workshops, Twelve-Step Spiritual Journey sessions, and Relation- ship courses are indispensable to the broader aims of chaplaincy and the institution. In the same way that pastors in the community become involved in soccer associations, community boards, and senior citizens' projects to show good will, it behooves chaplains to assist in the broader dynamic and mission of the institution. These courses are offered to fulfill some of the aims of chaplaincy. Many of the courses mentioned above are founded on a spiritual basis. The belief that all human beings have a spiritual as well as emotional and social dimension24 means that the aims of chaplaincy are being fulfilled even if the outcome is viewed primarily in secular terms. There was a time in the 1990s when chaplaincy was integrally linked to the Mission of Correctional Service Canada. Chaplains were dedicated to "actively encouraging and assisting offenders to become law-abiding citizens," "providing programs and opportunities to meet the unique needs of the various types of offenders," "ensuring that volunteers form an integral part of our program delivery," and "mobilizing community resources to ensure that offenders, upon release, are provided with support and assistance.”25 Twenty-five years later, all of this has changed. In 2012, chaplains were told that the only reason that chaplaincy was saved from being dispensed with altogether was because of inmates' legal rights to religious practice. The Correctional Service is mandated by law to accommodate the religious practice of all incarcerated offenders. CSC chose to continue to hire chaplains to fulfill this function. The introduction to this book responds in detail to this shift in thinking. The deontological obligation to provide religious accommodation should be balanced with the teleological goal of restoration, rehabilitation, and regeneration.26 Beckner's overall objective in chapter four is to lay the groundwork for a sustained discussion of the ministerial tasks and identity of a chaplain. The many tasks of a chaplain mentioned above are collated into four dimensions that include the personal, pastoral, administrative, and communal. Beckner devotes the rest of his book to fleshing out these four critical aspects of chaplaincy.

Chapter Five: Quality Chaplains

As Director General of Chaplaincy for CSC in the 1980s and 90s, Pierre Allard emphasized the importance of quality chaplains. Quality chaplains, he said, represent an important pillar on the basis of which other aspects of ministry can be assessed. Thomas Beckner makes the same point in his book. He is concerned about those chaplains who have “learned to survive in their profession instead of flourishing in the midst of being nourished."27 Beckner suggests the chaplains must receive ministry if they are going to be effective pastors in their helping role.

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An improvement in chaplaincy has been the slow shift from a contracting model to an employment model. The contracting model is bound to create burn-out because it puts the onus on chaplains to explain the contracting system to their denomination, to their institutional contact, and to negotiate any issues that arise in relation to the regional chaplain who manages the contracts. Because no-one is in charge, everyone is in charge. No one wants to take responsibility for a situation in a contracting model because an arms-length relationship with the chaplain is assumed. An employment model is better because it assumes that there is an employer who is tasked not only to employ the person, but also to supervise the person, running interference and solving conflicts that naturally arise among chaplains, other staff, and inmates in a correctional environment. Chaplaincy burn-out has occurred because of ambivalence the correctional service, churches, and contractors have of services being providing by prison chaplains. Beckner's emphasis on the personal dimensions of prison chaplaincy is a good start to this discussion. What must happen now is an incorporation of this personal dimension into the corporate authority structure of the correctional service.

Chapter Six: Managing Stress and Reducing Confusion

Thomas Beckner points out that managing stress and reducing confusion is an inherent part of a chaplain’s job. Inmates come to chaplains most often because they are stressed out. Staff interact with chaplains in positive and negative ways because they themselves are stressed about their roles and responsibilities as correctional staff. Chaplains take stress leave because they do not know how to prioritize and respond to the myriad of demands placed on them. Confusion is an inherent part of the system. Inmates receive a lot of counsel from fellow inmates regarding their incarceration, beliefs, offences, and families. Volunteers and ministers sometimes compound this situation by adding expectations and beliefs to the already full plate of rules and responsibilities to which an inmate must adhere in a correctional facility. Beckner asserts that the chief role of a chaplain is to reduce confusion and assuage crises. Although prisons look on the outside as though they are long-term care facilities, the number of crises, conflicts, and incidents that occur on a daily basis makes it feel more like an emergency ward in a hospital. Chaplains need to bring calm to this situation. As Beckner points out, sharing one's beliefs and Scrip- tural wisdom is only appropriate when inmates can make informed decisions in the safety of a trusting relationship, and from a long-term perspective in which faith is integrated with life.

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Responses to crises in inmates’ lives brings up the question of proselytization and evangelism. Beckner makes the point that a crisis is precisely not the time and place to promote one's own beliefs and views.28 The vulnerability of an inmate needs to be safeguarded. Any attempt to evangelize in this situation is abusive. “It is out of respect, regard and acceptance of the inmate that the pastoral and spiritual care relationship is nourished and flourishes."29 Service to rather than evangelism of the inmate should be the chaplain's top priority. Inviting participation instead of dissemi- nating information is most effective. Accompaniment instead of patronage should be the priority. The chaplain and inmate operate on an equal level regarding their relationship with God. Mutuality reaps a rich harvest while top-heavy tactics reinforce alienation already part of inmates' experiences. Communal worship and individual counselling reinforce each other on a dialectical level. Overemphasis on worship, religious rituals, and programming distances the chaplain from the variety of personal issues with which the parishioner is dealing. Overemphasis on a clinical model becomes self defeating if it is not related to the real-life social, emotional, spiritual, and religious situations in which inmates finds themselves. Beckner's comparison of prison to an ocean is insightful. While waves and commotion and frothing are evident on the surface, things are much calmer twenty- five feet below the surface.30 Chaplains should always be on the lookout for what makes prison more of a tranquil place to live in. It is easy to become hooked by the anxieties and turmoil of the current situation, instead of waiting to see what can bring relief and joy in the many interactions and incidents in which one finds oneself.

Chapter Seven: Pastoral Opportunities Within Administrative Duties

A pastor of a congregation is generally better equipped to handle the multitude of administrative tasks and group dynamics of prison chaplaincy than a clinical chaplain who prefers the safety of an office for counselling sessions. The problem with a clinical approach is that it does not consider the social and political dimensions of prison ministry. Every pastor knows what it is like to be accountable to a church council, a congregation, a bishop, and other parishioners that they meet on a weekly basis. The ability to multi-task is easily transferred to a prison environment. A chaplain is accountable to an assistant warden, their church or company employer, the regional administrator responsible for chaplaincy, as well as to their colleagues and inmates. Every pastor knows what it is like to intervene in situations before they get out of hand. Many of the same skills are required by a prison chaplain. Administrative tasks should be viewed as pastoral opportunities. Meeting with inmates of other faiths, visiting the wardens in their offices, and getting to know the parole officers and program officers represent invaluable opportunities in getting a

231 sense of where the chaplain fits into this overall network. Chaplains can save themselves a lot of headache by asking questions, being attentive to the dynamics of the institution, and offering advice as needed. Volunteers are an integral part of chaplaincy, providing a variety of Bible studies, music ministry, pastoral counselling, and community support that complement a chaplain's ministry. One of the problems with chaplains’ supervision of volunteers is that the chaplain is already on the outside edge of the grand circle that starts with security, moves outward to essential programming staff such as parole and programming officers, and extends further outward to non-essential services such as chaplains. Often not adequately trained themselves, chaplains are expected to train the volunteers they invite to the institution to provide ministry. Chaplains should include as many correctional staff as possible in the training and support of volunteers regarding their ministry. The same holds true for chaplains themselves. Because they often have received minimal training in regard to security matters, and often are not included in a formal or structural capacity in meetings and consultations that take place in regard to any number of issues, a chaplain has to ingratiate themselves, for lack of a better word, into the lives of their colleagues in order to get a sense of where they can be most effective. Beckner's counsel to chaplains to engage their faith communities as well as administration is well taken. So is his advice that a chaplain should assess the nature and dynamics of the prison before setting long-range ministry goals. A minimum of a year is often necessary for a chaplain to feel comfortable enough in their role to begin a variety of initiatives apropos to the situation in which they are working.

Chapter Eight: Limits of Community Involvement

One of the realities of institutional chaplaincy is that it is difficult to bridge the pastoral work with which one is inundated inside, to the broader community. Although twenty percent of a chaplain’s job description includes community involvement (see Appendix 1), one soon finds out that one must careful in determining what that means. While direct pastoral care of released offenders is generally discouraged, chaplains can make a variety of referrals to churches as well as para-church, community health, and employment agencies. The community dynamics of prison ministry is different from institutional ones. It is best to find community agencies that can help in the successful transition of inmates to the street. Community chaplaincies, Circles of Support and Accountability, John Howard Associations, Celebrate Recovery Services, and individual congregations can be linked to institutional chaplaincy in such a way that a good referral can be made.

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As Beckner notes, church organizations are generally more interested in prison ministry inside a jail than accompanying a person on the outside.31 The reason for such a stance is not hard to understand. Upon completion of one's assignment in prison, a volunteer can leave the inmate's troubles behind and go home. Relating to a former offender in the community is slightly more complicated. Greater internal and external safeguards are needed because there is no fence separating the inmate from the volunteer. Both are citizens in the community, getting on with their lives. A wise and successful faith agency is needed for staff to know what types of boundaries need to be put in place for everyone to be kept safe and become law-abiding citizens. Everyone has a story to tell about how things went wrong in community ministry. A continuum of care is possible if an institutional chaplain understands (1) the hard work the prisoner has done in order to be free, (2) the fears of the community regarding working with inmates who have been released into the community, and (3) that interaction with an offender on parole or after their sentence can look quite different from the relationship that one formed with that person on the inside. Beck- ner does well to include this community dimension, while acknowledging that “controlled interactions”32 are the best way to start as one builds up community capacity regarding the safe reintegration of inmates into society.

Chapter Nine: Qualitative versus Quantitative Measures of Chaplaincy

One of the sad commentaries on the current state of affairs in federal prison chaplaincy is that contractors and administrators have tried to stay as far away from a qualitative evaluation of chaplains as possible. Qualitative approaches have been largely replaced by quantitative numbers that chaplains enter into appropriate boxes to demonstrate that they are fulfilling their job. While a pastoral plan is filled out faithfully each year, few direct questions are rarely if ever asked regarding the completion of these tasks. This task would imply the need for direct supervision and an employer-employee relationship. In conclusion, Beckner paints a fairly, dark picture of what is involved in prison chaplaincy:

Chaplaincy is a ministry that provides little in the way of recognition for its practitioners. Failures are the norm. The inmates with whom we work have been experiencing behavioural dysfunctions, making poor decisions, and living in opposition to the law for a substantial portion of their lives; the majority will continue to do so in spite of our efforts to help them grow or change . . . most of our labour will be in vain, and we have not only to live with that, but to somehow find contentment and joy in ministry while doing so.33

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Beckner paints a similar bleak picture regarding the church’s involvement:

This mentality (of condemning those who fail to live up to the standard of righteousness), which permeates the church, is a particular stumbling block to appreciating any ministry to offenders . . . this fact underscores the necessity of correctional chaplains to bring a prophetic voice to the community of believers . . . The sacrificial work of chaplains . . . continues to yield poor har- vests, at least partly because the Church is not equally committed to the labour.34

After reading these words, anyone who is called to prison ministry, or prison chaplaincy for that matter, deserves a medal of some kind. Any chaplain who has been in ministry for any length of time will concur heartily with the sentiments expressed. Definitions of “success,” “prophetic,” “harvest,” and “recognition” must be repeatedly modified and internalized in ever new ways if a chaplain is going to remain in this ministry for any length of time.

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Conclusion

The purpose of this book has been to establish prison chaplaincy on a professional basis. It has achieved this task by building on six principles, 1) integration of chaplaincy into the service, 2) understanding prison dynamics, 3) use of sociology and psychology to complement religious degrees and expertise, 4) competence in faith formation, rites and rituals, along with educational programming, 5) religious accommodation in the context of ecumenism and multi-faith practices, and 6) professional development. Chapter Three solidified the professional nature of this task by augmenting the leadership training, core knowledge, and counselling skills that faith practitioners bring to their job with self-care (emotional intelligence), adaptability to diversity, and an understanding of the broad spiritual nature of their presence. While congregational and faith group leaders understand group dynamics and clinical care workers work well on a one-to-one basis, these competencies are enhanced through a better understanding of the prison environment, the unique psychological and sociological pressures of such a context, the diverse reasons that offenders participate in group rituals and ask for spiritual care, and the relative effect that chaplains have in these settings. Chaplains represent one of myriad staff who make differences in inmates’ lives. Transformations are evident as a result of the hard work of offenders, correctional staff, social and program officers, parole officers, mental health workers, teachers, community chaplains, as well as family, faith, and friend support. An outline of Winnifred Sullivan’s vision in the Introduction along with a detailed explanation in Chapter Four has demonstrated the rich aspects of prison chaplaincy work. Chaplains stand at the intersection of the private and the public, the secular and the sacred, the inclusive and the exclusive, the subjective and the objective, faith belief and religious expression, solid inmate and sex offender, and the punitive and the redemptive. A review of Beckner’s book in Chapter Twenty-Five, in turn, has demonstrated the high bar of competences required of chaplains. They are to have “highly polished counselling skills, strong management and facilitation abilities, a working knowledge of various faith group requirements . . . and a strong commitment to serving all residents of the institution regardless of their faith identity or lack thereof.”1 Chaplains gain these attributes by adopting a team approach in which spiritual care providers are aware of their limitations as well as their giftedness.

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Appendix 1: Prison Chaplaincy Job Description, as identified by Interfaith Committee on Chaplaincy1

Chaplaincy Statement of Work

Interfaith Committee on Chaplaincy in collaboration with the Correctional Service of Canada Le Comité interconfessionel de l'Aumônerie en collaboration avec le Service Correctionnel du Canada

STATEMENT OF WORK FOR INSTITUTIONAL CONTRACT CHAPLAINS

VISIBLE PRESENCE

The chaplain will assure an active pastoral presence in the institution that will include:

1.1 being present and seen throughout the institution, representing the spiritual dimension of life; 1.2 a pastoral presence throughout the institution, particularly in areas where offenders do not have free movement such as: dissociation, hospital, protective custody, special handling units, segregation, and other areas such as shops, schools, gyms, living unites, cell ranges, and visits and correspondence area; 1.3 presenting the Chaplaincy Ministry to offenders in reception; 1.4 pastoral counseling both on an individual and group basis; 1.5 pastoral encounters presenting a theological, restorative interpretation of life in areas such as forgiveness, guilt, anger, hostility, pain, hurt, power, grace, self-worth, acceptance, death, trust, health, grief, and other significant components of human existence and experience; 1.6 referring to and consulting with appropriate staff and groups when required; 1.7 expressing the prophetic dimension of ministry; 1.8 dealing with issues of faith and relationship with God, self, and others; 1.9 involvement with families of offenders and staff; 1.10 crisis intervention in experiences such as grief, illness, despair, death, anger, depression, parole denial, suicide attempts; 1.11 offering restorative processes while fully participating in life within a correctional institution; 1.12 escorting inmates on temporary absences for religious and/or rehabilitative purposes.

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WORSHIP AND SACRAMENTS

Originate, direct, and coordinate religious services and sacramental ministry as appropriate to offenders which includes:

2.1 planning and leading worship services, with liturgy, sermons, and prayers relevant to the correctional milieu, including services specifically designed to speak to significant events within the institution 2.2 providing appropriate worship services weekly and for holy days, and significant days and seasons throughout the year; 2.3 ensuring that the special religious needs (such as sacraments) of offenders belonging to denominations other that the chaplain’s own, are met 2.4 coordinating other faith visitors for offenders of minority religions 2.5 ministry to meet unique crisis and special situations with liturgy and worship; 2.6 creating and maintaining a “sanctuary” atmosphere within the chapel.

RELIGIOUS EDUCATION

Create, coordinate, and deliver religious activities that will include:

3.1 designing, developing, conducting, evaluating and modifying programs in Religious Education, using available audio-visual, musical, and curriculum resources; 3.2 conducting prayer, scripture study and personal growth groups; 3.3 training chapel volunteers to be involved in Religious activities, 3.4 designing, developing, conducting, supervising, evaluating and modifying chapel activities. 3.5 administering pass lists, security and other procedures necessary to the function of chaplaincy within the institution; and 3.6 acquiring and distributing religious literature, supplies and materials

COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT

Communicates with community, including the chaplain’s own and other churches, about the needs and concerns of persons affected by the criminal justice system and dialogues with the community concerning their role in restorative processes. This includes the recruitment and training of volunteers for prison chaplaincy work through:

4.1 accepting invitations to address, present papers, lead seminars, act as resource person to meetings in the community; 4.2 accepting invitations to preach or speak to church congregations; 4.3 meeting with local religious leaders;

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4.4 attending Church events such as retreats, workshops, conferences, conventions, pres- bytery, deanery, camp or synod meetings; 4.5 the contractor ensuring that the chaplain remains current with his profession through participating in his denominational continuing educational policy, attending conferences, workshops, and denominational meetings; 4.6 recruiting and selecting suitable volunteers from churches to be involved in chapel activities, and 4.7 training and sustaining chapel volunteers. 4.8 engaging in Restorative Justice Week activities and the promotion of Restorative justice principles and practices 4.9 developing partnerships with the Community Chaplaincies for the benefit of the offenders' reintegration.

INTEGRATION OF CHAPLAINCY

Integrate Chaplaincy Services into the total life of the institution by regular involvement with all other staff and attendance at such meetings as may be desirable in line with the chaplain’s role as one acceptable to both offenders and staff through:

5.1 participating on an ad hoc basis in the case management process, particularly in relation to offenders with whom there is significant involvement; 5.2 maintaining the integrity of ministry and adhering to the Professional Code of Con- duct for CSC Chaplains 5.3 developing a restorative theological understanding of life for articulation within the context of an institution. 5.4 integrating a system of values which reflect restorative justice principles and practices while participating in institutional life 5.5 acting as a resource person to institutional boards, meetings, to provide a focus on the spiritual dimension of life, while supporting a holistic restorative approach; 5.6 developing a co-operative working relationship with other staff 5.7 involvement in crisis situations, especially where a particular understanding or relationship has been developed with offenders involved in the crisis, and offering pastoral care and restorative processes to offenders, staff and their families as needed.

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Appendix 2: Commissioner’s Directive 7501

Correctional Service Canada: Chaplaincy Services

Commissioner's Directive

• Number: 750

• In Effect: 2016-11-14

Related Links

• Policy Bulletin 548

AUTHORITIES

• Corrections and Conditional Release Act (CCRA), sections 75 and 83 • Corrections and Conditional Release Regulations (CCRR), sections 100 and 101 • Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, sections 2 and 15 • Canadian Human Rights Act, paragraph 3(1)

PURPOSE

• To accommodate inmates’ religious and spiritual rights through facilitation of services offered by Qualified Professional Official Representatives (QPOR) of Canadian faith communities and their volunteers • To affirm and support the role of spirituality in inmate rehabilitation and reintegration, ensuring that inmates, regardless of faith background or beliefs, are offered equal opportunity to deal with issues of faith, purpose and meaning, and relationship with self and others

APPLICATION

Applies to staff, contractors and volunteers responsible for chaplaincy services CONTENTS

• Roles and Responsibilities • Procedures

o Religious and Spiritual Practices o Family Participation in Religious Celebrations o Death of an Inmate While in Custody

• Annex A - Cross-References and Definitions

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ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITIES

1. The Assistant Commissioner, Correctional Operations and Programs, has the authority to develop applicable guidelines relating to the provision of religious and spiritual services to inmates that must be followed.

2. The Head of Chaplaincy Services at National Headquarters will ensure:

a. measures are in place to ensure all inmates can access Chaplaincy Services

b. measures are in place to assess the consistency and quality of Chaplaincy Ser- vices provided to inmates

c. an Annual Chaplaincy Service Delivery Plan is developed for each institution

3. The Institutional Head will:

. ensure that inmates in all areas of the institution have access to Chaplaincy Services and, correspondingly, that Chaplains have access to inmates in all areas of the institution

a. facilitate integration of Chaplains in the institution through their participation on interdisciplinary teams within the parameters of professional practice, policies and procedures

b. support the recruitment, screening, oversight, and security orientation of Chaplaincy volunteers

c. identify, maintain and provide inmate access to sacred space, which is exclusively reserved for religious and spiritual activities

d. ensure that adequate space for Chaplaincy management and private religious and spiritual care is made available to Chaplains

e. ensure that religious and spiritual resources for inmates are available f. ensure that Healing Centres/Healing Lodges provide inmates with access to Chaplaincy Services upon request

g. ensure that Chaplains have access to Radar and the Offender Management System and are included on appropriate distribution lists so they are aware of new admissions, transfers and releases of inmates h. designate an institutional manager to work in consultation with Chaplaincy to implement the Annual Chaplaincy Service Delivery Plan, and to provide other operational support as required. PROCEDURES

4. In addition to normal access to Chaplaincy activities, CSC will offer Chaplaincy Services to inmates in response to crises.

