Soviet Shapers of the Russian Approach to Large-Scale Combat Operations
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Voennaia Mysl' Digital Archive
Voennaia mysl’ Digital Archive The most authoritative military-theoretical journal in the USSR and post-Soviet Russia The year 2018 marked the 100th-year anniversary of Voennaia mysl’ (Military Thought), generally regarded as the most authoritative military-theoretical journal in the USSR and subsequently post-Soviet Russia. Established in 1918, a year after the October Revolution, as Voennoe delo, it underwent several name changes before the editors of the journal settled with its present name Voennaia mysl’ in 1937. Published under the auspices of Ministry of Defense, and directly subordinate to the General Staff, Voennaia mysl’ throughout its history has attracted military strategists and theoreticians from the top echelons of the Soviet and Russian military and its various branches, having become the topmost vehicle for the articulation of various Soviet and Russian military doctrines. Some of the most famous Soviet and Russian military strategists and generals whose works have appeared in the journal are Alexander Svechin, Mikhail Tukhachevsky, Ivan Bagramyan, Konstantin Rokossovsky, and others. Being a publication of highest importance, however, carried with it certain risks, especially in the early years of its existence. During the height of Stalin’s purges of the military in mid to late 1930s some of the military strategists whose works had appeared in the journal as well as several of its editors would be arrested and executed, having been accused of working for Nazi Germany and part of a purported “military-fascist plot.” With the beginning of the Cold War access to Voennaia mysl’ became severely restricted with the covers carrying the classification stamp “For Generals, Admirals, and Officers Only.” The journal would remain classified until 1989. -
The Challenges of the "Now" and Their Implications for the U.S. Army
Perspective C O R P O R A T I O N Expert insights on a timely policy issue The Challenges of the “Now” and Their Implications for the U.S. Army David E. Johnson he U.S. Army has been at war in Afghanistan and Iraq underscored how far potential enemies had advanced in terms almost continuously for more than a decade—an experi- of weapons and tactics. This war vividly illustrated the lethality ence that has, over time, honed the Army’s ability to fight of modern weapons, the high value of crew proficiency, and the irregular adversaries. Ironically, in the aftermath of these skill of tactical commanders (Herbert, 1988, pp. 29–36; Scales, Twars and despite such capabilities, the Army finds itself in a crisis Johnson, and Odom, 1993, pp. 9–10; Romjue and Mullen, of relevance, with the national strategy having changed with the undated, pp. 190–191). “rebalance” to the Pacific, with end strength and budgets shrink- The Army responded with a renewed focus on major combat ing, and with U.S. policymakers averse to putting “boots on the operations. It developed, procured, and fielded the “Big 5” weapon ground” even as the Islamic State has again thrown Iraq into war systems—Abrams main battle tank, Bradley fighting vehicle, (Johnson, 2015b, pp. 109–113). Apache helicopter, Black Hawk helicopter, and Patriot air defense This crisis of relevance reflects a somewhat understandable missile system—as well as other effective weapons, such as the but recurring Army pattern of focusing intently on a current Multiple Launch Rocket System (MLRS) and the Army Tactical conflict while ignoring potential ones. -
Factors Influencing Russian Force Modernization Dr
Changing Character of War Centre Pembroke College, University of Oxford With Axel and Margaret Ax:son Johnson Foundation Factors Influencing Russian Force Modernization Dr. Lester Grau and Charles K. Bartles1 September 2018 A wide-spread Russian perception is that Russia is back as a significant Eurasian power whose opinions and desires need to be understood and accommodated. Russia has regained its national pride, confidence and sense of destiny. Russia still feels threatened from the south and the west and is taking political and military steps to deal with that unease. Historically, Russia feels most secure when it has a strong leader and a strong military. Russians are willing to forego much in order to ensure their security. There are perceived internal and external threats to the Russian state and Russia is addressing these through military reform, military restructuring, force modernization, equipment modernization as well as domestic security restructuring and modernization. Understanding those factors that drive these actions facilitates and potential forms of future war may assist understanding Russian official statements and actions. External Factors The Character of Future War Russia and the Soviet Union have always been primarily a ground power, with the Navy and Air Force functioning as supporting services. After the Second World War, the Soviets believed that future modem warfare would closely resemble the battles they had fought in the last years of the war, albeit with nuclear weapons.2 The military that the Russian Federation inherited in the 1990s had a bloated command structure designed for the command and control of literally thousands of divisions, regiments, and battalions, with the vast majority of these units being ‘skeleton units’ manned by small cadres that would help flesh out the unit with conscripts and reservists in the event of a mass mobilization. -