5. Upon request and as appropriate, CSC will offer Chaplaincy Services to inmates in situations which may include:

a. on escorted temporary absence/unescorted temporary absence

b. hospitalized outside the institution 240

c. participating in parole hearings. Religious and Spiritual Practices

6. Inmate religious accommodation requests will be managed pursuant to GL 750-1 – In- mate Religious Accommodations. Family Participation in Religious Celebrations

7. Every reasonable effort will be made to facilitate inmate contact with their community support, including family, subject to operational and Correctional Plan considerations. The Institutional Head is responsible to determine the level of external participation in religious and spiritual celebrations held at the institution. Death of an Inmate While in Custody

8. Action to be taken around the death of an inmate is governed by CD 530 - Death of an Inmate: Notifications and Funeral Arrangements. In addition, institutions may have Standing Orders on the subject and the Institutional Head may request assistance of Chaplaincy concerning some of his/her responsibilities.

9. If the death is anticipated by Health Services, CSC should facilitate ritual requirements in accordance with CSC's Palliative Care Guidelines. Staff must check the inmate's religious affiliation on the Offender Management System and consult with Chaplaincy before re- leasing the body in order to ensure that the arrangements are appropriate.

Commissioner,

Original Signed by: Don Head ANNEX A - CROSS-REFERENCES AND DEFINI- TIONS

CROSS-REFERENCES

GL 253-2 - Critical Incident Stress Management CD 530 - Death of an Inmate: Notifications and Funeral Arrangements CD 700 - Correctional Interventions CD 702 - Aboriginal Offenders CD 705-6 - Correctional Planning and Criminal Profile CD 710-1 - Progress Against the Correctional Plan GL 750-1 – Inmate Religious Accommodations

Memorandum of Understanding Between the Correctional Service of Canada (CSC) and the Interfaith Committee on Chaplaincy (IFC) Palliative Care Guidelines 241

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, section 18 United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, section 42 United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for Non-Custodial Measures (the Tokyo Rules) United Nations Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons under Any Form of Deten- tion or Imprisonment DEFINITIONS

Annual Chaplaincy Service Delivery Plan : an analysis by operational units to determine Chaplaincy Service needs and capacity, including the related resource requirements, that communicates to administrators, staff and inmates the type of services to be provided at the institution, a general schedule of use for sacred space, and a clear plan for the upcoming period. Chaplain: a Qualified Professional Official Representative (QPOR) of a religious or spiritual community who provides and/or facilitates religious/spiritual services and care in a secular or institutional context (i.e., health care, military, correctional, police, fire, etc.). In the CSC context, a Chaplain, while a QPOR of a specific tradition, is responsible to ensure the religious and spiritual needs of all inmates are met.

Chaplaincy Services: activities provided and facilitated by Chaplains in response to the religious and spiritual needs of inmates regardless of their beliefs. Chaplaincy Services are delivered and/or facilitated exclusively by those designated as QPORs. These services are supported by Canadian faith communities and grounded in the principles of restorative justice and successful community reintegration.

Crises: include but are not limited to suicide or attempted suicide, grief due to death or loss, relationship difficulties and/or endings, assault or other harm, witness to trauma and parole denial.

Operational support: includes but is not limited to input into the development and implementation of the Annual Chaplaincy Service Delivery Plan and activities required to ensure integration of Chaplaincy Service delivery within the institutional environment as described in both the Guidelines and the statement of work for Chaplains.

Qualified Professional Official Representatives (QPOR): individuals who are formally recognized and approved by their religious or spiritual community to perform services (rites, rituals, education, etc.) on behalf of that community. Religious and spiritual practice: includes but is not limited to religious rites and spiritual rituals as prescribed by a recognized faith group. Normally, inmates practice to the same level as what is available and normal in the community. Sacred space: a functional, hospitable and adaptable space, within the institution or on the institutional grounds, that is dedicated to the purpose of worship, celebration, meditation, prayer, reflection, study and other communal and individual spiritual observances for inmates of all and/or no religious or spiritual affiliation. Please note that this definition does not include Aboriginal Program Space and Aboriginal Sacred Grounds.

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Appendix 3: Chaplaincy Course at Booth University College

Certificate in Chaplaincy & Spiritual Care

*Two-Year Certificate Program (27 credit hours) “When it was suggested that I take the Certificate in Chaplaincy and Spiritual Care program because of my new appointment as a Chaplain I reacted with – what for, I have been a Corps Officer for over 25 years there’s nothing they can teach me.’ How wrong could I have been?! I would strongly recommend that every Corps Officer should consider this as a necessary and vital learning experience. I wish I had taken these practical training courses years ago.” – Ray Braddock, Student, Certificate in Chaplaincy and Spiritual Care program

The Certificate in Chaplaincy and Spiritual Care at Booth University College’s School for Continuing Studies equips students with the concepts and skills required for effective ministry in chaplaincy and spiritual care in a variety of settings. Stu- dents in the certificate program will be provided with an orientation to the ministry of chaplaincy and spiritual care and will develop an awareness of the various contexts in which chaplains and spiritual care-givers minister. They will also develop pastoral skills that are essential for effective ministry.

This two-year Certificate in Chaplaincy and Spiritual Care is offered through learning cohorts of 20 individuals. The certificate program is comprised of two components – seven courses of three credit hours and one practicum of six credit hours for a total of twenty-seven credit hours. Four of the courses are hybrids which include online and face-to-face components in Winnipeg. The remainder is online courses.

Course Sequence 2018-2020

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

At the conclusion of the Certificate in Chaplaincy and Spiritual Care, the participants will be able to:

1. Integrate contemporary questions, experience, and actions with the beliefs, traditions, and practice of the historic community. 2. Demonstrate familiarity with the symptoms of selected mental/emotional problems. 243

3. Have a framework for making decisions regarding the use of prayer, scripture and religious resources in counseling. 4. Articulate a personal theology for ministry reflective of their practical ministry experience. 5. Demonstrate competence in the writing, use of verbatim reports, and group dialogue to support the action-reflection-action model of learning for pastoral interventions. 6. Constructively integrate theological understanding with psycho-social reflection in ministry activity. 7. Have an ethical perspective for the ministry context. 8. Have developed competency in the role of the chaplain on the interdisciplinary team. 9. Demonstrate competence in required administrative functions, including spiritual assessment and care planning, documentation of care, and program planning. 10. Develop a deepening consciousness of themselves in their role as chaplain especially as it relates to faith development, transition, and change. 11. Evaluate their attitudes and behaviours related to their expression of ministry to others, whatever their faith tradition, while maintaining the integrity of their own Christian faith. 12. Have a broadened understanding of the diversity and complexity of the social service context for ministry.

PROGRAM REQUIREMENTS

The two-year Certificate in Chaplaincy and Spiritual Care program is intended for individuals who are either currently engaged in the ministry of chaplaincy and spiritual care, or who anticipate that they will be as part of their vocational ministry. The primary group in each cohort will be composed of commissioned Salvation Army Officers and employees selected by territorial personnel leadership. Non- Salvation Army chaplaincy students demonstrating preparation commensurate with Salvation Army officer training will be considered for admission to the certificate program as space is available.

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MIN 247 CORRECTIONS CHAPLAINCY Delivered at Booth University College, Winnipeg, Manitoba

Fall 2015 Rev. Dr. Hank Dixon

Corrections Chaplaincy (MIN 247) [email protected]

Description This course will orientate the student to the world of corrections in Canada. It will explore the philosophical and theological foundations of prison chaplaincy and provide the student with practical tools for ministering in this difficult and complex environment. Objectives 1. Students will develop a basic understanding of the Canadian justice system and how it functions in relation to correctional facilities at both a provincial and federal level. 2. Students will begin to understand the experience of offenders during and after incarceration and where chaplaincy can play an effective role in the rehabilitation process. 3. Chaplaincy does not function in a vacuum and as such students will gain an appreciation of the stressors that can impact staff in such an environment and the importance of working with correctional staff. 4. Students will interact with different theological models for prison ministry and work toward defining their role as a chaplain and developing their own specific approach in ministry. 5. Counselling is often a large part of chaplaincy in corrections. Students will explore some of the different theories undergirding present day correctional counselling practice and where Christian chaplains fit in. 6. Students will learn safe practices for working in a correctional setting and the importance of self-care. 7. Different practical aspects of prison chaplaincy will be explored and students will be expected to gain an understanding of the following issues: managing volunteers, conducting services, working with subpopulations and gangs. 8. Students will also explore the fundamentals of Restorative Justice and the challenges of Community Chaplaincy.

Pre Course Work Each student will be expected to find a volunteer position at a local federal or provincial correctional facility. This should be done prior to the start of the course as 245

some Institutions have lengthy waiting times before people are security cleared. The student will be expected to take part in volunteer work for a 4 month period and document their experiences. Students will be expected to attend the Institution a minimum of once a month. Should there be any difficulty finding a correctional facility nearby or problems gaining access to the volunteer program please contact myself and we will discuss options.

Course Assignments 1. Online Reflections (30%) Due – weekly Don Stoesz’s book, Glimpses of Grace: Reflections of a Prison Chaplain will be used for this assignment. The book contains 121 one-page vignettes on prison chaplaincy. Students will be required to read the entire book, and each week select two vignettes from the specified chapter for a written reflection. The reflections for each vignette are to be 100 to 200 words in length. The student will be required to interact with the material on either a personal, theological or philosophical level. These reflections will be open for other students to read and comment on. Please note that two reflections must be submitted every week throughout the course.

2. Book Reports (10% each) Due – by the end of the 4th and 8th Module

Tattoos on the Heart: The Power of Boundless Compassion Students will be expected to interact with the material on a theological, personal and professional level, not simply regurgitate the content of the book. Questions that could be addressed in the paper are: -What is Gregory Boyles’ theological perspective on working with youth? -Do you agree or disagree with his perspective and why? -Are there stories from Boyle’s experience that were especially meaningful to you and why? -As a Chaplain what insights or wisdom can be drawn from Boyle’s style of engagement and ministry with gang youth? -What problems do you see with his style of ministry? The paper is to be 5 pages in length. Due - end of the 4th Module.

Beyond the Walls of Separation – Christian Faith and Ministry in Prison Although not written from a North American prison context, Tobias Brander has done a marvellous job of covering a variety of important issues regarding prison ministry. Students are required to read the entire book. However, for the book report, two chapters from the book are to be selected. Again, students are required to interact with the material on a theological, personal and professional level. The paper is to be 5 pages in length. Due – end of 8th module 246

4. Prison Visitation and Journal (20%) Due - by the end of 12th Module week As pointed out earlier each student will be required to engage in prison visitation or ministry for a 4 month period with a minimum of 4 visits. Students will be required to submit journal entries after each prison visit with the following information contained in the entry; -the time and date of the visitation or ministry -a short description of the event -a brief summary of a meaningful encounter(s) that occurred during the event -a closing reflection on their experience

5. Research Paper (30%) Due last day of course The topic for this research paper can be any area directly related to prison ministry. Some suggested topics could be: -Mental health issues in Chaplaincy -Gang dynamics and the Chaplain -Best practices for recruiting volunteers -What does salvation mean in a prison context -Women and male offender differences with regard to spiritual needs -Principles for effective worship services -Supporting high profile sex offenders as they transition to the street -Ministry to the aged in prison -Effective ministry with staff. The research paper is to be 12 to 15 pages in length. The chosen topic will need to be approved by the Instructor. Please note that literature specific to prison ministry is somewhat limited therefore the student should undertake a literature review before deciding on a topic to research.

Submission of Assignments The book reports and research paper are to follow Turabian Format. If you are unfamiliar with this format, the Library can provide you with assistance in locating resources. Papers are due on the day indicated (by email before midnight of the due date). Late submission of assignments will be deducted one grade point for every late day. Students are expected to practice academic honesty and integrity as defined by Booth University College at the following webpage http://www.boothuc.ca/academics/policies/academic-integrity.

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Required Reading Boyle, Gregory. Tattoos on the Heart: The Power of Boundless Compassion. New York: Free Press, 2010. Brander, Tobias. Beyond The Walls of Separation: Christian Faith and Ministry in Prison. Eugene: Cascade Books, 2014. Correctional Service of Canada. "Volunteering in the Correctional Service of Canada: Reference Handbook." Correctional Service of Canada. 2009. www.csc-scc.gc.ca/volunteers/092/003008-2000-eng.pdf. Stoesz, Donald. Glimpses of Grace:Reflections of a Prison Chaplain. Victoria: Friesen Press, 2010.

Course Schedule

Module Topic Required Reading or Assignments Viewing

Introduction to Prison Chap- -Select two vignettes from Written Reflection laincy chapter one of Don Stoesz’s

A – Introduction book Glimpses of Grace for 1 B - A Personal Journey your written reflection C - What makes a Good Chap- lain D - What Does a Chaplain Do

The Canadian Justice and Cor- -Read - Volunteering in the Written Reflection rections Systems Correctional Service of Can-

A - Canadian Charter of Rights ada; Reference Handbook and Freedoms A minimum of four -Select two vignettes from 2 B - Criminal Code of Canada, prison journal entries chapter two of Don Stoesz’s Provincial Statutes, Corrections are to be submitted book Glimpses of Grace for And Conditional Release Act throughout the course. your written reflection C - Moving Through the Fed- eral System

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Prison Life, Culture and Impact -View Stanford Prison Ex- Written Reflection A -Stanford Prison Experiment periment after listening to

View Stanford Experiment lecture A B –Stanford Prison experiment -Select two vignettes from 3 Evaluation chapter three of Don C- Psychological Impact of In- Stoesz’s book Glimpses of carceration Grace for your written reflection

Theology of Prison Ministry, -Watch the video of David Written Reflection Berkowitz before listening A – Justice to lecture C B – Christian Conversion and Book Report Due - Change In Prison (part 1) -Select two vignettes from 4 Tattoos on the Heart; C- Christian Conversion and chapter four of Don Stoesz’s The Power of Bound- Change in Prison (part 2) book Glimpses of Grace for less Compassion View David Berkowitz Video your written reflection D – The Problem of Evil

Theology of Prison Ministry, -Select two vignettes from Written Reflection A –Theology of Presence - chapter five of Don Stoesz’s

Foundations book Glimpses of Grace for 5 B – Theology of Presence – your written reflection Practice C - Theological Themes in Prison Ministry

Counseling in a Correctional -Select two vignettes from Written Reflection Setting (part 1) chapter six of Don Stoesz’s

A-Christianity and Psychology book Glimpses of Grace for B-Christianity and Psychology your written reflection 6 C-Making Good – Narrative as a tool in Counseling D-Making Good – The Liver- pool Desistance Study

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Counseling in a Correctional -Select two vignettes from Written Reflection Setting (part 2) chapter seven of Don

A- Perspectives on Pastoral Stoesz’s book Glimpses of Counseling: In Prison (1) Grace for your written re- B- Perspectives on Pastoral flection 7 Counseling In Prison (2)

C- Grief, Loss and Mourning in a Prison Context (1) D- Grief Loss and Mourning In A Prison Context (2)

Counseling in a Correctional -View DVD “The Gift of Written Reflection Setting (part 3) Fear” (after lecture C) Book Report Due – A- Grief, Loss and Mourning -Select two vignettes from Beyond the Walls of 8 B- Grief, Loss and Mourning chapter eight of Don Stoesz’ Separation C- Staying Safe in Chaplaincy- book Glimpses of Grace for Watch DVD “The Gift of Fear” your written reflection

Staying Safe in Chaplaincy -Read the following article; Written Reflection The Sting – Anatomy of a A- Staying Safe (part 2) Setup -Select two vignettes 9 B- Staying Safe (part 3) from chapter nine of Don Stoesz’s book Glimpses of C-Staying Safe (part 4) Grace for written reflection

Staying Safe and Ministry in -Select two vignettes from Written Reflection Different Contexts chapter ten of Don Stoesz’s

A- Staying Safe (part 5) book Glimpses of Grace for 10 B- Different Contexts – Anat- your written reflection omy of a Riot C- Different Contexts – Re- sponding to Critical Incidents

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Ministry in Different Contexts -Select two vignettes from Final Written Reflec- A- Gangs in Prison chapter eleven of Don tion Due 11 B- Ministry with Gangs Stoesz’s book Glimpses of C- Women’s Prisons (part 1) Grace for written reflection D- Women’s Prisons (part2)

A- Practical Aspects Prison Visitation and 12 B- Practical Aspects Journals Completed C- Journeying Through Release

Restorative Justice and Self Care Research Paper Due A-Restorative Justice 13 B- Restorative Justice Conver- sation with Graham Reddoch C-Self Care (part 1) D-Self Care (part 2)

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Appendix 4: Chaplaincy Courses at Acadia Divinity School, Wolfville, Nova Scotia

Charles J. Taylor Centre for Chaplaincy and Spiritual Care

The Charles J. Taylor Centre for Chaplaincy and Spiritual Care was established by Acadia Divinity College in 2011. This Centre fosters and promotes clinical and theological excel- lence in the area of Pastoral Care through personal growth, the building of professional ca- pacities and rigorous theological reflection. The Taylor Centre trains and prepares men and women for pastoral ministry in specialized forms, including hospital chaplaincy, military chaplaincy, prison chaplaincy, and a variety of other caring professions, for which care for the Spirit is of primary importance.

Master of Divinity

The Master of Divinity is the primary degree designed to equip leaders for ordained Chris- tian ministry. Building on a strong undergraduate background, this 90 credit hour graduate-level program (3 years, if full-time) equips students to understand and interpret scripture, appreciate Christian history and theology, and understand how to provide effective ministry leadership in the contemporary Canadian cultural context. Master of Divinity graduates are prepared for a wide range of ministry leadership including service in local churches, chaplaincy settings, and overseas. Graduates also provide leadership to denominations and parachurch ministries. Some graduates engage in further study and then teach in colleges and seminaries worldwide.

Area of Specialization

CHAP 5023 Introduction to Chaplaincy 3

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CHAP 5033 Introduction to Prison Ministry 3

CHAP 6013 Professional and Personal Ethics 3

CHAP 7103 Prison Ministry Practicum 1 3

CHAP 7113 Prison Ministry Practicum 2 3

CHAP 7019 Clinical Pastoral Education 1 6

PACC (elec- Pastoral Care and Counselling 3 tive) elective

Total Credit Hours 90

1. Survey of the Bible (BIBL 5013) is required if Bible Knowledge Exam is not passed 2. Those seeking ordination within a Baptist context take Baptist History and Polity (CHUR 6013). Those seeking ordination within another denominational family should contact the Academic Dean regarding a Directed Study or alternate option for meeting denominational studies requirements within their tradition.

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Appendix 5: Chaplaincy Course at Ambrose University, Calgary, Alberta

ONLINE CLASS Class Information Instructor Information Important Dates

Instruc- Donald Stoesz, Last day to add/drop, End of the first September 8 – tor: Ph.D. or change to audit: week Dates: December 8, 2020 Last day to withdraw Email: October 8, 2020 from course:

Last day to apply for November 8, Phone: Please email coursework extension: 2020

Course Description An introduction to chaplaincy practices in a criminal justice context. Students develop knowledges of offences and sentences, prison dynamics and security issues, and skills in pastoral interviewing, maintaining public presence, faith formation, worship and rituals, ecumenical and inter-faith accommodation, restorative justice, and reintegration initiatives.

Expected Learning Outcomes By the end of the course, students will be able to . . . • Discuss the impact of a prison environment on chaplaincy priorities. • Identity particular skills as spiritual care providers. • Prepare a five-year spiritual care/pastoral plan. • Articulate the importance of ecumenism and inter-faith accommodation. • Integrate colleagues and volunteers into team ministry. • Explain the value of restorative justice and reintegration.

Textbooks • Stoesz, Donald with Hank Dixon. A Prison Chaplaincy Manual: The Canadian Context. http://donaldstoesz.com/a-prison-chaplaincy-manual_276.html. • Stoesz, Donald. Glimpses of Grace. Victoria: Friesen Press, 2010. • Sullivan, Winnifred. A Ministry of Presence. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014. Other resources: Canadian Correctional Services: Chaplaincy https://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/chaplaincy/index- eng.shtml Bridges of Canada: http://www.bridgesofcanada.com/program-overview/

Expectations for Participation You should expect to spend 7-9 hours per week, averaged over the semester. This includes time spent participating in the four Zoom sessions, watching the eleven lectures, reading, reflecting, and completing the assigned tasks.

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Course Schedule Synchronous Zoom sessions (attendance mandatory) -7-9 pm • Tuesday, September 15th • Tuesday, October 27th • Tuesday, December 15th The link will be posted in Moodle. Please ensure that you join the session from a quiet location where you will not be interrupted. It is best if you use a headset with external microphone.

Requirements: Lecture Reflection Papers x 10 @ 5% each 50%

Book Review 15%

Pastoral/Spiritual Care Plan 20%

3 Zoom Session discussions @ 5% each 15%

Course Overview September 8 Lecture One: Background Information, Rationale, and Expectations This introductory lecture provides information about the professor, provincial and federal prisons in Canada, history of chaplaincy and training, rationale for course, and explanations of assignments. Watching this lecture prepares students for the two-hour Zoom session on September 15th.

Assignment: Come prepared to share during the Zoom session 1) some personal information about yourself, 2) calling as spiritual care provider, 3) ministry experiences, 4) response to the first lecture, and 5) expectations for the course.

September 15 Synchronous Zoom Session (attendance mandatory) – 7-9 pm Introductions Questions for Discussion: worth 5%. Come prepared to discuss: 1) some personal information about yourself 2) calling as spiritual care provider 3) ministry experiences 4) response to the first lecture: one thing that surprised you, one thing you learned. 5) expectations for the course.

September 22 Lecture Two: Overview of Prison Chaplaincy This lecture places the role of prison chaplaincy in between the legal issues that arise when religious accommodation is provided in an institutional setting, and private faith-based ventures that are an ever-present reality of prison min-

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istries. Winnifred Sullivan’s three categories of areligious secularism, irreligious secularism, and religious secularism provide the context in which chaplaincy can be established on a professional basis. The secular and sacred tasks of a prison chaplain are outlined regarding the Canadian context.

Assignment: Provide a two-three page summary of the issues involved in chaplaincy considering the preface and introduction of A Prison Chaplaincy Manual. Background information can be found in chapters one and four of Sullivan’s A Ministry of Presence, and the conclusion of Winnifred Sullivan, Prison Religion.

September 29 Lecture Three: Criminal Offences and Prison Dynamics This lecture outlines the types of criminal offences that people commit, the sentences they receive, the consequences of their actions, the needs that they have after conviction, and appropriate responses by chaplains and correctional staff.

Assignment: Write a two-three page reflection on how you would help offenders deal with their conviction, sentence, and incarceration. Chapters seven to ten in A Prison Chaplaincy Manual provide background information.

October 6 Lecture Four: Varied Nature of Institutional Prison Chaplaincy This lecture outlines five areas of competence included in the job description of a chaplain, Appendix 1, Prison Chaplaincy Manual: 1) Visible Presence, 2) Worship and Sacraments, 3) Religious Education, 4) Community Involve- ment, and 5) Integration of Chaplaincy. The lecture adds competencies that have been outlined in a chaplaincy curriculum program developed by Alberta seminaries and colleges.

Assignment: Provide a two-three page summary of your strengths and weaknesses as a chaplain in light of the 5 competencies outlined. What areas do you need to improve on? Refer to chapters three, four, and Appendix 1 in A Prison Chaplaincy Manual.

October 13 Lecture Five: Purpose of a Pastoral Interview This lecture outlines the importance of an initial interview in establishing a pastoral relationship with an inmate. Building rapport, asking pertinent questions, getting background information, showing compassion, and establishing trust goes a long way in providing effective spiritual care.

Assignment: Write a two-three page summary of how you would interview offenders, the type of skills required, and the content that you would provide. 256

Chapter eleven in A Prison Chaplaincy Manual and chapters two and four in Glimpses of Grace provide background information.

October 20 Lecture Six: Ministry of Presence This lecture deals with a spirituality of presence that is needed for a chaplain to be effective. The inherent goodness of a human being, the mystery of the Eucharist, the significance of a conversion experience, and the sacredness of a pastoral encounter are bases on which a chaplain gains maturity and integrity in their ministry.

Assignment: Write a two-three page reflection on how a ministry of presence would be expressed through your chaplaincy. Use chapter five of A Ministry of Presence as your starting point.

October 27 Synchronous Zoom Session (attendance mandatory) – 7-9 pm Review of 5 assignments handed in after each lecture

Questions for Discussion: worth 5%. Come prepared to discuss:

1) Is chaplaincy an essential service or can it be done by someone else, such as a minister/spiritual care provider in the community or a social program officer? 2) Should the sentences that offenders receive be increased or decreased? 3) Where do you feel most comfortable in delivering chaplaincy services, in your office, in the sanctuary or sacred space, or throughout the institution? 4) What approach do you use in pastoral interviews? What has worked, what has not? 5) Is there a core principle that you use in your approach to ministry? November 3 Lecture Seven: Role of Rituals and Programming This lecture outlines how religious rituals are an essential part of how spirituality and faith are expressed. Educational initiatives such as Bible studies, music ministry, grief recovery programs, spiritual retreats, Experiencing God, Koran studies, and Buddhist meditation are discussed.

Assignment: Write a two-three page summary of a religious ritual and/or religious program that you would conduct on a continuous basis. Chapters fifteen to eighteen of A Prison Chaplaincy Manual provide background information. Chapters five, ten, and eleven of Glimpses of Grace provide examples.

November 10 Reading Week: Chance to Get Caught up, Relax, and be Refreshed

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November 17 Lecture Eight: Role of Ecumenism and Inter-Faith Accommodation This lecture considers the role of ecumenism and inter-faith accommodation in chaplaincy. Chaplains meet inmates from all walks of life and from many faith traditions. These encounters represent opportunities for chaplains to learn about differences and provide spiritual care to each inmate, regardless of their situation and circumstances. Honouring diversity while working together as chaplains helps to model ecumenism and inter-faith respect.

Assignment: Write a two-three page reflection on how you would accommodate an inmate from a different religious tradition from your own. Chapters nineteen, twenty, and twenty-one of A Prison Chaplaincy Manual, as well as chapters seven and eight of Glimpses of Grace provide examples.

November 24 Lecture Nine: Security Issues This lecture deals with security concerns that chaplains will face. Chaplains need to keep a sixth sense about them in terms of what is going on, debrief as often as possible with other staff, and be transparent with security intelligence officers about the nature of their work. Chaplains can become compromised if they do not understand the subcultural and criminal activities that are taking place in prisons, despite the best efforts of security staff.

Assignment: Write a two-three page reflection on precautions that you would take to keep safe in prison. What specific fears do you have about working in a prison? Chapters seven, eight, nine, and ten of A Prison Chaplaincy Manual, as well as chapter three of Glimpses of Grace provide background information.

December 1 Lecture Ten: Role of Colleagues, Staff, and Volunteers This lecture deals with the teamwork needed to work with other chaplains, staff, and volunteers. Regular staff meetings and planning sessions go a long way in providing direction and establishing priorities. Regular attendance at work board meetings, meetings with administrators, and collaboration with correctional staff are essential. Volunteers’ presence and expertise regarding the provision of programs, music ministry, book studies, and life experiences complements the work of chaplains.

Assignment: Detail how you would work with your colleagues and integrate them into your chaplaincy plans and initiatives. Which of the other employees -- social program officers, parole officers, correctional staff, and administra-

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tion – would you work most closely with? How would you integrate volunteers in your work? Chapter fifteen in A Prison Chaplaincy Manual along with chapters three and six of Glimpses of Grace provide examples.

December 8 Lecture Eleven: Restorative Justice and Reintegration This lecture deals with restorative justice and the eventual release of most inmates into society. Chaplains have opportunities to work with community organizations regarding offenders’ reintegration. They can assist in the restoration of inmates with their families, victims, church, God, community, and society.

Assignment: Write a two-three page reflection on the meaning of reintegration and restoration. How would you specifically become involved? Chapter Nine of Glimpses of Grace, along with Howard Zehr, Changing Lenses, provides some perspectives.

December 15 Synchronous Zoom Session (attendance mandatory) – 7-9 pm Review of last 5 assignments handed in. Reminder of final due dates of 2 major papers: December 15, 2020 Evaluation of Course: Suggestions for Improvements

Questions for Discussion: worth 5%. Come prepared to discuss: Do you prefer to be involved in rituals, religious education, faith formation, or something else? What do you find hardest about working ecumenically or on an inter-faith basis? What intimidates you about prison chaplaincy and security issues? How can your ministry weaknesses be complemented by your colleagues and volunteers? What steps need to be put into place in order to help offenders reintegrate?

Lecture Reflection Papers (5% each) Description These ten 2-3 page assignments give you the opportunity to interact with the video lectures, to work on different aspects of chaplaincy, and to assess where you are in terms of your calling and skills as a prison chaplain. They should be between 1000-1500 words, single-spaced, with headings. Please submit through Moodle by midnight Sunday of that week.

Scoring Criteria Each will be scored out of 5. For full marks please include the following:  2 marks: Succinct summary of the material that was presented in the video lecture and in the assigned readings

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 2 marks: Evidence of critical engagement with material and concepts in terms of your own experiences, vision, and abilities.  1 mark: Introduction, body and conclusion along with paragraph divisions, headings, clear writing and attention to grammar and spelling. Due Midnight Sunday of that week

Book Review (15%) Description Glimpses of Grace and A Ministry of Presence have been chosen as supplementary textbooks for two reasons. Glimpses of Grace provide practical examples of the types of situations you will find yourself in and the types of conversations that you will have with offenders. A sustained review of this book will help you assess your own abilities to interact with and assist offenders. A Ministry of Presence has been chosen to provide a broader picture of chaplaincy. A sustained review of this book will help you to situate yourself vis-à-vis the many different challenges of prison chaplaincy. Provide an explanation in your review of why you chose a particular book. How does the book dovetail with your own interests and professional growth? Your book review should be 5000 words, single spaced. Please submit via the assignment drop box in Moodle.

Scoring Criteria This book review will be scored out of 15. For full marks please include the following:  6 marks: Succinct overview of the book, highlighting what you regard as the most important parts. Avoid getting bogged down by details by using examples and case studies to highlight major themes.  6 marks: Integration of your understanding of the book into your own experiences and vision of prison chaplaincy.  3 marks: Introduction, body and conclusion along with paragraph divisions, headings, clear writing and attention to grammar and spelling.

Due December 15th, 2020

Pastoral/Spiritual Care Plan (20%) Description Your assignment is to come up with a five year pastoral and/or spiritual care plan. Taking account of the five wide-ranging tasks listed in the Statement of Work document (on Moodle) align them with your skills, identity, gifts, direction, goals, competences, and experiences. Select specific areas of the job to which you are well suited while not being overwhelmed by the sheer diversity of the job.

Complement the gifts that you bring to the task with those of your colleagues. If you are an introverted person, you may spend more time counselling, while your colleague, being more extroverted, finds public presence throughout the institution more amenable to their personality. Take account of the fact that you may be asked to fulfill every one of the tasks mentioned if no other chaplain is available. Integrating these tasks into a coherent whole is your challenge. Include 260

theological resources, Scripture passages, and spiritual formation that you have received in order to show how you are gifted to fulfill a prison chaplaincy role. Take into account how prison dynamics will affect and influence the way in which you fulfill your spiritual care plan, the skills that make you well suited to prison chaplaincy, the unique challenges of ecumenism and inter-faith accommodation, your rapport with colleagues and staff, and the goals of restorative justice and reintegration.

Scoring Criteria This assignment will be scored out of 20. These will be allocated according to the following:  8 marks – organization of the material, the use of the templates provided to come up with a weekly schedule, and your ability to provide a “big picture” of your work.  8 marks – the integration of the skills and tasks in the Statement of Work with your own calling as a chaplain. What is it about prison ministry in particular that excites you, that makes you want to be in this type of ministry for the long haul? Bring your past experience as a spiritual care provider, minister, elder, imam, or priest to bear on this calling.  4 marks – identification of the specific areas in which you need to grow. Diversity, pastoral interviews, therapeutic interventions, emotional intelligence, leadership skills, administration skills, group rituals, and educational programs are all areas that may need improvement. Due December 15th, 2020

Zoom Discussions (5% each) Description There are three synchronous group sessions hosted on Zoom. You are required to attend from your own device and the link will be posted in Moodle. Some of the time will be allocated to review of work done and expectations of up-coming assignments, and the remaining time is set aside to discuss the questions posted in the syllabus. Please come prepared to contribute.

Scoring Criteria Each will be scored out of 5. Expectations for full marks: • 2 marks: ability to answer each question directly and succinctly. • 2 marks: ability to interact with other students’ responses • 1 marks: ability to prioritize and integrate the topic into a larger perspective.

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Appendix 6: Prison Chaplaincy Program offered at www.pastoralcounselling.org

What is a Prison Chaplain? A chaplain is a generic term for a minister, pastor, priest, rabbi, or some other representative of a religion. However, chaplains generally do not work in churches; instead, the term is reserved for those who provide religious guidance and comfort in secular areas like hospitals, military bases, universities, prisons, and police de- partments. A prison chaplain tends to lead the religious congregations of a prison and provide religious counseling to the inmates. This is often a high stress job because there may be concerns about health safety. If you chose to work as a prison chaplain in a maximum security facility where people have been incarcerated due to murder or other serious felonies, you may be more concerned about your safety than if you worked in a facility that incarcerates offenders of lesser crimes.

Popular Programs: Associates Degree Programs Liberty University Online AA - Psychology: Christian Counseling Bachelor's Degree Programs Liberty University Online BS - Psychology: Christian Counseling Master's Degree Programs Liberty University Online M. Divinity: Pastoral Counseling MA - Christian Ministry: Pastoral Counseling MA - Pastoral Counseling MA - Pastoral Counseling: Crisis Response & Trauma MA - Pastoral Counseling: Discipleship & Church Ministry Doctorate Degree Programs Liberty University Online Doctor of Philosophy - Counseling - Pastoral Care and Counseling PhD - Pastoral Care and Counseling

Prison Chaplain Duties and Qualities A prison chaplain does more than just counsel inmates and lead religious services. They are also in charge of supervising volunteers and administering various religious programs in the prisons. Some may think that the congregations in prison would be small. After all, serving time in a prison means that a person has broken 262

the law, and in most cases, that means they have sinned. Those who do so may not always feel the need to find forgiveness, especially those who have committed more serious crimes like murder and rape. However, according to surveys and other research data done on prison inmates and religion, almost 50 percent of all inmates are Christian and attempt to convert others. What this means is that prison chaplains often find themselves preaching to a good sized and growing flock. Prison chaplains are often confidants. They listen to those who have committed a crime and, in many cases, are asked to provide help in becoming rehabilitated. In this regard, they do the exact same job that prison administrators and therapists do: they work with inmates to help them identify what they did, understand why it was wrong, and create new behaviors and habits that ensure they will not commit these types of acts when they leave prison. For those sentenced to life in prison, chaplains help them come to terms with that. They offer peace of mind and can help these inmates reconnect with their spirituality and learn how to accept the fact that they will live out the rest of their natural lives in jail without their loved ones. Prison chaplains must also comfort and counsel those on death row. They help these people make peace with their lives and with God. They may provide last rites and sit with the accused in their last hours, offering them prayer and forgiveness. Some also help facilitate discussions between the inmate and their family or between the inmate and the family of those who were hurt. Some on death row do want to ask forgiveness from the families of their victims, and such a discussion often needs the help of a chaplain to make sure it goes smoothly. A prison chaplain also often functions as an administrator and supervisor for volunteer counselors. In large prisons, the chaplain may not be able to personally provide counsel for every inmate. Other ordained members of the church may volunteer their time, freeing up the chaplain to work with those who need the most guidance. Some prisons also have several religious programs in place such as Bible study or a choir. The prison chaplain acts as the administrator for these programs, although again, in many situations the programs are run by volunteers.

Steps to Become a Prison Chaplain The requirements for becoming a prison chaplain vary from state to state and from prison to prison. However, there are many common requirements that all candidates should be aware of. In short, it is necessary to have a bachelor’s degree, become ordained, and become certified in order to hold this position. Many prisons may require a chaplain to hold a master’s degree, especially those that house large populations or have inmates who have committed very serious crimes. Listed below is a complete summary of the general requirements to become a prison chaplain: 263

Have a strong faith. Be empathetic, understanding, and nonjudgmental. Earn a bachelor’s degree in an area such as religion or counseling. Consider earning a master’s degree in a relevant field, such as Biblical Studies, Theology, Divinity or Religion. Get ordained by your church. Complete a residency or internship if required. Get licensed or earn ecclesiastical certification.

Have a Strong Faith and a Willingness to Forgive It’s true that any chaplain is going to need to have a strong faith, but it’s especially important for someone who is dealing with criminals to be strong in their beliefs and be willing to forgive others. You may interact with murders, rapists, and others who have done horrible things. As a chaplain, you must be willing to listen to them without judging them. In many cases, they will ask for forgiveness, and while it may not be yours to give, you have to know how to handle these situations.

Become Ordained In order to offer the best religious counseling and guidance possible, plus in order to be qualified to lean a congregation, you will need to be ordained in your church in order to serve as a prison chaplain. This means that you will need to follow the ordination process. This process varies from church to church, but in many, it requires going before a board of ordained church leaders and demonstrating that you have the knowledge, desire, and training to serve the church in a leadership role.

Education Requirements The educational path for anyone interested in becoming a prison chaplain will start with earning a bachelor’s degree in religion or a related field. Most opt for religion because many programs offer programs tracks aimed at educating new chaplains. These tracks focus on courses such as interpersonal communication, Biblical counseling, and more. They provide a future prison chaplain with the foundation needed to counsel those whose life circumstances are unlike the average member of the congregation. This type of training is vital because it takes more to work as a prison chaplain than it does to lead the average church. While most people get a degree in religion, some who plan to go into this line of work also take courses in psychology and counseling. These courses often help support the work they’re doing in their religious classes. Some opt to do a minor study in psychology or get a religion/psychology double major.

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The Importance of Program Accreditation When selecting a program, it’s important to select a program that has been accredited by a third-party organization. Those going for an undergraduate degree will want to make certain that the entire university and, especially, the university’s school of religion is accredited. Holding a degree from a university that has been accredited by the Council for Higher Education Accreditation (CHEA) will make it easier to obtain different certifications, but it’s not required. If you’re studying for a graduate degree, you may want to make certain that the university’s program has been accredited by one of several different organizations that specialize in religious program accreditation, such as the Association of Theo- logical Schools (ATS), the Association for Biblical Higher Education (ABHE) or the Transnational Association for Christian Colleges and Schools (TRACS).

Consider Earning a Master's Degree Some prison chaplain jobs do not require a graduate degree, but a number of them do. Some even give preferences to those who hold doctorates in religion. While you may be able to find a job with only a bachelor’s degree, there are many more doors open to those who hold a graduate degree. A Master’s in Divinity or in a related field can make it much easier to get a job. When you begin working in a graduate program, you’re going to want to take courses in pastoral counseling, biblical counseling, and grief counseling in addition to other religious studies. These courses will help prepare you for the type of help inmates are going to seek from you.

Graduate Program Goals and Objectives The objective of any graduate program in religion is to prepare its graduates to enter the world with a greater knowledge and understanding of religion. The more practical goal, however, is to prepare people to become ordained leaders in their church. Many programs aim to teach graduate students how to connect with members of the congregation and how to counsel them appropriately, which will be of great help to a future prison chaplain.

Earning Practical Experience You may be required to gain practical experience under a supervised, certified chaplain before you qualify for certain jobs. These residencies often last up to two years and require doing much of the same work as you would as a full chaplain. The only difference is that you have a senior chaplain there to provide you with guidance and help you learn everything you’ll need to know.

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Prison Chaplain Licensing and Certification Some chaplains are going to need to complete the Clinical Pastoral Education (CPE) certification program before being hired. This includes those who are going into work at hospitals and in most prisons, so expect to need to get this certification. It’s available through the Association for Clinical Pastoral Education and involves taking CPE courses and passing a specific number of units—some programs require more units than others. In addition to CPE certification, you may also need to be certified by the Asso- ciation for Professional Chaplains (APC). There are several other chaplain organizations out there that may provide certification, but the APC is the largest group in the U.S. The APC requires applicants to be ordained, hold a graduate degree, have completed four units of CPE, and have an endorsement from their church.

Prison Chaplain Jobs & Job Description Acting as chaplain in one or several jails and prisons in an area is a job for the resilient, faithful and practical. While jobs do vary depending on the population and institution, most prison chaplains are comfortable performing the following duties: Administer religious programs Cooperate with other members of the clergy and faith teams to provide a variety of accessible worship experiences Lead worship services and other services Work with external faith-based groups Advise correctional staff on religious issues Be prepared to speak with offenders after release. Supervise and train volunteers Provide support and counseling for staff Facilitate interfaith dialogue Administer secular rehabilitation services Follow up with former inmates after their release Help offenders examine their behaviours and decisions Facilitate the process as offenders discover new ways of living Help offenders find peace of mind Facilitate the acceptance of responsibility for their actions Help offenders safely reintegrate into communities Ensure that offenders of all traditions are offered equal opportunities to practice their faith Perform administrative tasks Facilitate communication between families and inmates Offer regular pastoral counseling Offer crisis pastoral counseling to offenders in need 266

Coordinate pastoral volunteer services Visit with inmates and their families as appropriate Obtain an official ecclesiastical endorsement from their denomination or faith group Help inmates explore questions related to spirituality, religion, vocation and life purpose

Professional Organizations for Prison Chaplains

Most professional chaplains are members of the APC. This nondenominational group has members who belong to many different religions. This organization provides several different resources and hosts various conferences throughout the year to promote dialogue and thought about what it means to serve as a prison chaplain. Listed below are additional resources for chaplains working within the correctional industry.