Kazakhstan Missile Chronology
Kazakhstan Missile Chronology Last update: May 2010 As of May 2010, this chronology is no longer being updated. For current developments, please see the Kazakhstan Missile Overview. This annotated chronology is based on the data sources that follow each entry. Public sources often provide conflicting information on classified military programs. In some cases we are unable to resolve these discrepancies, in others we have deliberately refrained from doing so to highlight the potential influence of false or misleading information as it appeared over time. In many cases, we are unable to independently verify claims. Hence in reviewing this chronology, readers should take into account the credibility of the sources employed here. Inclusion in this chronology does not necessarily indicate that a particular development is of direct or indirect proliferation significance. Some entries provide international or domestic context for technological development and national policymaking. Moreover, some entries may refer to developments with positive consequences for nonproliferation. 2009-1947 March 2009 On 4 March 2009, Kazakhstan signed a contract to purchase S-300 air defense missile systems from Russia. According to Ministry of Defense officials, Kazakhstan plans to purchase 10 batteries of S-300PS by 2011. Kazakhstan's Air Defense Commander Aleksandr Sorokin mentioned, however, that the 10 batteries would still not be enough to shield all the most vital" facilities designated earlier by a presidential decree. The export version of S- 300PS (NATO designation SA-10C Grumble) has a maximum range of 75 km and can hit targets moving at up to 1200 m/s at a minimum altitude of 25 meters. -
Twentieth Air Force - from B-29S to Icbms a Proud Past…A Bright Future
Twentieth Air Force - From B-29s To ICBMs A Proud Past…A Bright Future by Major General Tom Neary Commander, Twentieth Air Force THE TWENTIETH AIR FORCE LEGACY As I come to work each day, I pass a picture gallery of the former Commanders of Twentieth Air Force. From it, the faces of great leaders like Hap Arnold, Curtis LeMay, and Nathan Twining remind me of the rich heritage of this numbered air force. The great warfighting organization these magnificent Air Force pioneers organized and led during World War II lives on today as "America’s ICBM Team"--modern day professionals carrying on the legacy of air power excellence born in the South Pacific in 1944. We remain linked to the original Twentieth Air Force in many ways. Pictured are Lieutenant Fiske Hanley, WW II veteran, and Captain Keith McCartney, 341st Space Wing, Malmstrom AFB MT. They are past and present representatives of the thousands of courageous airmen who founded, formed and now carry on our superb legacy. Although separated by five decades of history, Hanley and McCartney understand full well how crucial their missions were, and now are to the security of America. They also share another important linkage in history. While Fiske Hanley’s Twentieth Air Force of 1945 employed nuclear weapons to stop a horrible world war, Captain Keith McCartney stands alert in today’s Capt Keith McCartney in command Twentieth Air Force committed to preventing war at a Minuteman III launch control through nuclear deterrence and professional stewardship console of America’s nuclear arsenal. With our legacy as a preface, I invite you to join me on a journey through Twentieth Air Force--from the South Pacific in 1944, to the ICBM fields of rural America today, and on to our bright future as a relevant and important part of America’s national security team. -
Reagan and the Soviet Union: Competing Military Strategies, 1980-1988
4 Reagan and the Soviet Union: Competing Military Strategies, 1980-1988 David M. Glantz This essay evaluates the policies and military strategy introduced by U.S. Pres- ident Ronald Reagan vis-à-vis the Soviet Union, within the context of over forty years of intense strategic competition called the Cold War. The Cold War remained “cold” because the two competing countries emerged from the World War as victorious superpower with unchallenged military capabilities and un- precedented territories either under their control or within their spheres of in- fluence. Despite sharply differing ideologies and political systems, the United States and Soviet Union understood the risks and potential costs of war, espe- cially after both became atomic powers by the late 1940s. Both recognized that deliberately unleashing a world war was no longer a rational act. Given this unique constraint, the ensuing completion became a prolonged game of strategic “cat and mouse,” as the two counties jockeyed with each other for a more advantageous position militarily, politically, and economically. The instruments of this game were specific military strategies governing the nature of the competition and setting limits on the countries’ military actions, all of which acknowledged that the nuclear balance was quite literally a mutually-rec- ognized balance of terror. David M. Glantz, “Reagan and the Soviet Union: Competing Military Strategies, 1980-1988,” Essay, Enduring Legacy Project, John A. Adams ’71 Center for Military History & Strategic Analysis, Virginia Military Institute, 2014. 2 Conventional wisdom concerning the Cold War maintains that this “cat and mouse” game played out successfully, that is, relatively peacefully, because neither side was willing to violate the constraints imposed by this balance of ter- ror. -