Organization/Association Contact Information

American Correctional Chaplains Association P.O. Box 85840 Seattle, WA 98145-1840 (206) 985-0577

International Prison Chaplains Association P.O. Box 159 Fort Langley, BC V1m 2R5 Canada

American Association of Pastoral Counselors 9504A Lee Highway Fairfax, VA 22031-2303 (703) 385-6967

Canadian Association for Spiritual Care 1267 Dorval Drive, Unit 27 Oakville, ON- Canada L6M 3Z4 1-866-442-2773

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Appendix 7: Islamic Chaplaincy Program at Hartford Seminary, Connecticut, USA.

The Islamic Chaplaincy Program at Hartford Seminary is a 72-credit program that combines academic study and practical training. The program, recognized as a Master of Divinity equivalent by the Association of Theological Schools, has two components: 1. The 48-credit M.A. in Religious Studies degree with a focused area of study in Islamic Studies and Christian/Muslim Relations. 2. The 24-credit Graduate Certificate in Islamic Chaplaincy consisting of 18 credits in Islamic “Practices of Ministry” and related courses and 6 credits of field education/practical application and training. Integral to the rationale for developing and offering the Islamic Chaplaincy Program are the strengths already in existence at Hartford Seminary which include:

• the strong academic curriculum available through the current M.A. in Reli- gious Studies degree program with a focused area of study in Islamic Studies and Christian-Muslim Relations; • the interfaith orientation, work and scholarship of the Duncan Black Macdon- ald Center for the Study of Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations; and • the expertise of the Hartford Institute for Religion Research in working with active faith communities. Director: Dr. Timur Yuskaev, [email protected], 860-509-9554

Application and Admission for the Graduate Certificate Program in Islamic Chaplaincy (For application and admission information pertinent to the M.A. in Religious Stud- ies degree with a focused area of study in Islamic Studies and Christian-Muslim Relations, please see the Master of Arts in Religious Studies Degree Program section.) Admission to the Graduate Certificate in Is- lamic Chaplaincy requires a bachelor’s degree (or its educational equivalent) from an accredited institution, and extensive knowledge of Is- lam, which may have been acquired in various ways. Ideally, students applying to the Gradu- ate Certificate in Islamic Chaplaincy will have

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completed a master’s degree (or its educational equivalent).

Preference will be given to students who are working or will be working as chaplains in the U.S. or with a U.S. agency, organization or institution. International students who require visas will, in rare cases, be considered for admission; however, all documents necessary for the I-20 (financial statement and sponsorship, etc.), and a Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL) (minimum score of 550 (written version), 213 (computer version) or 80 (internet version)), or IELTS (minimum score of 6.5) are required.

Note: The United States Armed Forces expects students who want to be military chaplains to earn both the M.A. in Religious Studies with a focus in Islamic Studies and Christian-Muslim Relations degree and the Graduate Certificate in Islamic Chaplaincy.

Additional Admissions Stipulations: • Admission to a Graduate Certificate program of study does not constitute or guarantee admission to the M.A. in Religious Studies degree program; • Coursework that was taken for credit as a special student at Hartford Seminary prior to admission may be applied toward the 24 credits required for the graduate certificate; however, at least 6 of the 18 course credits (field education credits are excluded from this requirement) must be taken after official notification of admission to the graduate certificate program; • No transfer credit from other institutions will be allowed to count toward the graduate certificate; • Advanced Standing credit may be granted by the Academic Policy Committee only toward three of the six field education/relevant life experience credits as stipulated above. Students wishing to be admitted prior to the start of a given semester must make sure their files are complete by the following deadlines:

• April 15 for Summer Session or to be included in the first round of financial aid decisions for the next academic year; (To be considered for financial aid, a separate Application for Financial Assistance must be completed and submitted to the Financial Aid Committee by June 1st.) • July 15 for the Fall Semester; • December 1 for January Intersession and the Winter/Spring Semester.

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An applicant’s file is complete when the following items have been received by the Admissions Office:

1. The application form and application fee of $50. 2. A personal statement of three to four pages identifying the applicant’s personal goals for the Graduate Certificate in Islamic Chaplaincy, his/her perceived strengths, and his/her potential areas for development. 3. Complete official transcripts from all previous undergraduate and graduate institutions. 4. Two letters of recommendation: One letter of recommendation from a professor or instructor who can speak to the applicant’s academic abilities and potential or a professional colleague who can speak to her or his capabilities and potential. A second letter of recommendation from the leader of a Muslim religious or community organization that speaks to the abilities and potential of the applicant to work cooperatively in community activities, exercise religious leadership and achieve a deeper understanding of his or her faith, linguistically and intellectually.

One can apply through either a paper-based or an online format, both available on our website www.hartsem.edu/admissions/apply-online/. Detailed instructions for completing the application are also provided at this link. You may also request a paper application by calling our Admissions Office at 860-509-9512.

Interview: After a student’s file is complete, the student will be contacted by the Admissions Office to set up an interview. While in most cases the interview will happen on the Hartford Seminary campus, a phone interview may be conducted where distance prohibits a visit to campus. Applications will only be sent on to the Admissions Committee for review once the interview has been conducted. Readmission: Please see Readmission policy.

Customized Program In consultation with the Director of the Islamic Chaplaincy Program, each student’s program will be customized to meet his or her educational needs and professional/vocational objectives within the formal guidelines and criteria established for the Islamic Chaplaincy Program at Hartford Seminary. Depending on the applicant’s previous education and experience and the applicant’s future goals and work setting, the applicant may be required to complete both components of the Islamic Chap- laincy Program or just the Graduate Certificate in Islamic Chaplaincy. For further 270

information, contact the Admissions Office. View our Islamic Chaplaincy Program brochure.

Master of Arts in Religious Studies Degree The M.A. in Religious Studies degree requires the successful completion of 48 credits. The M.A. in Religious Studies degree with a focus in Islamic Studies and Christian-Muslim Relations is designed to provide students with foundational knowledge in the major disciplines of Islamic religious thought and practice, historical and contemporary perspectives on Islamic societies, and theological and social interaction between Islam and Christianity. Students choosing this area of focused study are strongly encouraged to take Arabic. Please see the Master of Arts in Religious Studies Degree Program section for complete information.

Graduate Certificate in Islamic Chaplaincy The Graduate Certificate in Islamic Chaplaincy is designed to provide Muslim religious leaders and chaplains with basic skills in pastoral care, practices of ministry, theology and ethics, dialogue and interfaith relations needed to serve as chaplains in a variety of settings. The areas of knowledge and skill acquisi- tion provided by the 24-credit graduate certificate are: the responsibilities of Muslim chaplains/religious leaders surrounding life events such as birth, death, marriage, and loss;

• the rituals surroundings these same life events; • examination of Islamic law, which undergirds all Islamic rituals and includes ethics and morality; • the application of Islamic law to daily life; • exposure to and understanding of chaplaincy skills in multifaith settings; and • understanding of faith traditions other than one’s own.

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Requirements/Credits Introduction to Islamic Law (ET-640) or Contemporary Islamic Ethics (ET-655)

3 credits Courses in Practices of Ministry, Theology and Ethics, Islamic Studies and Christian-

Muslim Relations 15 credits Practical Training 6 credits All courses need to be approved in advance and in consultation with the Program Director.

Students completing the certificate will also be expected to have acquired basic skills in Qur’anic recitation as well as the foundational Islamic knowledge needed to function successfully as Muslim Chaplains.

Practical Training All students in the graduate Certificate program in Islamic Chaplaincy must complete six credits of practical training. In most cases, this practical training will consist of three credits of Clinical Pastoral Education and three credits of field education.

Clinical Pastoral Education (3 credits): All students are required to take one unit of Clinical Pastoral Education (CPE). When the student has completed the unit of CPE, he/she must submit an Advanced Standing petition to the Academic Policy Committee which requests three credits and include a copy of his/her CPE certificate. No tuition is charged by the Seminary for CPE.

Field Education (GC-580 – 3 credits): The content and setting of field education will vary according to the needs of the student. Normally, students are expected to work in a Muslim or non-Muslim institution 8 hours a week for 30 weeks for a total of 240 hours in a capacity that corresponds with the skills required in a specific area of chaplaincy, such as prison ministry, hospital, university, military, or community work. Students must register for GC-580 Field Education when they begin their field education placement and are charged tuition for three credits.

All field education placements must have an on-site field education supervisor and a Hartford Seminary supervisor (in most cases this will be the Director of the Islamic Chaplaincy Program). Supervisors and students will be required to sign an agree- ment that specifies their mutual rights and duties. The field education supervisor, the student, and the Hartford Seminary field education supervisor (Director of the Is- lamic Chaplaincy Program or designee) will meet (on-site or virtually if necessary) 272

a minimum of once each semester during the field education experience. In rare instances, students may be permitted to fulfill the field education requirement outside the New England area with the consent of the Director of the Islamic Chaplaincy Program and with the assurance of appropriate means for assessing the nature and quality of the supervision.

Students with an extensive background in religious leadership may apply to the Ac- ademic Policy Committee to be granted three credits of Advanced Standing (in lieu of GC-580) for previous religious leadership experiences relevant to their intended field within Islamic Chaplaincy (ex. military, university, correctional facility, hospital, etc.…). Petitions for Advanced Standing need to be made in accordance with the “Advanced Standing Guidelines of Hartford Seminary” and will be acted on by the Academic Policy Committee in consultation with the Director of the Islamic Chap- laincy Program.

Islamic Chaplaincy Colloquium: All students are required to attend the annual Is- lamic Chaplaincy Colloquium throughout their studies. The Colloquium is designed to facilitate collegial sharing, peer education, spiritual formation and networking among students, alumni and practitioners in the field of Islamic Chaplaincy. Students who are currently carrying out their Field Education are expected to prepare presen- tations and facilitate workshops at the colloquium that reflect on their experience of working areas within the field of chaplaincy. A fee for the Colloquium will be automatically added to the account of each student in the Islamic Chaplaincy program. Students who have completed the Islamic Chaplaincy program will be able to: Demonstrate foundational and critical knowledge of the Islamic tradition as relevant to Muslim chaplains. Develop an appreciation of living in a pluralistic world and dialogical skills needed to work in multi-faith and diverse settings. Enhance abilities related to spiritual/pastoral care and community service.

Hartford Seminary address: 77 Sherman Street, Hartford, CT 06105-2260 phone: (860) 509-9500 fax: (860) 509-9509 email: [email protected]

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Appendix 8: Master of Theology in Chaplaincy Studies A Cardiff University Degree delivered in partnership with St Michael’s College.

General Introduction

Welcome to this innovative, exciting and unique course that has been specifically designed with the needs, interests and resources of military, health service and school chaplains in mind. We very much hope that you will enjoy your study with Cardiff University and St Michael’s College, Cardiff. This handbook is designed to help you to get started on the course, to understand its nature and functioning, and to give you a clear sense of the work that you will need to do. Please read it now, particularly the early sections, and then keep it by you as the course progresses. Clearly, some of the information given is less relevant now than it will be in the future. Equally, you will not find every particular that you need to know in this book. However, it is an important first point of reference for queries and understanding what you should be doing. Students may apply for the course through St Michael’s College (SMC). In all cases, however you enquire, the final application form is submitted by on-line registration administered by Cardiff University at http://www.cardiff.ac.uk/regis/general/applyonline/index.html. There is a course administrator at SMC. The SMC administrator is Tina Franklin on 029 2083 8009 or [email protected] who will be glad to answer any questions. You can also discuss matters with the Director of Postgradu- ate Training, Dr John Wilks, on 029 2083 8004 or [email protected].

Introducing the MTh Chaplaincy Studies (MTh CS)

The MTh CS is a relatively new course, launched in 2001, and organised in a novel way that integrates individually-directed personal study with residential learning together with other chaplains. We will be asking you to comment on your experience at the end of most modules throughout your period of enrolment with us so that we can improve all aspects of the MTh CS and ensure that it remains relevant. However, if for any reason you find that you are not enjoying or getting as much out of the course as you want or need, then please discuss your concerns with the MTh Course Director as soon as you can. The MTh Course Director will also be able to help you with specific queries and information that is not contained in this book. During 2008, the MTh became part of the work of the Cardiff Centre for Chaplaincy Studies, launched by St. Michael’s, in partnership with the University. The Centre is concerned not only with the provision of courses for chaplains, but

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also with developing research into chaplaincy, which will involve chaplains and academics working together. Further information can be found on the College website www.stmichaels.ac.uk. A key feature of this qualification is the study mode style. Normally, all teaching is delivered at short-term residential events held four times a year. To complete the PGDip, students are required to attend all these over two academic years; for the MTh, students are required to attend at least two more residential.

Background to the MTh Chaplaincy Studies

In 1998, the then Chaplain General to HM Land Forces, The Ven. John Black- burn, approached St Michael’s College and Cardiff University to enquire whether it would be possible for these institutions, nationally renowned for their residential courses in practical theological and ministerial education, to provide in-service education for army chaplains. The brief given to the Cardiff consortium was that it should allow maximum flexibility for chaplains who might be posted anywhere in the world and be very distant from the UK for much of their study time while providing a high quality educational experience. A course team was convened containing representatives from the RAChD and Cardiff academics to develop an appropriate MTh programme that could gain academic approval through the Quality Assurance process of Cardiff University and the University of Wales (of which Cardiff was at that time a constituent institution.) The concept of chaplaincy training through a post-graduate qualification was then thrown open to competitive tender from universities throughout the UK. The Cardiff course was successful, it was awarded an experimental contract from the Ministry of Defence for three years of entry, and it admitted its first students in 2001. In the event, RAF chaplains participated in the scheme from the beginning. It was apparent from the early days of the design stage that a scheme was emerging that would be applicable to disciplines other than that of military chaplaincy for which it was being developed. The idea of a family of chaplaincy routes was born, in which chaplains from several disciplines could fruitfully study together with all the educational gains of interdisciplinary study without suffering the water- ing down and loss of specialist cutting edge that is too often the price paid on general courses. As a result of both teaching staff and student comment during the first year of delivery, the structure for the delivery and assessment of the MTh was considerably altered for the second year of intake in 2002 but the content and the fundamental methodology was unaltered. At the same time a second route (the education route) for schools chaplains was introduced. The basic design was further changed for the 2003 entry, primarily with a view to simplification. It has not changed since. 275

In 2004, a third route (the health route) was added. Also in 2004, again after competitive tendering, the Ministry of Defence awarded a contract for a further five years of military entry. Further developments took place during 2007. A Higher Ed- ucation Route for University Chaplains was developed and validated, and a Generic Route was also agreed by the MTh Board. Developments through 2012–13 have seen both a number of new modules provided, and a Restructuring of the routes into two separate qualifications, one just for Military chaplains, and the other providing for the other routes (now renamed pathways) along with the provision of CertHE and DipHE qualifications as entry routes (meaning students can choose from the start to study for these awards). All the designated pathways (Military, Education, Health and Higher Educa- tion) provide specifically for the needs of chaplains in those constituencies, through two specialist modules in each pathway, delivered during Part 1 of the degree. Chap- lains also research areas relevant to their work in Part 2, the dissertation. In both parts support is provided by tutors with relevant experience and expertise. The Generic pathway works in a different, but complementary, way. Like other pathways four of the taught modules are shared with students on other pathways. The specialist modules are designed, however, to equip chaplains to understand chaplaincy in a variety of different contexts, from prisons to commerce, from work with seafarers to work with the emergency services or sports. Should it become apparent that there is significant demand for the MTh from any one of these areas of chaplaincy, then consideration will be given to providing a further specialist route, or routes. Course Aim and Outcomes

The MTh CS is a postgraduate, post-experience course which aims to develop intellectual competence and post-graduate skills alongside deepening reflective practice and enhancing pastoral activity. It falls broadly within the academic field of practical theology.1 It is expected that most of the students undertaking the course will be involved in professional chaplaincy, whether on a full- or part-time basis, paid or volunteer. However, it is also possible for those who do not work in the chaplaincy field directly to study on the course if this seems appropriate. The course is open to all suitably qualified and motivated people of all denominations and faith communities, as well as to people who have no religious commitment or faith.

Aim

The formal aim of the course is to improve the intellectual, reflective and practical competence of chaplains at postgraduate, post-experience level with a view to making their roles more effective so they can make an enhanced and more appropriate

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contribution within their chaplaincy work. It also provides an opportunity for exploring present and future training and educational needs within professional development. Outcomes

At the end of the course, you should be able to: . Give a critical account of the role and context of your chaplaincy task; . Demonstrate a firm understanding of the content and application of relevant theological and other kinds of theoretical knowledge that pertain to your Chaplaincy work; . Show an ability to understand and use skills of critical analysis, intellectual flexibility and powers of evaluation, and to pursue independent study or research appropriate to postgraduate, post-experience levels of study in relation to your professional tasks and needs; . Have developed communication, information management and critical reflective skills that will enable you the better to respond to the pressures of your professional activities; . Demonstrate an understanding of the main ethical, value and other issues and dilemmas facing the military, educational or health institutions in contemporary society and to be able, through the use of relevant theories and concepts, to make a real contribution to facilitating discussion on these issues; See James Woodward and Stephen Pattison, eds., The Blackwell Reader in Pastoral and Practical Theology (Blackwell, 1999), for discussion of the nature and parameters of practical theology and cognates such as applied theology, pastoral theology etc. . Situate your specific role as a military, educational or health chaplain within wider debates and practices of practical theology, pastoral care and chaplaincy in other institutions; . Use appropriate skills of reflection on practice and self-understanding in the service of your pastoral and other activities; . Outline and understand the use of some new relevant practical pastoral or other skills that pertain to your own role; . Explain how selected different disciplinary theoretical frameworks and practical approaches may be used to enhance the theory and practice of your chaplaincy task. These course objectives, to inform and enhance your professional performance, will be taken up in various and different ways within modules and cumulatively through the scheme as you pursue it.

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Appendix 9: Excerpt of Interview Questions by Gary E. Berg1

CHAPTER 4 PASTORAL CARE COMPUTER ASSESSMENT PROGRAM After entering the patient's name, social security number, religious preference, and other demographic information, the CAP asks a series of 90 questions. As mentioned above, the first question asked is:

HOW OFTEN DO YOU ATTEND RELIGIOUS SERVICES DURING THE YEAR? 1. NEVER 2. MAJOR HOLIDAYS ONLY 3. MORE THAN 4 TIMES A YEAR 4. WEEKLY 5. MORE THAN ONCE A WEEK TYPE THE NUMBER THAT IS MOST DESCRIPTIVE OF YOUR PRACTICE The answer given to this question corresponds to five Organized Religious Activity (ORA Score on the patient's printout). A score of 1 means the patient never attends church, synagogue, or religious ceremony. A score of 5 indicates ORA is High. ASIDE FROM HOW OFTEN YOU ATTEND REGULAR RELIGIOUS SERVICES, DO YOU CONSIDER YOURSELF TO BE: 1. AGAINST RELIGION 2. NOT AT ALL RELIGIOUS 3. ONLY SLIGHTLY RELIGIOUS 4. FAIRLY RELIGIOUS 5. DEEPLY RELIGIOUS TYPE THE NUMBER THAT IS MOST DESCRIPTIVE OF YOUR BELIEF HOW MUCH IS RELIGION (AND/OR GOD) A SOURCE OF STRENGTH AND COM- FORT TO YOU?

1. NOT AT ALL 2. SLIGHTLY 3. QUITE A BIT 4. A GREAT DEAL

TYPE THE NUMBER THAT BEST DESCRIBES HOW IMPORTANT RELIGION IS TO YOU These two questions make up the patient’s Religious Assessment Profile or printout. The minimum score is 2 and the maximum is 9.

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The next three screens score the patients’ Non-Organized Religious Activity. They ask: HOW OFTEN DO YOU PRIVATELY PRAY?

1. NEVER 2. OCCASIONALLY (AT LEAST ONCE A WEEK) 3. REGULARLY (ONCE A DAY) 4. FREQUENTLY (TWICE A DAY OR MORE)

TYPE THE NUMBER THAT BEST DESCRIBES YOUR PRIVATE PRAYER LIFE. HOW OFTEN DO YOU READ THE BIBLE OR OTHER RELIGIOUS LITERATURE? 1. NEVER 2. OCCASIONALLY (AT LEAST ONCE A WEEK) 3. REGULARLY (ONCE A DAY) 4. FREQUENTLY (TWICE A DAY OR MORE)

TYPE THE NUMBER THAT BEST DESCRIBES YOUR DEVOTIONAL READING.

HOW OFTEN DO YOU LISTEN TO RELIGIOUS PROGRAMS ON THE RADIO OR TV? 1. NEVER 2. MONTHLY 3. WEEKLY 4. ONCE A DAY 5. TWICE A DAY OR MORE TYPE THE NUMBER THAT BEST DESCRIBES YOUR RELIGIOUS TV VIEWING OR RADIO LISTENING. These three questions make up the NORA Score. The minimum score possible is 3. The maximum score is 13. When these three indexes are all totalled, the ORA, the NORA, and the Intrinsic Religious Score, the range of possibilities is 6 for low and 27 for a high score. This score is automatically computed and is listed as the patient's Total Religious Index on the printout. This number gives a summary of religious resources the patient has at his or her disposal.

The eighth screen to appear contains three questions. It is Rokeach's Ultimate Values Test as already modified by McSherry. Two additional changes have been made in it. McSherd lists "Faith and Church" as a single category. (A 1990 Gallup survey revealed "Faith" as the number one value listed by Americans; 40% placed it at the top of their list.) Faith cannot, however, be equated with organized religion. While church attendance and faith in God are highly correlated, many respondents to the

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CAP rely upon God for support in their lives and rank high on non-organized religious activity without ever going to church. For this reason faith and church have been separated. The other change has to do with the value “knowing and loving God." This value carries with it the imperative "should" or connotes an "oughtness." This has been changed to "knowing God's love." The difference is declarative. God is the initiator; I am the recipient of God's grace. God comes to me. A Quality Assurance study that has been repeated several times on a chemical dependency program by a significant number of patients ranks "knowing that God loves and is concerned for the patient" as being the most important task the chaplain must communicate and demonstrate to the hospitalized patient. From the Christian perspective, Kari Baffle has said that the essence of Christianity is contained in the children's song, "Jesus loves me, this I know; for the Bible tells me so." "God is love” is a more profound concept and ultimate value than my love for God, which at best is often partial, and sometimes even fickle. The Ultimate Values Test appears on the screen as follows:

FROM THE FOLLOWING LIST, RANK YOUR TOP THREE VALUES.

1. EQUALITY 9. HAPPINESS 16. WORLD AT PEACE 2. FAMILY HARMONY 10. WISDOM 17. CHURCH 3. FRIENDSHIP 11. WORLD OF BEAUTY 18. PERSONAL SALVATION 4. MARITAL RELATIONSHIP 12. RELIGIOUS COMMUNITY/ 19. FREEDOM OR RELIGIOUS TRAD 5. SELF RESPECT 13. COMFORTABLE LIFE 20. KNOWING GOD'S LOVE 6. EXCITING LIFE 14. SOCIAL RECOGNITION 21. INNER HARMONY 7. GOOD HEALTH 15. FINANCIAL SECURITY/ 22. SENSE OF ACCOMPLISH. 8. FAITH IN GOD

PLEASE TYPE THE NUMBERS THAT BEST DESCRIBE YOUR 3 HIGHEST VALUES:

These three values are printed out on the printout as: THE PATIENT’S HIGHEST VALUE IS ______

THE PATIENT’S SECOND HIGHEST VALUE IS ______

THE PATIENT’S THIRD HIGHEST VALUE IS ______

The next 55 screens contain a single question each related to the Holmes/Westberg Personal Health Inventory scale. The appearance of each screen is as follows: TYPE A “Y” IF THE FOLLOWING HAS OCCURRED FOR YOU IN THE LAST TWO YEARS. TYPE A 'N' IF IT HAS NOT OCCURRED FOR YOU IN THE LAST TWO YEARS

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PERSONAL EVENT OR CHANGE Y/N DEATH OF A CLOSE FRIEND OR FAMILY MEMBER Y/N PERSONAL INJURY, ILLNESS OR HOSPITALIZATION Y/N PREGNANCY (OR PREGNANCY OF SPOUSE OR SIGNIFICANT OTHER) Y/N LOSS OF SELF-CONFIDENCE Y/N OUTSTANDING ACHIEVEMENT (GRADUATION, PROMOTION, ETC) Y/N CHANGE IN EATING HABITS Y/N CHANGE IN SEXUAL ACTIVITY Y/N CHANGE IN SLEEPING PATTERNS Y/N CHANGE IN ENERGY LEVEL Y/N CONSIDERED SUICIDE Y/N CHANGE IN RELIGIOUS BELIEF OR PRACTICE Y/N STRESS RELATED TO VACATION Y/N CHANGE IN RELATIONS WITH PARENTS Y/N CHANGE IN RECREATIONAL TIME OR ACTIVITY Y/N TROUBLE WITH THE LAW Y/N CHANGE IN TIME SCHEDULE Y/N CHANGE IN DRINKING BEHAVIOR Y/N CHANGE IN SMOKING BEHAVIOR Y/N CHANGE IN DRUG USE Y/N PHYSICAL OR SEXUAL ABUSE Y/N

This last question addressing the issue of physical and sexual abuse is not contained in the Holmes/Westberg inventory. It has been added with a score assigned to it of 75 points. The weight assigned to this issue is second to the death of a spouse (100), equivalent to death of a close friend or family member and just above divorce (73). This item has been added to this loss/life change inventory because it is an issue pastoral counselors and chaplains need to assess for and address. As has already been mentioned, the impersonality of the computer lends itself to obtaining information that may otherwise be avoided or denied, by either the counselor or the counselee.

The second section of the Homes/Westberg inventory pertains to Marital Relation- ship. Questions asked in this section of the CAP are: MARITAL RELATIONSHIP GOT MARRIED Y/N GOT DIVORCED Y/N GOT SEPARATED Y/N BECAME WIDOWED Y/N STARTED OR ENDED LIVING TOGETHER Y/N DISAGREEMENTS OVER MONEY MANAGEMENT Y/N INCREASED EMOTIONAL DISTANCE Y/N TROUBLE WITH IN-LAWS Y/N SPOUSE BEGINNING OR STOPPING WORK OR SCHOOL Y/N

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The third section of the Holmes/Westberg Inventory asks questions about House- hold Events: HOUSEHOLD EVENT FAMILY MEMBER LEFT HOME Y/N GAIN OF A NEW MEMBER (BIRTH, PARENTS MOVING IN, ETC.) Y/N SPOUSE AT HOME MORE THAN BEFORE Y/N PROBLEMS WITH CHILDREN AT HOME Y/N CHANGE IN RESIDENCE Y/N REMODELING OR BUILDING Y/N CHANGE IN HEALTH, BEHAVIOR, OR ATTITUDE OF A MEMBER OF THE HOUSE- HOLD Y/N CHANGE IN NEIGHBORS OR NEIGHBORHOOD Y/N

The fourth section of the Holmes/Westberg Inventory focuses on Vocational Events: VOCATIONAL EVENT NEW JOB, OR NEW LINE OF WORK Y/N QUIT JOB Y/N RETIRED FROM JOB Y/N FIRED FROM JOB Y/N LAID OFF Y/N PROMOTION Y/N DEMOTION Y/N DISABLED Y/N LESS JOB SECURITY YN TROUBLE WITH WORK/ ASSOCIATES Y/N CHANGE IN HOURS, CONDITIONS, TRAVEL, ETC. Y/N

The fifth section of the Holmes/Westberg Inventory asks questions regarding Fi- nancial Change:

FINANCIAL CHANGE CHANGES IN FINANCIAL STATE (BETTER OR WORSE) Y/N MAJOR MORTGAGE OR LOAN TAKEN OUT Y/N FORECLOSURE OF MORTGAGE OR LOAN Y/N The final section is the result of Granger Westberg's contribution to the more familiar work of Holmes. It contains the following 5 questions under the heading Spiritual Dimension: SPIRITUAL DIMENSION CHANGE IN RELATIONSHIP WITH GOD Y/N CHANGE IN CHURCH ACTIVITY OR PRAYER LIFE Y/N 282

SIGNIFICANT SPIRITUAL EXPERIENCE Y/N SPIRITUAL EMPTINESS Y/N CONSTANT FEELING OF GUILT OR ANXIETY Y/N

A summary is contained on each individual Religious Assessment Printout for each section of the Holmes/Westberg Inventory. An example of such a Printout Summary follows: THE PERSONAL EVENTS SCORE IS 273 MARITAL RELATIONS SCORE IS 60 HOUSEHOLD EVENT SCORE IS 32 VOCATIONAL EVENTS SCORE IS O FINANCIAL CHANGES SCORE IS 38 HIS/HER SPIRITUAL DIMENSION SCORE IS 89 THE PATIENTS TOTAL PERSONAL HEALTH INVENTORY SCORE IS 492 These scores are automatically computed and are readily available to the Chaplain or clinician immediately after the patient has completed the CAP. The next section of the CAP is a scale developed by the author of this manual entitled Spiritual Injury Scale. It may also be referred to as a religious pathology index; it focuses on the disfigurements of the soul that often cause hurting individuals to seek help, either from the church, from pastoral counselors, or from mental health professionals. It is an area that chaplains and pastoral counselors need to claim as their area of expertise and need to develop skills and sensitivity in providing treatment. These are areas which are often poorly handled by mental health professionals with no background or training in theology or spiritual direction. They are areas with a long and rich tradition in the history of spiritual care and religious healing. The eight topics measured by the Spiritual Injury Scale are 1) guilt, 2) anger and resentment, 3) grief and sadness, 4) lack of meaning or purpose in life, 5) despair or hopelessness, 6) feeling that God or life is unfair, 7) worries and doubts over disbelief in God, and 8) fear of death. Problems in these areas are measured on a four- point Likert scale ranging from never = 1, sometimes = 2, often = 3, and very often = 4. The minimum score that can be achieved is 8; a maximum score of 32 is possible. The printout captures and calls to the attention of the clinician each area where a patient states he/she is often or very often troubled by one of the items on the SIS (Spiritual Injury Scale) index. The SIS questions appear on the screen as follows:

HOW OFTEN DO YOU FEEL GUILTY OVER PAST BEHAVIORS? 1. NEVER 2. SOMETIMES 3. OFTEN 4. VERY OFTEN

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TYPE THE NUMBER THAT BEST DESCRIBES THE FREQUENCY OF FEELING:

DOES ANGER OR RESENTMENT BLOCK YOUR PEACE OF MIND? 1. NEVER 2. SOMETIMES 3. OFTEN 4. VERY OFTEN TYPE THE NUMBER THAT BEST DESCRIBES THE FREQUENCY OF FEELING.

HOW OFTEN DO YOU FEEL SAD OR EXPERIENCE GRIEF? 1. NEVER 2. SOMETIMES 3. OFTEN 4. VERY OFTEN

TYPE THE NUMBER THAT BEST DESCRIBES THE FREQUENCY OF FEELING.

DO YOU FEEL THAT LIFE HAS NO MEANING OR PURPOSE? 1. NEVER 2. SOMETIMES 3. OFTEN 4. VERY OFTEN TYPE THE NUMBER THAT BEST DESCRIBES THE FREQUENCY OF FEELING.

HOW OFTEN DO YOU FEEL DESPAIR OR HOPELESS? 1. NEVER 2. SOMETIMES 3. OFTEN 4. VERY OFTEN TYPE THE NUMBER THAT BEST DESCRIBES THE FREQUENCY OF FEELING.

DO YOU FEEL THAT GOD/LIFE HAS TREATED YOU UNFAIRLY? 1. NEVER 1. SOMETIMES 2. OFTEN 3. VERY OFTEN TYPE THE NUMBER THAT BEST DESCRIBES THE FREQUENCY OF FEELING.

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DO YOU WORRY ABOUT YOUR DOUBTS/DISBELIEF IN GOD? 1. NEVER 2. SOMETIMES 3. OFTEN 4. VERY OFTEN

TYPE THE NUMBER THAT BEST DESCRIBES THE FREQUENCY OF FEELING.

DO YOU WORRY ABOUT OR FEAR DEATH? 1. NEVER 2. SOMETIMES 3. OFTEN 4. VERY OFTEN TYPE THE NUMBER THAT BEST DESCRIBES THE FREQUENCY OF FEELING. The reason for including these pastoral concerns grows out of two experiences. First, these are the kinds of issues that are often addressed in the 5th Step. Guilt, fear, resentment, hope, faith, and purpose in life are issues that often become the focus of attention during the 5th Step process. Spiritual assessments and inventories in treatment programs often address these issues but usually respond to them using narrative statements or check off blanks that do not lend themselves to quantitative analysis. These are the issues often burdensome to patients seeking treatment in mental health centers and treatment programs. Seemingly these are some of the issues that bring patients into the hospital or outpatient clinic and need to be addressed as part of treatment. A second reason for including spiritual injury issues as part of an assessment grows out of the hypothesis that high SIS scores correlate with high medical costs. Data gathered by Pastoral Care CAP can be used to determine if lengths of stay in the hospital, for example, will be positively correlated with high SIS scores; a hypothesis that is now being studied is that health care resources consumed, i.e., length of stay, recidivism, cost of drugs, etc., will be positively correlated with higher SIS scores. Anything that can reduce SIS scores will therefore have a positive contribution to make in containing health care costs and promoting healing.

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Appendix 10: Description of Offences, Sentences Received, and Staff Responses

Offences (Incomplete List) Sentences (Approximate) Some Effects and Consequences Various Staff Responses

1st degree murder Life, p.e. 25 years loss of friends crisis counselling 2nd degree murder Life, p.e. 10, 15 years loss of family risk management Manslaughter 7 years loss of reputation grief counselling Vehicular homicide 4 - 7 years guilt and shame AA program Aggravated Assault 5 years depression medication Robbery 5 – 9 years suicidal tendencies suicide counselling Sexual Assault 4 - 9 years detoxification NA program Domestic Assault 5 years search for faith chapel participation Sexual Interference 4 – 8 years crisis driven responses faith formation Living off the Avails 4 years loss of money core programs Of Prostitution loneliness crisis interventions Drug Dealing 4 years loss of career hobbies Possession of Drugs 2 - 3 years marriage break-up workout in the gym Grief over losses involvement in sports Continued drug use visitation program Increase of Debt reduction of debt Co-Dependent relations building of trust meaningful work

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Endnotes

Preface 1 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014). 2 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009). 3 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005). 4 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020), forthcoming. 5 Chapter Fifteen of this book, “Spiritually-Based Volunteer-Facilitated Programs,” outlines five key aspects of this ministry. 6 Winnifred Sullivan, Prison Religion, p. 214. For associations that have adopted this philosophy and policy, see the American Correctional Chaplains Association, https://www.correctionalchaplains.org/, retrieved May 2019, cf. Sulli- van’s inclusion of this association in briefs that were submitted regarding discrimination on the part of InnerChange Freedom Initiative, Prison Religion, pp. 209ff. 7 (Boulder, Colorado: First Forum Press, 2014). 8 (Santa Barbara, California: Praeger, 2018). 9 (West Conshohocken: Templeton Press, 2011). 10 Michael Hallett, Joshua Hays, Byron Johnson, Sung Joon Jang, and Grant Duwe, The Angola Prison Seminary (New York: Routledge, 2018).

Acknowledgments 1 Hank Dixon and Lloyd Bruce, Manual for Prison Chaplaincy (New Brunswick: Kairos Pneuma Chaplaincy, 2014), unpublished manuscript, 42 pages. 2 Hank Dixon, Loss, Grief and Mourning in Prison Populations: A Grounded Theory Study, Doctor of Ministry dissertation (Manitoba: Providence Seminary, 2014). 3 (Orlando: Cappella Press, 2012). 4 See Dr. Thomas Beckner’s website, https://www.chaplaincysolutions.org/. 5 See Wendy Cadge and Michael Skagg’s website, www.chaplaincyinnovation.org.

Introduction 1 This phrase was first used by a former National Director of Chaplaincy in a personal conversation, Conversation with Rick Burk, October 2012. Thomas Moore has outlined the basis of what this looks like in his book, A Religion of One’s Own (New York: Gotham Book, 2014). 2 Donald Stoesz, Glimpses of Grace (Victoria: Friesen Press, 2010), pp. 39ff. See Gregory Baum for an account of the secularizing effects of the Quiet Revolution, The Church in Quebec (Ottawa: Novalis, 1991). Upon the birth of Stoesz’children in Quebec in the late 80s and early 90s, the registrar at the hospital still assumed that the children would be registered at a Catholic church. 3 During this ten-year period, in which Stoesz was only allowed to authorize religious diets, he suggested to inmates that they lobby the vegetarian societies of Quebec and Canada or refer to the Canada Food Health Guide that included a balanced vegetarian diet, to convince officials to grant them vegetarian meals. For those Christians who had never eaten pork (often from African countries in which the majority of citizens were Muslim), he was able to grant them Seventh-Day Adventist diets. Seven-Day Adventists practice kosher on the basis of Leviticus 11. 4 A. James Reimer has developed a theory of natural law on the basis of the role of conscience, Toward an Anabap- tist Political Theology, edited by Paul Doerksen (Eugene, Oregon: Cascade Books, 2014), pp. 77-131. 5 J. T. L. James notes the establishment of an Interfaith Committee for Correctional Service Canada in 1966, after Commissioner Alan Macleod wrote the Canadian Council of Churches, asking for advice and direction regarding prison chaplains, A Living Tradition, Penitentiary Chaplaincy (Correctional Services of Canada. Ontario: Chaplaincy Division, 1990), pp. 118-119. Various manuals that were published by governments and inter-faith committees during the 1980s and 90s are listed in chapter six. For more recent reflections on the subject, see Hank Dixon, Religious Accommodation Overview and Guidelines, 2016, unpublished paper, 15 pages; Government of Manitoba, Chaplaincy Manual for Corrections, 3rd edition, 2018, 64 pages; Correctional Service Canada, Handbook for Contractors Deliv- ering Chaplaincy Services in CSC Institutions (Ottawa: Correctional Service Canada, 2017). 6 See endnote #1. 7 A Federal Minister of Justice with the Conservative Party of Canada, in power at the time, was surprised to learn that Wiccan chaplains were hired to provide spiritual care to inmates, CBC News, Wiccan priest hire reversed by federal minister. www.cbc.ca. September 5, 2012. Retrieved October 2018. Global News, Inmates sue after Ottawa 301

cuts Muslim, Sikh, Wiccan chaplains. www.globalnews.ca. March 19, 2013. Retrieved October 2018. Correctional Service Canada responded by affirming the right of inmates to receive religious accommodation according to their faith practices and beliefs based on the Charter of Rights, Chaplaincy: Mandate and the Law, www.csc- scc.gc.ca/chaplaincy/index-eng.shtml. Retrieved April 2019. 8 Correctional Service Canada, Mission of the Correctional Service of Canada (Ottawa. Ministry of Supply and Ser- vices Canada, 1991). 9 The story is told that federal prison chaplaincy was eliminated in 1979 because, among the national managers of the Correctional Service of Canada sitting around the boardroom table in Ottawa that day, no-one represented chaplaincy. Difficult decisions had to made regarding the reduction of budgets, and so chaplaincy was eliminated. After an outcry by chapel volunteers and churches across the country, federal prison chaplaincy was reinstated under the contract model. A National Director of Chaplaincy with the CSC, along with Regional Chaplains, were hired to oversee these contracts. 10 The double management of federal chaplaincy, by CSC and a non-profit agency, would be one reason to question the value of a contracting model. CSC Chaplaincy Administrators serve as quality control officers while the non-profit agency has hired Regional Managers to oversee their chaplain employees in the different institutions. Salaries of institutional chaplains have been substantially reduced because of this double management situation, indicated by the fact that the level of monies allotted by CSC to its chaplaincy division have remained the same for many years. 11 See Winnifred Sullivan’s account of this story, Prison Religion, pp. 24-33. 12 Ibid., pp. 1-10. 13 Ibid., pp. 158-170. 14 Ibid., pp. 203-211. 15 It is interesting to note that Perry Stevens, the chaplain hired to serve offenders in the Iowa prison in which IFI conducted its program, along with the American Correctional Chaplains’ Association, sided with the prosecution in its allegations of discrimination. According to Winnifred Sullivan, Perry Stevens “sees himself as serving a universal need by making a space for an ever-changing stew of religious practices . . . His job is to provide spaces for religion, not to enforce orthodoxy,” ibid, p. 235. The Correctional Chaplains’ Association declared that “the primary purpose of chaplaincy programs is to address the religious needs of incarcerated inmates . . . Neutrality and non-discrimination – and prohibiting indoctrination or compulsion – are at the core of every prison chaplaincy program,” ibid., p. 214. 16 This story is told in Tanya Erzen, God in Captivity (Boston: Beacon Press, 2017), pp. 61-70. 17 Henry Blackaby, Experiencing God, Workbook (Nashville: Lifeway Press, 2007). 18 William Hallett, et. al. have recently published a book on their research of this seminary, The Angola Prison Semi- nary. 19 Tanya Erzen, God in Captivity, p. 63. 20 (Santa Barbara, California: Praeger, 2018). 21 Karl Marx, Introduction to A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right. Collected Works, v. 3 (New York, 1976). “Religious suffering is, at one and the same time, the expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people. The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happiness. To call on them to give up their illusions about their condition is to call on them to give up a condition that requires illusions. The criticism of religion is, therefore, in embryo, the criticism of that vale of tears of which religion is the halo.” 22 Correctional Service Canada, Mission of the Correctional Service of Canada, p. 11. 23 Ibid., p. 4. 24 Ibid., p. 13 25 Ibid., pp. 13, 15. 26 Ibid., p. 23. 27 Ibid., p. 25. 28 Ibid., p. 27. 29 Ibid., p 31. 30 Winnifred Sullivan, Prison Religion, pp. 229-240. 31 The relation between religion and secularity in France is explained in David Martin’s book, A General Theory of Secularization (New York: Harper Colophon Books, 1978). Gregory Baum has shown how these sociological terms can be applied to what has been happening in Quebec in the last fifty years, The Church in Quebec. 32 Winnifred Sullivan, The Impossibility of Religious Freedom, pp. 13-20. 33 Winnifred Sullivan, Prison Religion, pp. 78-93. 34 Ibid., pp. 232-235. 302