Critical Factors for the New Start Extension1
CRITICAL FACTORS FOR THE NEW START EXTENSION1 Victor Esin2 In the current circumstances, the preservation of the New START treaty, signed by Russian President Dmitry Medvedev and US President Barack Obama in Prague on April 8, 2010, is probably the only realistic chance to ensure an acceptable level of strategic stability in US-Russian relations in the immediate term. The stabilizing influence of this Treaty is obvious because the ceilings on strategic offensive weapons and the transparency measures agreed under New START limit Russian-US rivalry in the area of strategic nuclear arms, when tensions between Moscow and Washington are running high.3 Cooperation in the framework of the New START verification mechanisms, including on-site inspections, has become even more important because following the collapse of the INF Treaty on August 2, 2019, mutual trust is severely undermined. Without an extension, New START is currently due to expire on February 5, 2021. Under the terms of Article XIV of the Treaty, should the parties agree to an extension, such an extension cannot be longer than 5 years. Do the two parties to the Treaty have any motivation to preserve it by means of extension? I believe the answer is yes, for both Russia and the United States. Russia seeks to limit Washington’s freedom to ramp up the US strategic nuclear arsenal so as not to be dragged into another unrestrained nuclear arms race. If the United States were no longer bound by the terms of New START, it would be able rapidly to increase the number of its nuclear warheads installed on deployed ICBMs from the current 400 to 800 thanks to its existing upload potential. -
Where-The-East-Meets-The-West-1.Pdf
ICIT Contributor Series Where the East Meets the West: How Western Internet and Modern Communications Technology Helped Soviet-style Propaganda in Donbass October 2018 By: Ms Jamila Mammadova, Research Assistant at the Henry Jackson Society A publication is supported by the Institute’s CCIOS initiative: 1 The ICIT Contributor Series publishes original content from national security and cybersecurity contributors around the world in support of ICIT’s mission. The views and opinions expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent that of the Institute or its Fellows, members, donors or other contributors. The author(s) have confirmed to ICIT the originality of this body of work and have provided all citations where appropriate. Copyright © 2018 Institute for Critical Infrastructure Technology 2 Where the East Meets the West: How Western Internet and Modern Communications Technology Helped Soviet-style Propaganda in Donbass “We must spread our priciples, not with words but with deeds, for this is the most popular, the most potent, and the most irresistible form of propaganda”1 - Mikhail Bakunin (1870) Perhaps nowhere has information warfare been as pronounced and aggressive in the last couple of years as in Ukraine. Since 2014, the Ukrainian government in Kyiv has been battling against separatists in Donbass on both the military and informational fronts. There should be no surprise therefore, that the country has turned into a “cyber safe haven”, with the ongoing political, economic and military crises providing little hope that Ukraine will climb down in the world's top cyber crime list in the foreseeable future.2 The separatists have not only managed to disrupt the central government's infrastructure and its presence in the digital space. -
Russian Military Strategy: Core Tenets and Operational Concepts
August 2021 Russian Military Strategy: Core Tenets and Operational Concepts Michael Kofman, Anya Fink, Dmitry Gorenburg, Mary Chesnut, Jeffrey Edmonds, and Julian Waller With contributions by Kasey Stricklin and Samuel Bendett DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. Approved for public release: distribution unlimited. DRM-2021-U-029755-Final Abstract This paper explores the core tenets of Russian military strategy and associated operational concepts, situating its role within the Russian system of knowledge on military security. Russian military leaders describe the prevailing strategy as ‘active defense,’ a strategic concept integrating preemptive measures to anticipate and prevent conflict, wartime concepts of operations that seek to deny an opponent decisive victory in the initial period of war, degrading and disorganizing their effort, while setting the conditions to attain war termination on acceptable terms. The strategy emphasizes integration of defensive and offensive operations, maneuver defense, sustained counterattack, disorganization of an opponent’s command and control, engagement of their forces throughout the theater of military action, including infrastructure in their homeland. Its theory of victory is premised on degrading the military-economic potential of opponents, focusing on critically important objects, to affect the ability and will of an adversary to sustain a fight, as opposed to ground offensives to seize territory or key terrain. The study also explores the content of Russian strategic operations, associated missions and tasks, the echelonment of Russian military concepts, together with Russian outlooks on the theory and practice of modern warfare. This document contains the best opinion of CNA at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the sponsor Distribution DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. -