35 Winnifred Sullivan, A Ministry of Presence, p. 14. 36 Ibid., pp. 32, 149. 37 Ibid., p. 34. 38 Ibid., pp. 40-43. 39 Ibid., p. 50. 40 Ibid, p. 78. Sullivan analyses theories of the self in relation to IFI in Prison Religion, pp. 78-93. She links it to Charles Taylor’s discussion of the “modern project” on pages 172-175 of the same book, cf. Charles Taylor, Modern Social Imaginaries (Durham, N.C.: Duke University, 2005). Some of these themes are explored in Chapters Eleven, Fifteen, and Sixteen of this Manual. 41 Donald Stoesz has elaborated upon the possibilities of change in his book, Magic of Fiction in Illuminating Trans- formation (Victoria: Friesen Press, 2019). 42 Winnifred Sullivan, A Ministry of Presence, pp. 118-119. 43 Ibid., pp. 109-136. 44 Ibid., p. 138. 45 Ibid., p. 38. 46 Ibid., p. 141. 47 Ibid., p. 143. 48 Ibid. 49 Ibid., p. 147. 50 Ibid., p. 161. 51 There are, of course, other reasons why in the last twenty years fifty chaplains in the Prairie Region alone have left prison ministry. Significant reductions in pay and lack of institutional and denominational supports have contributed to this trend, see Paul Vanderham, Why I’m No Longer A Federal Prison Chaplain, unpublished article, 2019, 25 pages. 52 The current model of chaplaincy in Canada includes both site-based and faith-specific chaplains. The latter are employed when there are sufficient inmate numbers to warrant it. Some chaplains are hired to be both at the same time, namely site-based as well as serving a faith-specific population. 53 The outcome of this year-long review resulted in the adoption of an enhanced denominational model, see Carl Wake, et.al, Task Force on the Contract Model of Chaplaincy (Interfaith Committee on Chaplaincy, May 1, 2000). 54 Donald Stoesz, Reflections on the Corporate Relation Between CSC and Chaplaincy, unpublished paper (1999), p. 10. 55 Winnifred Sullivan, A Ministry of Presence, p. 180. 56 A description of this tradition is outlined in chapter seventeen of this manual, see Alfred Bloom, Shinran’s Gospel of Pure Grace (Ann Arbor, Mich.: Association for Asian Studies, 1991). 57 M. Scott Peck. The Road Less Travelled (New York Touchstone, 1978), p. 15. 58 Victor Frankl, Search for Meaning (Boston: Beacon Press, 2006). 59 Bruno Bettelheim, The Uses of Enchantment, p.7. 60 Winnifred Sullivan has outlined some of the legal implications of chaplaincy in her book, A Ministry of Presence. The Commissioners’ Directives 750 in Appendix 2 provides the legal framework for chaplaincy in a Canadian context. 61 A job description of a chaplain in a prison context is outlined in Appendix 1. 62 For credentials needed by Bridges of Canada to become a prison chaplain, consult their website, http://www.bridgesofcanada.com/employment/. For requirements by provincial governments who hire chaplains as government employees, consult the Manitoba and British Columbia government websites. Bernie Mullins is the Pro- vincial Chaplain with the Manitoba Government and can be reached at [email protected]. The Manitoba government has recently published the third edition of a Chaplaincy Manual for Corrections along with an Orientation to Correctional Ministry document. One question that has been raised is whether prison chaplains should be members of the Canadian Association for Spiritual Care, https://spiritualcare.ca/, retrieved April 2019. Although its primary focus is on hospital chaplaincy, the association has become more involved in promoting prison chaplaincy events, http://spiritualcare.ca/educational-event-multi-faith-prison-chaplaincy/, retrieved April 2019.

Chapter One 1 Toronto Globe and Mail (Saturday, April 21, 2012), F9. 2 Jonathan Haidt, The Righteous Mind (New York: Pantheon Books, 2012). 3 Ibid., pp. 165-166, 184-190, et. al. Emile Durkheim developed these views in his two books, Suicide (New York: Free Press, 1951) and Elementary Forms of Religious Life303 (New York: Free Press, 1965).

4 For discussion of a Durkheimian view of society, see Gregory Baum, Religion and Alienation (New York: Paulist Press, 1975), pp. 115-140. See also Martin Wain, Freud’s Answer (Chicago: Ivan R. See, 1998). 5 This is essentially Doug Saunders’ argument in his Globe and Mail article, “Hurt the criminal or hurt the crime?” 6 Some of these “liberal” sentiments are reflected in the Mission Statement of the Correctional Service of Canada. 7 The Church Council on Justice and Corrections, established in 1972, was instrumental in helping get this legislation passed, consult their website, www.ccjc.ca. Retrieved April 2019. 8 Compare, for example, Nils Christie’s book, Crime Control as Industry (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), with T. Richard Snyder’s analysis of the American justice system, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Punishment (Grand Rapids: Wm. Eerdmans, 2001). 9 Stephen Duguid, Can Prisons Work? (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000), p. 149. 10 Ibid., pp. 224-257. 11 Note Jonathan Haidt’s discussion of loyalty, authority, and sanctity in The Righteous Mind, pp. 138-153. 12 Michel Foucault develops this argument in the first chapter of his book, Discipline and Punish, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Random House, 1975). 13 Book of Alternative Services of the Anglican Church of Canada (Toronto: Anglican Book Centre, 1985), p. 217. 14 Peter Berger, Sacred Canopy (Anchor, 1990). 15 This story appears in Donald Stoesz, Glimpses of Grace, p. 89. 16 Ibid., p. 34. 17 For a broader analysis of the success of CoSAs, see Robin Wilson, Franca Cortoni, and Andrew McWhinnie, “Cir- cles of Support and Accountability: A Canadian National Replication of Outcome Findings,” Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, 2009: 21, pp. 412-430. 18 Howard Zehr has provided the most comprehensible philosophical underpinning of Restorative Justice principles in his book, Changing Lenses (Scottsdale: Herald Press, 1990).

Chapter Two 1 J. T. L. James, A Living Tradition: Penitentiary Chaplaincy (Ottawa, Ontario: Chaplaincy Division, 1990), p. 127. 2 The Interfaith Committee on Chaplaincy was established in 1966, following the recommendation of Commissioner Alan MacLeod, ibid., p. 118. More information about this committee can be found on its website, www.interfaithchap- laincy.ca, retrieved April 2019. The first Memorandum of Understanding was signed in 1982, see J. T. L. James, A Living Tradition, p. 127. Five more Memorandums have been signed since then, 1988, 1993, 2000, 2007, and 2013. The latest version can be found on the interfaith chaplaincy website noted above, as well as under “chaplaincy” on the Correctional Service Canada website, www.csc-scc.gc.ca/chaplaincy/index-eng.shtml, retrieved April 2019. 3 Inmates that I met in Archambault Penitentiary during my chaplaincy there (1989) fondly remembered Rev. Allard, twelve years after he had moved to Dorchester as a chaplain. For a general biography of Rev. Pierre Allard, see http://streetlevelconsulting.ca/compassion/biographies/rev-dr-pierre-allard-crusader-for-justice-and-truth/, retrieved October, 2018, http://english-grammar.biz/biography-dr-pierre-allard.html, retrieved April 2019, as well as https://www.tyndale.ca/news/tyndale-honours-dr-pierre-allard-and-dr-john-wilkinson-at-graduation-ceremonies, retrieved April 2019. 4 J. T. L. James, A Living Tradition, pp. 214-215. 5 Doctor of Ministry Dissertation (North Baptist Theological Seminary, 1986), unpublished, 192 pages. 6 Ibid., p. 20, an excerpt from Ole Ingestrup, Correctional Service Canada, Report on the Statement of CSC Values (Ottawa: Correctional Service Canada, 1984), p. 21. 7 Pierre Allard, The Statement of the Correctional Service of Canada Values and a Biblical Perspective for the Role of Chaplain, p. 20. 8 Stephen Duguid has reflected on the importance of a prisoner being treated as a subject, Can Prisons Work? (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000), pp. 246-247. A review of his book appears in chapter twenty-four. 9 For what this shift in thinking meant for the Roman Catholic Church, see Richard McBrien, The Church: The Evo- lution of Catholicism (New York: Harper Collins, 2008). 10 Pierre Allard, The Statement of the Correctional Service of Canada Values and a Biblical Perspective for the Role of Chaplain, p. 18. 11 Ibid., pp. 70-125. 12 Ibid., pp. 94-100. 13 Correctional Service Canada, Mission of the Correctional Service Canada (Ottawa, Ministry of Supply, 1991). 14 J. T. L. James, A Living Tradition, p. 151. Allard notes that Canon James composed the CSC prayer in 1984, The Statement of the Correctional Service of Canada Values and a Biblical Perspective for the Role of Chaplain, p. 19. 304

15 In August of 2004, the Volunteers of America honoured Pierre Allard by giving him the Maud Booth Correctional Services Award for his work with volunteers and community chaplaincy, Correctional Service Canada, “Pierre Allard Honoured by Volunteers of America,” Let’s Talk (2004, Volume 29, No.3), https://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/text/pblct/lt- en/2004/no3/5-eng.shtml, retrieved April 2019. 16 The Ron Wiebe Restorative Justice Award was established by CSC in 1999 to honour the work of Warden Ron Wiebe, see his book, Reflections of a Canadian Prison Warden, https://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/restorative-justice/003005- 3100-eng.shtml, retrieved April 2019. This award is given annually to a person who “models restorative justice principles in the service of peace and justice,” https://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/restorative-justice/003005-3000-eng.shtml, retrieved April 2019. The Taylor Award was established by CSC in 2001 to honour the work of Charles Taylor and his wife Charlotte for “their lifetime dedication to faith-based counselling in correctional facilities and the community,” https://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/volunteers/003008-1000-eng.shtml, retrieved April 2019. It is given annually to a “CSC volunteer who has shown exceptional dedication to the Service.” 17 Pierre Allard and Rod Carter, Ontario Regional chaplain with CSC, facilitated a series of restorative justice courses at Queens University in Kingston, Ontario, during this time. Allard was instrumental in establishing a Restorative Justice Opportunities Program as an initiative of Correctional Service Canada, https://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/restorative- justice/003005-1000-eng.shtml, retrieved April 2019. 18 In 2006, Pierre and Judy Allard started an organization called Just-Equipping, which is committed to educating, training and equipping in the area of restorative justice, http://www.justequipping.org, retrieved October 2018. Over the last 14 years, Pierre and Judy have facilitated training missions in Africa: Rwanda, Burundi, RD Congo and Cam- eroon. Just.Equipping plays a crucial role in the reintegration of offenders, the rebuilding of communities, the comfort of victims and the future of corrections and chaplaincy in these countries. 19 For a brief autobiography of Hank Dixon’s life and ministry, see Donald Stoesz, In the Company of Saints: Inter- views of Eight Prison Chaplains, unpublished manuscript, http://donaldstoesz.com/in-the-company-of- saints_271.html, retrieved November, 2019, pp. 35-37. 20 The transition from federal chaplains being government employees to becoming part of a contract system is documented by J. T. L. James, A Living Tradition, pp. 121ff. 21 Rev. W. Carl Wake (chairperson), with members M. Otto Driedger, Rev. John Lee, Fr. Bernard Pinet, OMI, Task Force on the Contract Model of Chaplaincy (Interfaith Committee on Chaplaincy, May 1, 2000). 22 CBC News, “Wiccan priest hire reversed by federal minister,” www.cbc.ca, September 5, 2012. See also Global News, “Inmates sue after Ottawa cuts Muslim, Sikh, Wiccan chaplains,” www.globalnews.ca, March 19, 2013. 23 Paul Vanderham has reflected on some of the reasons that he resigned from prison chaplaincy, Why I’m No Longer A Federal Prison Chaplain. 24 Pierre Allard, The Statement of the Correctional Service of Canada Values and a Biblical Perspective for the Role of Chaplain, p. 54. 25 J. T. L. James, A Living Tradition, p. 123. 26 Max Weber has written about the dynamic relationship between three types of authority, traditional (parental), charismatic, and rational (institutionalization), Economy and Society, ed. Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich, Volume 1 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), pp. 215-297. 27 Richard McBrien is one of many authors who have reflected on the impact of Vatican II, The Church. 28 Winnifred Sullivan, A Ministry of Presence, p. 81. In the fall of 2018, Wendy Cadge and Michael Skaggs launched a “Chaplaincy Innovation Lab” website in order to “bring American leaders in theological education, social science, religious history, clinical education, and professional chaplaincy into conversation for the first time,” Chaplaincy? Spiritual Care? Innovation? A Case Statement, www.chaplaincyinnovation.org, Retrieved April 2019, p. 1. They build on Winnifred Sullivan’s insight into chaplains as “secular priests” and “ministers without portfolio,” p. 3. Thomas Beckner has been the driving force behind a website dedicated to establishing prison chaplaincy on a professional basis, see www.chaplaincysolutions.org, retrieved April 2019., cf. his book, Correctional Chaplains: Keepers of the Cloak.. 29 Winnifred Sullivan, A Ministry of Presence, p. 53. 30 Pierre Allard, The Statement of the Correctional Service of Canada Values and a Biblical Perspective for the Role of Chaplain, pp. 37-38, cf. pp. 158-160.

Chapter Three 1 Lee Tunstall, Collaborative Chaplaincy Education Feasibility Study (Final Report, 2018), p. 4. 2 Ibid. 3 Jo-Anne Badley, Alberta Theological Colleges Collaborative Chaplaincy Curriculum Consultation (Power Point Presentation, 2019), 12 pages. 305

4 Winnifred Sullivan, A Ministry of Presence, p. 180. 5 Ibid, pp. 181-191. 6 “The Correctional Service of Canada as part of the criminal justice system contributes to the protection of society by actively encouraging and assisting offenders to become law-abiding citizens, while exercising reasonable, safe, secure and human control,” Mission of the Correctional Service of Canada, p. 5.

Chapter Four 1 First presented at a chaplaincy orientation for CSC in Ancaster, Ontario, November 2011. Hank Dixon facilitated the first session of this orientation, using Gavin de Becker’s Gift of Fear to look at the ways that chaplains can stay safe in prison. A statement of work, on which this lecture is based, is provided in Appendix 1. 2 Winnifred Sullivan has explored the merits of such an approach in a recent book, A Ministry of Presence, pp. 173- 180. 3 More information about these programs is provided in Chapter Fifteen. 4 Winnifred Sullivan quotes Michel Foucault regarding the historic role of chaplains as confessors, A Ministry of Presence, pp. 19-21. See Michel Foucault, Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the College de France 1977- 78, trans. Graham Burchell (New York: Picador, 2007), pp. 184-185.

Chapter Five 1 Gary Berg, Pastoral Care Assessment Program Manual (Living Water Software, 1203 7th Avenue North, St. Cloud, Minnesota 56303, 1993). 2 Chris Carr, Pastoral Assessment and Ministry: A Guide for Chaplains in the Correctional Service of Canada (adapted from a proposal submitted by Yvon Saint-Arnaud, OMI, Clinical Psychologist), unpublished, 1996. 3 Elmer Regnim, Grand Rounds Presentation: Spiritual Assessment, unpublished, 1998. 4 David Molzahn, Chaplaincy Information Exchange and OMS Entries (Offender Management System Used by CSC), unpublished, 2005. 5 Tom O’Connor and Jeff Duncan, “Religion and Prison Programming,” Offender Programs Report, 11, no. 6 (March- April 2008), p. 86, cited in Tanya Erzen, God in Captivity, p. 92. Cf. Thomas O’Connor and Nathaniel Pallone, editors, Religion, the Community, and the Rehabilitation of Criminal Offenders (New York: Haworth Press, 2002). 6 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2015). 7 (Kindle Edition, 2016). 8 (London: Jessica Kingsley Publ., 2018).

Chapter Six 1 (Correctional Service Canada: Chaplaincy Branch, 2000). 2 Ibid., p. v. 3 This Handbook mirrors much of the work that was done by the Ontario Multifaith Council on Spiritual and Religious Care in 1995. It published a MultiFaith Information Manual in that year (Toronto, Ontario: Ontario Multifaith Council on Spiritual and Religious Care, 1995). 4 Hank Dixon and Lloyd Bruce, Manual for Prison Chaplaincy. 5 Winnifred Sullivan, Ministry of Presence, p. 53. 6 (Orlando, Florida: Cappela Press, 2012). 7 (London: Routledge, 2015). 8 (Dissertation, 2007). 9 (Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2013). 10 (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2012). 11 (London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 2018). 12 (Oxford, UK: Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies, 2017). 13 (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2008). 14 (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2014). 15 2nd edition (Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications, 2004). 16 (New York: Guilford Press, 2017). 17 (New York: Random House, 1997). 18 (New York: Routledge, 2012). 19 (London: Jessica Kingsley Publ., 2007). 20 (Pearson: 2003). 21 (Lancelot Press, 1978). 306

22 (New York: Paulist Press, 2004) 23 Kent Kerley, Religious Faith in Correctional Contexts. 24 Malcolm L. Rigsby, “Prison, Religion, and Conversion: A Prisoner’s Narrative Experience,” chapter nine, Find- ing Freedom in Confinement, edited by Kent Kerley (Santa Barbara, California: Praeger, 2018). 25 Hank Dixon, Conversion on the Inside. 26 (Nashville, Tennessee, W. Publishing Group, 2006). 27 (Boston: Beacon Press, 2017). 28 (New York: Haworth Press, 2002). 29 (West Sussex, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2013). 30 (New York: Good Books, 2015). 31 Third edition (Scottdale: Herald Press, 2005).

Chapter Seven 1 “Solid” offenders are differentiated from sex offenders by the fact that they have not committed crimes against women or children. These offenders have been convicted of murder, bank robbery, break and enter, dealing drugs, fraud, etc. 1 Religious addiction is a frequent outcome of an evangelical approach, as outlined by Leo Booth in his book, When God Becomes a Drug: Breaking the Chains of Religious Addiction and Abuse (J. P. Tarcher, 1991). 2 This chapter builds on Winnifred Sullivan’s remarks, noted in the Introduction: “Licensed to preach by once-well- defined religious hierarchies but finding their calling as clinicians for the religiosity of human beings in general, chaplains offer themselves as spiritual ministers without portfolio while still being bound by webs of authority, sacred and secular, past and present, that are not always fully acknowledged” (italics added), A Ministry of Presence, p. 53. 3 Ramon “Snowy” Noble, Edmonton community chaplain with Mustard Seed, refers to this pastoral approach as bringing the best out of a person by having them identify the many streams of life by which they live, Donald Stoesz, “Speaking into the Streams of Life,” Accompanied by Saints: Eight Interviews of Prison Chaplains, p. 15.

Chapter Ten 1 Thomas Beckner, Correctional Chaplains, pp. 7-8. 2 Quotation is from Gerald McHugh, Christian Faith and Criminal Justice (New York: Paulist Press, 1978), p. 43. 3 Andrew Skotnicki, Criminal Justice and the Catholic Church, pp. 132-140.

Chapter Eleven 1 Bruno Bettelheim, The Uses of Enchantment (New York: Vintage Books, 1975), p. 48. 2 Donald Stoesz, Glimpses of Grace, p. 54. 3 Note Bettelheim’s discussion, The Uses of Enchantment, p. 75. Cf. Gregory Baum, “The Discovery of the Symbolic: Freud and Durkheim,” Religion and Alienation, pp. 115-140. 4 A chaplain may have difficulty in not invoking their superego when they learn about the inmate’s crimes. The sheer horror of a person’s offences can make it difficult for a chaplain to be empathetic. The same thing can happen to an inmate as they find the wherewithal to share very personal details. Once these actions and beliefs have been brought to the surface, the offender may be unable to live with these realities. One thinks of the fictional example of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde in Robert Louis Stevenson, Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde (UK; Penguin Books, 2012). Once Dr. Jekyll realised what he had done as Mr. Hyde, he retreated from reality, unable to communicate any further. This regression is a real possibility within the context of a pastoral interview. I have had several experiences of inmates not returning for more counselling after they shared something very personal in their lives. They were shocked at the nature of their own revelations. Integration and reintegration of these aspects of their lives were not yet possible. 5 Bruno Bettelheim, The Uses of Enchantment, pp. 66-71. 6 John James and Russell Friedman, The Grief Recovery Handbook, pp. 61-67. 7 Into the Woods (Disney Pictures, 2015, 125 minutes) is the name of a musical by Stephen Sondheim that follows several fairy tale figures in their journey to maturity. The novel’s author, James Lapine, makes use of Bruno Bettel- heim’s psychological theories to fashion a decidedly anti-climatic, fairy-tale ending. This is the way that Robert McLaughlin describes the plot, “ . . . at the same time the characters are moving narratively forward in pursuit of their wishes, many of them are motivated by a contrary desire to move narratively backward so as to repair their damaged, fractured families and reclaim their prefragmented, presocialized, preadulthood selves,” Stephen Sondheim and the Reinvention of the American Musical (Jackson: University of Mississippi, 2015), p. 171, cf. pages 169, 258 for references to Bettelheim. Moving backward into the past in order to reintegrate one’s personality in the present and future is what I am trying to achieve in my pastoral interviews.307

8 The cartoon movie, Wreck It Ralph (Walt Disney Studios, 2013), is alluded to here. The two characters, Fix It Felix and Wreck It Ralph serve as co-dependent alter-egos of each other. 9 The delicacy of this matter became all too real when Donald Stoesz first presented a paper of the usefulness of fairy tales more than twenty years ago (Dr. Seuss Meets Daniel Bell in the Showdown between Hedonism and Capitalism, American Academy of Religion, Boston, Mass., 1995). Using Dr. Seuss’ story about The Cat in the Hat Comes Back (New York: Random House, 1958), as the basis for his analysis, Stoesz made the mistake (sic) of asking why a pink stain on Sally’s (sic) “white wedding” dress appeared on page 18 of the book. The taboo nature of this and other images in this tale (such as twenty-six children emerging from the hat of the cat) made him realise that enunciation of this process is fraught with dangers. The taboo nature of inmates’ crimes makes it necessary to explore these subject matters through imagination and projection in order to see if some resolution to the problem can be found. Bettelheim, at least, believed in the usefulness of fairy tales in regard to his work with severely disturbed children. Stoesz has found the same type of therapy to be effective in regard to inmates. 10 Some authors use fantastic beasts to name things, expressions, and experiences that are difficult to define. To name only two examples, Dr. Seuss came up with letters that were not in the alphabet and associated each one with an imaginary animal, On Beyond Zebra (New York: Random House, 1955). J. K. Rowling has done the same in her recent book, Fantastic Beasts and Where to Find Them, (London: Bloomsbury, 2017). 11Note Bettelheim’s discussion of this fairy tale, The Uses of Enchantment, pp. 41ff, 314. Katherine Briggs includes various versions of this story in A Dictionary of British Folk Tales, 4 vol. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1970). 12 Bruno Bettelheim, The Uses of Enchantment, pp. 76-80. 13 Ibid., pp. 66-72, 148-155. 14 Ibid., pp. 159-165. 15 (Victoria: Friesen’s Press, 2019). 16 To give an example of each, Harry Potter used his own wits to summon his wand and defeat the dragon in the first task of the Triwizard Tournament, J.K. Rowling, Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire (London: Bloomsbury, 2000), pp. 309-315. A woman intervenes halfway through the movie, Inception (DVD, Warner Brother Pictures, California, 2010), and saves the protagonist from his vicious cycle of guilt in regard to the death of his wife. Gared Diamond, in his book, Guns, Germs, and Steel (New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 1999), shows how it took centuries for humans to domesticate the right type of animals and raise the right kinds of crops to become successful sedentary beings. And Rene Girard shows how it was necessary for a god man to break the cycle of violence by becoming a scapegoat, The Scapegoat, trans. Yvonne Freccero (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1986). Each of these diverse examples points to the intricate role of the natural and supernatural in relation to the success and salvation of human beings. 17 For an academic analysis of the role of the trickster in North American stories, see Jeanne Campbell Reesman, ed. Trickster Lives (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2001). 18 Dr. Seuss, The Cat in the Hat Comes Back, pp. 3-6. 19 The story of the fisherman and the ginny (genie) is recounted in Bruno Bettelheim, The Uses of Enchantment, pp. 28ff, cf. Donald Stoesz’s use of this tale to describe inmates’ feelings of being trapped in prison and their sense of liberation once released, Glimpses of Grace, p. 71. 20 This story is recounted in The Illiad, by Homer, translated by Alexander Pope (Wildside Publishers, 2003). 21 Bruno Bettelheim, The Uses of Enchantment, pp. 35-40. 22 William Shakespeare, Hamlet (Dover Publications, 1992). 23 Herman Melville, Moby Dick (Signet Edition, 2013). 24 Gregory Baum refers to this immanent understanding of God as a Copernican Revolution in his recent autobiography, The Oil Has Not Yet Run Dry (Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 2017), pp. 54-58. Maurice Blondel helped him realise that “it is in the dynamics of the will seeking ever greater self-realization through continued action, that God is present to human beings. It is in their actions that they say Yes to the divine presence.” This is the way Gregory Baum states the matter in his earlier book, Man Becoming (New York: Herder and Herder, 1970), pp. 15-17. “Every man, by the logic of his action, is led to discover the impossibility of exhausting the deep willing at the core of his being in a finite universe. Man’s unending concern leads him to wider and wider action . . . The distance between himself and himself is (still) infinite. A man is summoned to the inevitable option: either, following the drive of his limitless concern, he opens himself to the infinite; or he encloses himself in the finite order and thus violates the thrust of his own action.” Another author who has compared the differing effects of fairy tale and myth is Paul Nathanson, Over the Rainbow, The Wizard of Oz as a Secular Myth of America (New York: State University of New York Press, 1991). He outlines a psychological interpretation of Dorothy’s adventure in relation to the need for her to grow up, pp. 8-13, 63-104. He goes on to suggest that this “ordinary” fairy-tale point of view is inadequate because it does not take spirituality into account. He settles for a mythic interpretation308 while referring to “fairy tales as fallen myths,” pp.

246-250. An intrinsic view of God, as outlined by Baum, assumes that spirituality is a natural part of life. One does not need to move to a mythic interpretation in order to validate the importance of the supernatural.

Chapter Twelve 1 This article represents a summary of Hank Dixon’s dissertation, Loss, Grief and Mourning in Prison Populations: A Grounded Theory Study, Doctor of Ministry dissertation (Manitoba: Providence Seminary, 2014). 2 Finlay, I. G., & Jones, N. K. Unresolved grief in young offenders in prison. The British Journal of General Practice, 2002, 50, no 456, pp. 569-570. 3 Hammersley, P., & Ayling, D. Loss intervention project for adult male prisoners: A project in progress. Unpublished report. HM Prison Service HMP Hewell Grange (London, UK: Chaplaincy Department Kings College, 2005). 4 Ferszt, G., Salgado, D., DeFedele, S., & Leveille, M. Houses of healing, a group intervention for grieving women in prison, The Prison Journal, 2009, pp. 8946-8964. 5 Maschi, T., Viola, D., Morgen, K., & Koskinen, L. Trauma, stress, grief, loss, and seperation among older adults in prison: The protective role of coping resources on physical and mental well being, Journal of Crime and Justice, 2013, pp. 1-24. 6 Potter, M. Inside grief: Bereavement in a prison environment. Bereavement Care, 1999, 18, no. 2, pp. 22-25; Schetky, D. H. Mourning in prison: Mission impossible? Journal of American Academy of Psychiatry and The Law Online, 1998, 26, no. 3, pp. 383-91. 7 Leach, R. M., Burgess, T., & Holmwood, C. Could recidivism in prisoners be linked to traumatic grief? A review of the evidence. International Journal of Prisoner Health , 2008, 4, no. 2, pp. 104-119. 8 Ferszt, G., Salgado, D., DeFedele, S., & Leveille, M., Houses of healing, a group intervention for grieving women imprison, pp. 8946-8964. 9 Hammersley, P., & Ayling, D. Loss intervention project for adult male prisoners: A project in progress; Young- Junior, V. Helping female inmates cope with grief and loss. Corrections Today, 2003, 65, no. 3, pp. 76-79; Olson, M. and MacEwan. Grief counseling groups in a medium-security prison. The Journal of Specialists in Group Work , 2004, 29, no. 2, pp. 225-236. 10Neimeyer, R., & Hogan, N. Quantitative or qualitative? Measurement issues in the study of grief. In M. S. Stroebe, R. O. Hansson, H Schut, W. Stroebe (Eds.), Handbook of bereavement research: Consequences, coping, care (Wash- ington, DC, US: Research Press, 2002), pp. 89-118. 11 Hendry, C. Incarceration and the tasks of grief: A narrative review. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 2009, 65, no. 2, pp. 270-278. 12 Anderson, C. Aspects of pathological grief and mourning. International Journal of Psychoanalysis, 1949, pp. 3048- 3055; Kardiner, A. The traumatic neuroses of war (New York: Hoeber, 1941); Lindemann, E. Symptomatology and management of acute grief, American Journal of Psychiatry, 1994, 101, pp. 2141-2148. 13 Kubler-Ross, E On death and dying (New York: Scribner. 1997). 14 Kubler-Ross, E. & Kessler, D. On grief and grieving, finding the meaning of grief through the five stages of loss (New York: Scribner, 2005). 15 Walsh-Burke, K. Grief and loss: Theories and skills for helping professionals (Boston: Pearson, 2006). John James and Russell Friedman, in their book, The Grief Recovery Handbook, have noted some of the limitations of Kubler- Ross’ work regarding grief over the loss of others, note discussion on this point in chapter sixteen. 16 Parkes, Colin. Coping with loss: Bereavement in adult life. British Medical Journal, 1998, 316, no. 7134, pp. 856- 859. 17 Worden, W. J. Grief counseling and grief therapy: A handbook for the mental health practitioner (New York: Springer Publishing, 2009). 18 Hendry, C. Incarceration and the tasks of grief: A narrative review, pp. 270-278; Olson, M. and MacEwan. Grief counseling groups in a medium-security prison, pp. 225-236; Potter, M. Inside grief: Bereavement in a prison environment, pp. 22-25. 19 Bowlby, J. Attachment and loss: Loss, sadness and depression (Vol. 3) (New York: Basic Books, 1980). 20 Worden, W. J. Grief counseling and grief therapy: A handbook for the mental health practitioner. 21 Rando T. Treatment of complicated mourning. The American Psychiatric Association decided not to include Com- plicated Grief in DSM-V (due to a lack of consensus), see Doka, K. Huffpost Healthy Living Canada, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kenneth-•-j-•-doka/grief-•-and-•-thedsm_b_3340216.html, Retrieved 07, 23, 2013. 22Rubin, S., Malkinson, R., & Witztum, E. Clinical aspects of a DSM complicated grief diagnosis: Challenges, dilemmas, and opportunities. In M. Stroebe, R. Hansson, H. Schut & W. Stroebe (Eds.) Handbook of bereavement research and practice (Washington: American Psychological Association, 2008), pp. 187-206. 309

23Neria, Y., & Litz, B. T. Bereavement by traumatic means: The complex synergy of trauma and grief. Journal of Loss and Trauma, 2004, 9, pp. 173-187. 24Stroebe, M., Schut, H., & Finkenauer, C. The traumatization of grief? A conceptual framework for understanding the trauma•-bereavement interface. Israel Journal of Psychiatry Related Science, 2001, 38 no 3, pp. 185-201. 25 Ibid., p. 189. 26Haney, C. The contextual revolution in psychology and the question of prison effects, In A. Liebling & S. Maruna (Eds.), The effects of imprisonment (London: Routledge, 2005), pp. 66-93. 27 Rando, T. Treatment of complicated mourning; Worden, W J. Grief counseling and grief therapy: A handbook for the mental health practitioner. 28 Haney, C. The contextual revolution in psychology and the question of prison effects, pp. 66-94. 29 Zimbardo, P. The Lucifer Effect (Random House: New York: 2007). 30Irwin, J., & Owen, B. Harm and the contemporary prison, In A. Liebling, & S. Maruna (Eds.), The effects of imprisonment (London: Routledge, 2005), pp. 94-117. 31Haney, C., Banks, C., & Zimbardo, P., Interpersonal dynamics in a simulated prison, International Journal of Crim- inology and Penology, 1973, pp. 169-179. 32 Rosenblatt, P. C. Grief across cultures: A review and research agenda. In M. S. Stroebe, R. O. Hansson, H. Schut & W. Stroebe (Eds.) Handbook of bereavement research and practice: Advances in theory and intervention (Wash- ington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, 2008), pp. 207-222. 33Neimeyer, R.A., Hogan, N. S., & Laurie, A. The measurement of grief: Psychometric considerations in the assessment of reactions to bereavement. In M. S. Stroebe, R O Hansson, H. Schut & W. Stroebe (Eds.) Handbook of bereavement research and practice: Advances in theory and intervention (Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, 2008). 34 Patton, M. Q. Qualitative research and evaluation methods (Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications Inc., 2002), p. 125; Jones, M., & Alony, I. Guiding the use of grounded theory in doctoral studies—An example from the Australian film industry. International Journal of Doctoral Studies, 2011, 6, pp. 95-114. 35 Patton, M. Q. Qualitative research and evaluation methods. 36Maschi, T., Viola, D., Morgan, K., & Koskinen, L. Trauma, stress, grief, loss, and separation among older adults in prison: The protective role of coping resources on physical and mental wellbeing, pp. 1-24. 37 Jones, R. Uncovering the hidden social world: Insider research in prison. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 1995, 11 no. 2, pp. 106-118. 38 Corbin, J., & Strauss, A. Basics of qualitative research: Techniques and procedures for developing grounded theory, (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publication, 2008). 39Mills, J., Bonner, A. & Francis, K. The development of constructivist grounded theory. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 2006, 5, no. 1, pp. 1-10. 40Cooney, A. Choosing between Glaser and Strauss: an example, Nurse Researcher, 2010, 17, pp. 418-428; Jones, M., & Alony, I. Guiding the use of grounded theory in doctoral studies—An example from the Australian film industry, pp. 95•114; Mills, J., Bonner, A., & Francis, K. The development of constructivist grounded theory, no. 1, pp. 1-10. 41 Corbin, J., & Strauss, A. Basics of qualitative research: Techniques and procedures for developing grounded theory. 42 Charmaz, K. The power and potential of grounded theory. Medical Sociology Online, 2012, 6, no. 32, p. 15. 43 Corbin, J. & Strauss, A. Basics of qualitative research: Techniques and procedures for developing grounded theory, p. 148. 44 Mason, M. Sample size and saturation in PhD studies using qualitative interviews. Forum: Qualitative Social Re- search, 2010, 11, n3, pp. 1-19; Guest, G., Bunce, A. & Johnson, L. How many interviews are enough? An experiment with data saturation and variability. Field, 2006, 18, no. 1, pp. 59•82. 45 Martin, T. L., & Doka, K. J. Men don't cry...women do: Transcending gender stereotypes of grief, (Philadelphia: Brunner/Mazel, 2000); Rando, T. Treatment of complicated mourning; Bowlby, J., Attachment and loss: Loss, sadness and depression; Worden, W. J. Grief counseling and grief therapy: A handbook for the mental health practitioner. 46 Herman, J. Trauma and recovery: The aftermath of violence - from domestic abuse to political terror (New York: Basic Books, 1997), p. 51. 47 Ibid. 48 Neimeyer, R., Burke, L., MacKay, M., & van Dyke Stringer, J. Grief therapy and the reconstruction of meaning: From principles to practice. Journal of Contemporary Psychotherapy, 2009, 40, no2, pp. 73-83. 49Attig, T. Relearning the world: Making and finding meanings. In R. Neimeyer (Ed.), Meaning, Reconstruction & the Experience of Loss (Washington: American Psychological Association, 2001), pp. 33-54. 50 Maruna, S. Making good: How ex-convicts reform and rebuild their lives (Washington: American Psychological Association, 2001), p. 17. 310

51 Worden, W. J. Grief counseling and grief therapy: A handbook for the mental health practitioner, p. 283. 52 Ibid., p. 92. 53 Whitbeck, L., Adams, G. Hoyt, D. & Chen, X. Conceptualizing and measuring historical trauma among American Indian people. American Journal of Community Psychology, 2004, 33, no 3/4, pp 119-130. 54 National Institute of Justice. (2010015) What is CBT. http://www.nij.gov/journals/265/pages/what-•-is-•-cbt.aspx, Retrieved 05 14, 2013. 55 A grief recovery program, based on John James and Russell Friedman, The Grief Recovery Handbook, is presented in chapter sixteen to address this issue.

Chapter Thirteen 1 Max Weber, Economy and Society, pp. 215-297. 2 Mark Totten has done research in this area, Guys, Gangs, and Girlfriend Abuse (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008). 3 This story is included in Donald Stoesz, Glimpses of Grace, p. 88. Other stories based on the Young Adult Group course can be found on pages 78, 86-87, 135. 4 Ibid., pp. 45-47. 5 Ibid., p. 48. 6 Revised edition (New York: St. Martin’s Griffin, 2008). 7 Stoesz deals with the subject of relationships in various vignettes in Glimpses of Grace, pp. 42, 44, 45, 47, 48. 8 Ibid., pp. 86, 25.

Chapter Fourteen 1 See Gregory Baum’s exploration and explanation of Freud’s Oedipal complex in relation to the importance of religion, Religion and Alienation, pp. 121-130. 2 Bruno Bettelheim, The Uses of Enchantment, pp. 159-277. 3 Ibid., pp. 159-165. 4 Ibid., pp. 166-170. 5 The Woodsman, a Hollywood movie released several years ago, uses this fairy tale to depict a man who is struggling with pedophilia, (Dash Films, 2004). The movie was co-written by Nicole Kassel and Stephen Fechter. It is based on a play with the same name by Stephen Fechter, The Woodsman (Samuel French Inc Plays, 2009). 6 For Bettelheim’s interpretation of this story, see The Uses of Enchantment, pp. 183-190.

Chapter Fifteen 1 Winnifred Sullivan, Prison Religion, pp. 172-179. 2 Charles Taylor uses the term “modern social imaginaries” to describe the relevant factors that make up the “modern person,” Modern Social Imaginaries (Durham, N.C.: Duke University, 2005), pp. 21-22. 3 Winnifred Sullivan, Prison Religion, p. 175. 4 Ibid., p. 173. 5 Ibid., p. 179. 6 Ibid., p. 174. 7 Donald Stoesz considers this capacity for change in his book, Magic of Fiction in Illuminating Transformation (Victoria: Friesen Press, 2019). 8 Winnifred Sullivan, Prison Religion, p. 178. Michel Foucault analyses the prison’s modern emphasis on discipline as a means of reform, Discipline and Punish, pp. 135-145. 9 Winnifred Sullivan, Prison Religion, p. 174. One is reminded of the biblical passage from Philippians 2:12: “There- fore, my beloved, . . . in my absence . . . work out your own salvation with fear and trembling.” 10 Winnifred Sullivan, Prison Religion, p. 174. 1 Christopher Leadership Course: Class Manual (Lumen Institute, 2008), p. iv. 2 Ibid., p. iii. 3 The American-based organization called Christophers gives out awards to people who have impacted the world in a positive manner (www.christophers.org, retrieved February 2019.) This same organization developed the Christopher Leadership course. This course is more broadly based philosophically and is facilitated through the Lumen Institute in Canada, dedicated to building character, faith, and leadership, Lee MacDonald, “Excerpts from Canadian History (of Christopher Leadership),” unpublished, see www.lumeninstitute.org, retrieved February 2019.The Christopher Leadership Course has its own website in Canada (www.clcnational.com, retrieved February 2019). It lists the Board of Directors for the Lumen Institute that oversees the course.311

4 Christopher Leadership Course: Class Manual, pp. i-ii. 5 Winnifred Sullivan, Prison Religion, p. 173. 6 This story is recounted in Donald Stoesz, Glimpses of Grace, pp. 137-138. Cf. the instructions for this agape meal in “Instructions for Facilitators: Agape-Christopher Project,” Christopher Leadership Instructor Manual (2014), pp. 1 – 4. 7 This history is documented in the American Alternatives to Violence website, under the heading, “How We Began,” www.avpusa.org, retrieved February 2019. 8 John Shuford, “Description of Program, Target Population and Target Setting,” unpublished, pp. 1-2. “This container of safety allows participants to effortlessly lower their barriers and defences, opening them up to honestly see themselves, their behaviours and the consequences of their behaviours as well as be receptive to new attitude and interpersonal skills.” As one inmate put it, “only a group of this nature can provide us with the safe environment to remove this mask.” 9 Gary Garrison provides a detailed description of various role-playing situations and team building exercises in his article, “Albertans Make Peace on the Prairie,” Peace Magazine (January/March, 2014), pp. 16-19. 10 Note Donald Stoesz’ analysis of the principles of dynamic security and subsidiarity, Glimpses of Grace, pp. 62, 64. 11 John Shuford has written an article about the usefulness of AVP in the training of correctional staff, “Beyond Security: Creating Safer Prisons,” Corrections Today (July/August, 2018), pp. 46-51. 12 AVP Alberta, Alternatives to Violence Project pamphlet. 13 Gregory Baum, Religion and Alienation, p. 129. 14 Ibid., p. 131. Durkheim made this discovery as a result of his study of suicide. He was surprized at the extent to which suicide, which is an intensely personal act, was dependent on a variety of societal factors, note Baum’s discussion, pp. 128-135. In email correspondence with Father Joe Ostopowich, who works a prison chaplain in British Columbia, he gave the example of a humanist inmate who wanted to have a separate worship and teaching time in the chapel for his humanistic ideals. This is an example of how ideals and symbols, like humanism or transforming power, can have a powerful spiritual influence on our lives, 15 John A. Shuford, “AVP: An Instrument of Peace,” Friends Journal.org, p. 1. 16 Ibid., p. 2. 17 Shuford refers at one point to transforming power as “grace or the power of God/Spirit,” then modifies his affirmation by saying that “no further explanation is needed, nor may it be required.” As a Quaker, Shuford may want to invoke the name of God as the one who provides this transforming power (either through God’s initial act of creation or through God’s spiritual re-creation of human beings), while as an AVP facilitator, he may simply define transforming power in the Durkheimian sense as a positive, non-material “social force” at work within us. 18 A history of Celebrate Recovery is included at the beginning of the Celebrate Recovery Inside Bible, NIV (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2007), pp. ix-xi. A list of the eight Christian principles of CR is included on pages xv-xliv. The program itself is featured in a four-part series entitled (1) Stepping out of Denial into God’s Grace, (2) Taking an Honest and Spiritual Inventory, (3) Getting Right with God, Yourself, and Others, and (4) Growing in Christ While Helping Others, Celebrate Recovery Inside: Participant’s Guides (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1998). 19 This phrase, shortened to STERBS, has been coined by John James and Russell Friedman, The Grief Recovery Handbook, pp. 77-82. 20 Celebrate Recovery Inside Bible, p. x. 21 Note Winnifred Sullivan’s comments about confession in her book, A Ministry of Presence, p. 20. She quotes Michel Foucault in this regard, Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the College de France: 1977-78, pp. 184-185. 22 James 5:16 states: “Therefore confess your sins to each other, and pray for each other, so that you may be healed.” I Corinthians 11:28-29 states: “Examine yourselves, and only then eat of the bread and drink of the cup. For all who eat and drink without discerning the body eat and drink judgment on themselves.” 23 Alcoholics Anonymous, Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia, Oxford Group, Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia, www.wikipedia.org, retrieved February 2019.