What Americans Thought of Joseph Stalin Before and After World War II
A Thesis entitled “Uncle Joe”: What Americans Thought of Joseph Stalin Before and After World War II by Kimberly Hupp A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of The Masters of Liberal Studies ______________________________ Advisor: Dr. Michael Jakobson ______________________________ College of Graduate Studies University of Toledo May 2009 1 2 An Abstract of “Uncle Joe”: What Americans Thought of Joseph Stalin Before and After World War II by Kimberly Hupp A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of The Master of Liberal Studies University of Toledo May 2009 A thesis presented on the American public opinion of Josef Stalin before and after World War II beginning with how Russia and Stalin was portrayed in the media before the war began, covering how opinions shifted with major events such as the famine, collectivization, the Great Terror, wartime conferences, the Cold War and McCarthyism. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ................................................................................................................ii Table of Contents................................................................................................iii Acknowledgements .............................................................................................v List of Figures……………………………………………………………….vii List of Abbreviations……………………………………………………… .viii Introduction......................................................................................................... -
Counterinsurgency in a Non-Democratic State: the Russian Example
Counterinsurgency in a Non-Democratic State: the Russian Example YURI M. ZHUKOV v. 31 August 2010 Chapter in Rich, P. and Duyvesteyn I. (eds.) (2011) The Routledge Companion to Insur- gency and Counter Insurgency, London: Routledge. The influence of regime type on the outbreak, conduct and resolution of low inten- sity conflict has been the subject of considerable debate. Democracies and non- democracies face different levels of conflict risk and confront different types of challenges from non-state opponents. They employ different instruments and strategies in fighting their enemies and may have different track records of victory and defeat. Democratic skeptics argue that these differences favor closed regimes, which face fewer constraints on the use of coercion and have a higher tolerance for sustaining the human and material costs of war.1 Democratic optimists maintain that democracies are less likely to provoke violent opposition in the first place and, by emphasizing legitimacy over intimidation, are better able to secure the peace.2 Both sides have drawn on evidence from a limited number of well-documented West European and American cases. The optimistic argument is derived largely from the best practices of the British in Malaya, and the less spectacular perform- ance of the French in Algeria and the U.S. in Vietnam.3 The skeptical argument cites the British and U.S. experiences in Kenya and the Philippines as examples in which harsher methods – like mass relocation and pseudo-gangs – helped achieve mission goals.4 The bulk of modern counterinsurgency expertise, however, resides in countries with less democratic political systems. -
Improvisation and Adaptability in the Russian Military
APRIL 2020 Improvisation and Adaptability in the Russian Military EDITOR Jeffrey Mankoff AUTHORS Samuel Bendett Stephen Blank Joe Cheravitch Michael B. Petersen Andreas Turunen A Report of the CSIS Russia and Eurasia Program APRIL 2020 Improvisation and Adaptability in the Russian Military EDITOR Jeffrey Mankoff AUTHORS Samuel Bendett Stephen Blank Joe Cheravitch Michael B. Petersen Andreas Turunen A Report of the CSIS Russia and Eurasia Program About CSIS The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) is a bipartisan, nonprofit policy research organization dedicated to advancing practical ideas to address the world’s greatest challenges. Thomas J. Pritzker was named chairman of the CSIS Board of Trustees in 2015, succeeding former U.S. Senator Sam Nunn (D-GA). Founded in 1962, CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, who has served as president and chief executive officer since 2000. CSIS’s purpose is to define the future of national security. We are guided by a distinct set of values—nonpartisanship, independent thought, innovative thinking, cross-disciplinary scholarship, integrity and professionalism, and talent development. CSIS’s values work in concert toward the goal of making real-world impact. CSIS scholars bring their policy expertise, judgment, and robust networks to their research, analysis, and recommendations. We organize conferences, publish, lecture, and make media appearances that aim to increase the knowledge, awareness, and salience of policy issues with relevant stakeholders and the interested public. CSIS has impact when our research helps to inform the decisionmaking of key policymakers and the thinking of key influencers. We work toward a vision of a safer and more prosperous world.