Chapter Sixteen 1 Elisabeth Kubler-Ross. On Death and Dying (New York: Scribner, 1997), pp. 37-132. 2 John James and Russell Friedman, The Grief Recovery Handbook, pp. 11-20. 3 Ibid., pp. 61-68. 4 Ibid., pp. 85-103, 115-134. 5 Ibid., pp. 136-160. 6 Ibid., pp. 49-51. 7 (Minnesota: Hazelden Publishing, 1986). 312

8 Melodie Beattie, CoDependent No More, pp. 134-140. 9 Ibid., pp. 83-90. 10 Ibid., pp. 1-8. 11 One is reminded the co-dependent spouse in Tyler Perry’s movie, Why Did I Get Married? DVD (Lionsgate, 2008), 113 minutes, in which she realises that her poor self-image enabled her husband’s abuse of her. She divorces him because he cannot respect her. 12 Melodie Beattie, CoDependent No More, pp. 187-195. 13 Ibid., pp. 83-95. 14 Rachael Smith, Building Healthy Relationships (2015). 15 Ibid., pp. 50-51. 16 Ibid., p. 7. 17 Revised edition (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2008). 18 Harville Hendrix, Getting the Love You Want., pp. 21-46. 19 Ibid., pp. 88-95. 20 Ibid., pp. 162-170. 21 A history of this program is detailed in the Celebrate Recovery Inside Bible, New International Version (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2007), pp. ix-xi. The program itself is featured in a four-part series entitled (1) Stepping out of Denial into God’s Grace, (2) Taking an Honest and Spiritual Inventory, (3) Getting Right with God, Yourself, and Others, and (4) Growing in Christ While Helping Others, Celebrate Recovery Inside: Participant’s Guides (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1998).

Chapter Seventeen 1 A recent note by Victor Hori regarding the difference between the two schools of Buddhism: “All schools teach the Buddhist lesson on suffering: all existence is suffering. Some schools teach that suffering can be transcended and left behind (people read Zen Buddhism that way). Some schools teach that suffering is transcended only when you live your suffering. The True Pure Land school is sometimes read this way. For a brief and easily readable account of True Pure Land Buddhism, read Shinran's Gospel of Pure Grace, by Alfred Bloom. I do not want to comment on whether a certain school of Buddhism or certain practice of meditation is more appropriate for prisoners. I do not have enough experience. My released prisoner however had converted to True Pure Land Buddhism. He read a pamphlet that started off “all existence is suffering.” As soon as he read that, he knew* he had found his religion, he said,” Email correspondence with Victor Hori, December 2018. 2 The “reality therapy” approach that William Glasser adopted in his counselling sessions during the 1960s is somewhat at odds with the emphasis on the unconscious and a “conflicted” personality that appears in chapter fourteen of this book. While “conventional therapy” assumes that the counsellor needs to probe into a patient’s past life and their unconscious in order for the person to gain insight into their behaviour so that they can change their ways, “reality therapy” wants to avoid having the patient use their “mental illness” to excuse their behaviour. William Glasser assumes that each patient can take responsibility for themselves and have their needs fulfilled by accepting the reality of the situation and finding solutions to their problems that increases their capacity for living holistic lives, Reality Therapy (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), pp. 42-45. These two approaches are not contradictory. Insight is needed by offenders to understand the reasons for their offences. There are often unconscious reasons for their acting-out behaviours. At the same time, inmates need to take responsibility for their offences in order not to re-offend. 3 Donald Stoesz has reflected on this journey through pain and suffering to a deep spirituality in The Intimate Pres- ence of God (Innisfail, Shtace Publications, 2003), pp. 2-11. 4 Max Weber, Economy and Society, pp. 541-556. 5 Shiran had a deep sense of human depravity, believing that we are chained to evil by “our lust, hatred, and delusion.” Alfred Bloom, Shinran’s Gospel of Pure Grace (Ann Arbor, Mich.: Association for Asian Studies, 1991), p. 27. He believed that human beings “would fall into hell were it not for the grace of Amida Buddha and his Vows,” ibid., p. 32. 6 Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011). 7 For explanation of Wiccan practices, see Thea Sabin, Wicca for Beginners (Woodbury: Llewellyn Publications, 2006). 8 Donald Stoesz, The Intimate Presence of God. Other authors who have written about the usefulness of labyrinths for spiritual disciplines include Donna Schaper and Carole Ann Camp, Labyrinths from the Outside In (Woodstock: Sky- light Paths Publishing, 2000) and Lauren Artress, Walking a Sacred Path (New York: Riverhead Books, 1995).

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9 This is the word that Harville Hendrix uses to help couples understand why they were attracted to their partners. He defines imago as “the composite picture of the people who influenced you most strongly at an early age,” Getting the Love You Want, p. 38. 10 This is the way Gregory Baum states the matter in his book, Man Becoming (New York: Herder and Herder, 1970), pp. 15-17. “Every man, by the logic of his action, is led to discover the impossibility of exhausting the deep willing at the core of his being in a finite universe. Man’s unending concern leads him to wider and wider action . . . The distance between himself and himself is (still) infinite. A man is summoned to the inevitable option: either, following the drive of his limitless concern, he opens himself to the infinite; or he encloses himself in the finite order and thus violates the thrust of his own action.” 11 M. Scott Peck. The Road Less Travelled (New York Touchstone, 1978), p. 15. 12 Bruno Bettelheim, The Uses of Enchantment, p. 7. 13 Victor Frankl, Search for Meaning (Boston: Beacon Press, 2006). Frankl argues that while we cannot avoid suffering, we can choose how to cope with it, find meaning in it, and move forward with renewed purpose.

Chapter Eighteen 1 Henry Blackaby, Experiencing God: Knowing and Doing the Will of God, Workbook (Nashville: Lifeway Press, 2007), Experiencing God: Knowing and Doing the Will of God (Nashville: Lifeway Press, 2008). The first book is a larger workbook that includes questions and space for answers in the middle of each lesson while the second book comes in a smaller format, is more academic, while containing essentially the same material. 2 Rick Warren, The Purpose Driven Life (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2002). 3 Ibid., pp. 85, 117, 145, 152, 160. 4 Henry Blackaby, Experiencing God, Workbook, pp. 50, 68,132,154. 5 Ibid., pp. 154, 178; Rick Warren, The Purpose Driven Life, pp. 41, 63, 100. 6 Henry Blackaby, Experiencing God, Workbook, pp. 178, 198; Rick Warren, The Purpose Driven Life, pp. 227-312. 7 Henry Blackaby, Experiencing God, Workbook, pp. 248-255, Rick Warren, The Purpose Driven Life, pp. 152-156, 314-320. 8 Donald Stoesz has reflected on the objective forms of religious expression that complement subjective experiences of faith, Tracing the Trajectory from Low-Church to High-Church Religious Practices and Beliefs, unpublished lecture presented at an Ex-Mennonite Conference, University of Winnipeg, May 2016. 9 Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Church Doctrine, six volumes (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975-1985). 10 Hughes Oliphant Old, The Reading and Preaching of the Scriptures in the Worship of the Christian Church, six volumes (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995-2005). 11 Catechism of the Catholic Church, 2nd edition (New York: Doubleday, 1995). 12 The Book of Alternative Services of the Anglican Church of Canada (Toronto: Anglican Book Centre, 1985). 13 Robin Casarjian, Houses of Healing: A Prisoner’s Guide to Inner Power and Freedom (Boston: Lionheart Foun- dation, 1995). 14 (New York: Touchstone Books, 1978).

Chapter Nineteen 1 This chapter appears as “Rationale for Religious Accommodation” in Mohamed Taher, editor, Multifaith Perspec- tives in Spiritual & Religious Care: Change, Challenge and Transformation (Ontario: Multi-Faith Federation, 2019). 2 Donald Stoesz, Glimpses of Grace, pp. 106-107, 119-121. 3 Paul Ricoeur, Hermeneutics and the Human Sciences, edited and translated by John Thompson (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1981), pp. 131-144. 4 Donald Stoesz, Glimpses of Grace, pp. 106-107. 5 Correctional Service Canada, Commissioner’s Directive 750, https://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/005/006/750-cd- eng.shtml. Retrieved May 27, 2019. 6Correctional Service Canada, GL 750-1 Inmate Religious Accommodation – FAQs for Chaplains, Suppliers, and Contractors, p. 222. 7 Ninian Smart has explicated the need for “bracketing” or suspension of one’s own beliefs in order to better understand a different religion, Worldviews: Cross-cultural Explorations of Human Beliefs (Pearson, 1999). 8 Winnifred Sullivan, A Ministry of Presence, pp. 53, 81. For theological reflections on the universality of the religious experience, see Karl Rahner, Foundations of Christian Faith (Crossroad Publishing Co., 1982); Gregory Baum, “For and Against John Milbank,” Essays in Critical Theology (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1994), pp. 52-76, The Oil Has Not Run Dry, pp. 49-52. 314

9 This example is outlined in Donald Stoesz, Glimpses of Grace, p. 126.

Chapter Twenty 1 This article was written for a course offered by Daniel Schipani on spiritual care at the Associated Mennonite Biblical Seminary, Elkhart, Indiana in the fall of 2009. Donald Stoesz was on a three-month sabbatical at the time. Schipani’s book, Interfaith Spiritual Care: Understandings and Practices (Ontario: Pandora Press, 2009), was used as a resource in the course. Schipani’s latest book, of which he is the editor, is called Multifaith Views in Spiritual Care (Ontario: Pandora Press, 2013). 2 This program is based on the book by Robin Casarjian, Houses of Healing: A Prisoner’s Guide to Inner Power and Freedom. 3 Correctional Service Canada, Manual of Religious and Spiritual Accommodation (Ottawa: Correctional Service Can- ada, 2007). 4 Correctional Service Canada, Religious Accommodation Recommendation and Decision Form, GL 750-2, CSC/SCC 1540 (R-2016-09). 5 Correctional Service Canada, GL 750-1 Inmate Religious Accommodation – FAQs for Chaplains, Suppliers, and Contractors. 6 Daniel Schipani, Interfaith Spiritual Care: Understandings and Practices, p. 129. 7 The history of this initiative can be found in John Baker, editor, NIV Celebrate Recovery Study Bible, pp. ix-xi.

Chapter Twenty-One 1 This chapter was first presented as Just Trying to be Original: Tracing the Rastafarian Shoot beyond the Anabaptist Root at the Canadian Society for the Study of Religion, Ottawa, Ontario in 1998. It was modified, renamed as “Strat- egies of Resistance: A Comparison of Anabaptism and Rastafarianism,” and appears in Mohamed Taher, editor, Mul- tifaith Perspectives in Spiritual & Religious Care: Change, Challenge and Transformation (Ontario: Multi-Faith Federation, 2019). Rastafarian sources for this article include Roland Littlewood, Memory, and appropriation: Some problems in the analysis of origins, in Barry Chevannes, ed., Rastafarai and Other African-Caribbean Worldviews (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1998), pp. 233-255; Clinton Chisholm, The Rasta-Selassie-Ethiopian connections, in Na- thaniel Murrell, editor., Chanting Down Babylon (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998), pp. 166-177; Graham Hancock, The Sign and the Seal (London: Heinemann, 1992); Edward Ullendorf, Ethiopia and the Bible (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967); Nathaniel Samuel Murrell, Introduction: The Rastafarian phenomenon, in Nathaniel Murrell, ed., Chanting Down Babylon. (Philadelphia: Temple University,1998), pp. 1-22; Leonard Barrett, The Ras- tafarians (Boston: Beacon Press, 1997); John P. Homiak, Dub history: Soundings on Rastafari livity and language, in Barry Chevannes, ed., Rastafarai and Other African-Caribbean Worldviews (London: Macmillan Press, 1995), pp. 127-181; Maureen Rowe, Gender and family relations in Rastafari: A personal perspective, in Nathaniel Murrell ed., Chanting Down Babylon (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998), pp. 72-88; Imani M. Tafari-Ama, Rasta- woman as rebel: Case studies in Jamaica, in Nathaniel Murrell ed., Chanting Down Babylon, pp. 89-106; Barry Che- vannes, Rastafarai: Roots and Ideology (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1994). Anabaptist sources include James Stayer, Anabaptists and the Sword (Kansas: Coronado, 1972); John H. Yoder, editor and translator, [1527] The Schleitheim Confession (Scottdale: Herald Press, 1973); Cornelius Dyck, Introduction to Mennonite History (Scottdale: Herald Press, 1981); Donald Kraybill, Riddle of Amish Life (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1989); Benjamin Zablocki, The Joyful Community: An Account of the Bruderhof (Chi- cago: University of Chicago Press, 1980). 2 What does the Bible Really Teach (New York: Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society of New York, Inc., 2009).

Chapter Twenty-Two 1 This chapter was presented at a Canadian Theological Society meeting in 1999 in Lennoxville, Quebec, as well as at the American Academy of Religion meetings in Kansas, USA in the same year. 2 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish. 3 David Harvey, The Condition of Post-Modernity (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), pp. 39-40. Stanley Genz uses the same example and comes to similar conclusions in A Primer on Postmodernism (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1996), p. 11-15. 4 David Harvey, The Conditions of Post-Modernity, p. 23. 5 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish, pp. 14-31. 6 Ibid., pp. 32-69. 7 Janet Semple, Bentham’s Prison (Oxford: Clarendon Press,315 1993).

8 Max Weber. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011). 9 Thomas Markus draws on this tree analogy in his detailed analysis of the impact depth and movement have in architectural structures, “Can History be a Guide to the Design of Prisons?” Architecture of Incarceration (Great Britain: Academy Press, 1994), pp. 15-18. Cf. his more comprehensive work, Buildings and Power (London: Routledge, 1993), pp. 12-30, 95-145. 10 Janet Semple, Bentham’s Prison, p. 315. 11 Author’s interview of Gabriel Savignac, Quebec regional chaplain, June 19, 1996. 12 Franciscan priest Maurice Fournier, Catholic chaplain in the prison, convinced prison authorities to leave the bars open. 13 One is reminded of the virtual prisons that have been created in the USA, in which communication between staff and inmates takes place through the use of cameras and microphones, see Donald Stoesz, Glimpses of Grace, p. 61.

Chapter Twenty-Three 1 This article was written in conjunction with the dedication of sacred spaces at the Bowden annex in October 2015. 2 Donald Stoesz spoke to Louis Leblanc, CSC regional chaplain in Quebec, about the sacred space at the Reception Centre, Conversation with Louis Leblanc, 2018. Leblanc told Stoesz that it is in active use because of the large number of Catholic inmates that are at the Reception Centre. Chaplains have been challenged to provide adequate religious accommodation for inmates who are of other faiths. A small space adjacent to the chapel has been dedicated to accommodating religious diversity. Another chapel built and dedicated at about the same time was a chapel in the Re- gional Psychiatric Centre in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan (2000). Elmer Regnum was one of the chaplains there at the time. 3 Rodney A. Howsare and Larry Chapp, editors, How Balthasar Changed My Mind (New York, Crossroad Publishing, 2008). Brad Taylor, Catholic chaplain in Prince Albert Penitentiary, has written a Master of Theological Studies thesis on this subject, Jesus Christ, the Prisoner, Descends into Hell on Holy Saturday (Edmonton: Newman College, 2012), unpublished, 8 pages.

Chapter Twenty-Four 1 Stephen Duguid, Can Prisons Work? pp. 18, 34. 2 T. Richard Snyder, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Punishment, p. 14, 43. 3 Walter Klaassen, in his book, Anabaptism: Neither Catholic nor Protestant (Ontario: Conrad Press, 1973), argues that Mennonitism is as much a child of the Enlightenment as it is a radical Protestant reform movement. Mennonites have continued to believe in the essential goodness of human beings and their ability to act rationally and reasonably. Klaassen suggests that it is for these reasons that Mennonites have felt comfortable and uncomfortable in Catholic and Protestant circles. Gregory Baum, in his book Religion and Alienation, pp. 213ff, suggests that Christians have to retrieve the essential reason of the Enlightenment as a way to balancing their Augustinian belief in humanity as radically fallen.

Chapter Twenty-Five 1 See his website, www.chaplaincysolutions.org, retrieved May 2019. 2 Thomas Beckner, Correctional Chaplains: Keepers of the Cloak, pp. xv-xx. 3 Scott Gilmore wrote a column entitled “Running Sacred,” (Macleans, October 5, 2015, Vol. 128, No. 39, p. 29) in the lead-up to the Canadian election of 2015. He suggests in that column that fear mongering has become a way for politicians to advocate for longer prison terms. 4 Thomas Beckner, Correctional Chaplains: Keepers of the Cloak, p. xvi. 5 In a 2011 national orientation of prison chaplains, Hank Dixon lectured on Gavin de Becker’s book, Gift of Fear, to make chaplains aware of a sixth, intuitive sense that they need to have in order to keep safe in prison. 6 See, for example, a story featured in Donald Stoesz, Glimpses of Grace, p. 92. 7 Ibid., p. 47. 8 Thomas Beckner, Correctional Chaplains, pp. xviii-xx. Cf. Nils Christie’s work, Crime Control as Industry (Lon- don: Routledge, 1993). 9 Thomas Beckner, Correctional Chaplains, p. xx. 10 Ibid., pp. 10-11. 11 Michel Foucault has written extensively about the Enlightenment shift in thinking from corporal punishment to an emphasis on discipline and work as a solution to crime, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison.

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12 Mark Totten has written a powerful story about his involvement as a social worker with young gang members in the Ottawa area, Guys, Gangs, and Girlfriend Abuse. More recently, he has written a book entitled Gang Life (Toronto: James Lorimer and Co., 2014). 13 See Stephen Duguid, Can Prisons Work? The Prisoner as Object and Subject in Modern Corrections, cf. Donald Stoesz, Glimpses of Grace, pp. 81, 89. 14 Thomas Beckner, Correctional Chaplains, pp. 11-12. 15 There is at least one Clinical Pastoral Education course offered in Canada, in a New Brunswick provincial jail, facilitated by Peggy Noseworthy. 16 Thomas Beckner, Keepers of the Cloak, p. 24. 17 (Old Tappen, NJ: Fleming Revel, 1976). 18 (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1995). 19 (New York: Haworth Press, 1995). 20 Thomas Beckner, Keepers of the Cloak, p. 41. 21 The Prison Journal, 1998, 78, (3), pp. 271-298. 22 Thomas Beckner, Keepers of the Cloak, p. 46. 23 Ibid., p. 51. The Introduction in this Manual addresses Beckner’s concerns regarding the secular and sacred tasks of a chaplain. 24 Winnifred Sullivan, A Ministry of Presence, pp. 53, 81. 25 Mission of the Correctional Service of Canada, pp. 5, 7, 10-11. 26 Thomas Beckner, Keepers of the Cloak, p. 52. 27 Ibid., p. 71. 28 Ibid., pp. 82, 84, 90. 29 Ibid., p. 83. 30 Ibid., p. 92. 31 Ibid., p. 120. 32 Ibid, p. 115. 33 Ibid., p. 40. 34 Ibid., p. 118.

Conclusion 1 Thomas Beckner, Keepers of the Cloak, p. 24.

Appendix 1 1 Included as Annex “A” in Correctional Service Canada, Handbook for Contractors Delivering Chaplaincy Service in CSC Institutions, 2017.

Appendix 2 1 https://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/005/006/750-cd-eng.shtml, retrieved May 27, 2019.

Appendix 9 1 Pastoral Care Computer Assessment Program Manual (Living Water Software, St. Cloud, Minnesota, 1995), pp. 14-25.

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