The Othering of Teacher Training in Lebowa Bantustan: a Historical Perspective
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Journal of Education, 2020 Issue 81, http://journals.ukzn.ac.za/index.php/joe doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2520-9868/i81a01 The othering of teacher training in Lebowa bantustan: A historical perspective Johannes Seroto Department of Educational Foundations, College of Education, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa [email protected] https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1737-719X (Received: 10 March 2020; accepted: 22 August 2020) Abstract In this paper, I focus on the history of teacher training for Africans in the former Lebowa bantustan. My discussion of this is informed by the theoretical concepts of othering and structural racialisation, which capture various prejudices such as segregation, marginalisation, hierarchisation, subjugation, and racism. I examined textual data for the period 1970–1994 which included unpublished material, Lebowa Department of Education reports, memoranda, administrative documents, and newspaper articles and journals housed in Limpopo Provincial Archives, Polokwane, to elicit meaning and gain insight into the othering of teacher training in Lebowa. I established that African teachers were othered from economic, educational, political, and technological power through the bantustan policy and that this othering was interconnected. For African teachers to be inferior, subjugated, and marginalised, they needed to be spatially isolated; they had to receive a segregated, racialised, gendered, and inferior curriculum. This meant that resources were inequitably allocated and distributed across racial groups. Further, I argue that to understand the underlying problem of teacher education and other related challenges, we need to interrogate processes, structures, relationships, and the interconnectedness of the various factors and systems that produced a particular outcome. Keywords : bantustans, Lebowa, teacher education, othering, structural racialisation Introduction South Africa continues to be characterised by inequalities in health, education, land distribution, and economic status. The histories of the bantustans, where most of these contemporary challenges are located, are critical to understanding and addressing these problems (Ally & Lissoni, 2017). For this reason, the conversation about the history of the bantustans has re-emerged as evidenced in a special issue of the South African History Journal entitled “Let’s Talk about the Bantustans”, a journal that featured Chisholm’s (2013) examination of bantustan education history four years earlier. The polemic about the Online ISSN 2520-9868 Print ISSN 0259-479X 12 Journal of Education, No. 81, 2020 bantustans can be traced back to Stephen Bantu Biko, the South African anti-apartheid activist. In his newsletter article, Let’s talk about bantustans, Biko (1972, p. 23) first argued that “[p]olitically, the bantustans are the greatest single fraud ever invented by white politicians.” When the National Party came to power, it introduced a plethora of laws that created new and exacerbated existing political and social ills. In 1951, the Bantu Authorities Act No 68 was introduced and, subsequent to it, the Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act No 46 of 1959. These laws sent African people to bantustans (decorously) referred to as “homelands” based on the 1913 Land Act. The Bantu Authorities Act No 68 of 1951 stated that the entire African population should be divided into ten ethnic homelands or bantustans. Lebowa, Gazankulu, Qwaqwa, KaNgwane, KwaNdebele, KwaZulu were classified as independent states and Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda, and Ciskei (TBVC) were given so-called independence status. The two bantustans of Ciskei and Transkei were created for the Xhosa people, Lebowa for the Pedi (North Sotho), Venda for the Venda, Bophuthatswana for the Tswana, Gazankulu for the Tsonga, KwaZulu for the Zulu, and Qwa Qwa for the Basotho respectively. Lebowa was granted internal self-government on October 2, 1972 through Proclamation R224 of 1972. The bantustan was responsible for the provision of education to Africans in its territory (Lebowa Government Services, 1962, 1976b; Republic of South Africa, 1972). In 1994 it was reincorporated into South Africa and is today part of Limpopo province, the fifth largest of South Africa’s nine provinces. This province is located in the northern part of South Africa and shares borders with Botswana, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique. It had the geographical area of 125 754 km² in 2011 and a population of 5,8 million in 2016 (Statistics South Africa, 2018). The bantustan is of interest to this study because it was the “problematic child of apartheid—dependent and weak but yet irresponsible and unruly” (Jacklin, 1994, p. 1). The bantustan was riddled with mismanagement and corruption issues. The 1990 Interim Report—the De Meyer Report— indicated that the bantustan misused funds allocated for the purchase of school textbooks between 1982 and 1990 (De Meyer, 1990). In her report to National Education Policy Investigation (NEPI), commissioned by the National Education Crisis Committee (NECC) in 1989, Jacklin (1994) noted numerous upheavals in the territory that led to mass political protest and escalating violence in the education sector of Lebowa bantustan. These included a nine-week chalk-down by teachers; teacher defiance supported by the civil servants; a call for better educational facilities and more teachers; protest against the non-provision of school books; and protest against educational grievances unresolved by the government. On June 24, 1990 students at 11 Lebowa Colleges decided not to pay school fees (Jarvis, 1990). The pass percentage of matriculants in the Lebowa bantustan was also worrying. In 1986, for example, of 20,284 candidates, only 8,453 (41,1%) passed the matriculation examination, which was the lowest rate in the Republic of South Africa (Hartshorne, 1988). Bot (1987, p. 60) argued that “the quality of any educational system is to a large extent determined by the quality of the teacher corps.” Very little has been written about teacher education in the Lebowa bantustan, of whose people 90% were Africans in 1986. Seroto: The ‘othering’ of teacher training in Lebowa bantustan 13 Most studies conducted on bantustans have focused fundamentally on the inequalities that were created as a result of the National Party government policy. Some scholars of African studies have concentrated on the impact of apartheid legislation on education for Africans in general, bantustan education included (Christie, 1991; Dubow, 1989; Hartshorne, 1992; Hyslop, 1990; Kallaway, 2002; Mawasha, 1969). However, there is limited dedicated research that focuses on inequalities created by various bantustan government policies (Ally & Lissoni, 2017; Chisholm, 2013; Chisholm, 2018; Jacklin & Graaff, 1992; Lissoni & Ally, 2018). In this article, I advance a new interpretation of bantustan historiography by examining how inequalities in teacher education in Lebowa bantustan were promoted through the concept of othering. I use the structural racialisation approach that has not been used in bantustan historiography, to understand how these inequalities in teacher education were constructed. The main research question was: How did the apartheid state use othering practices to marginalise teacher training in the Lebowa bantustan? I address this question first by investigating how spatial segregation was used to promote marginalisation and othering of teacher education in Lebowa. Second, I examine how curriculum segregation was used as a strategy for othering and for producing persistent hierarchisation and subjugation in teacher training in Lebowa. Last, I reflect on the outcome and how various structures impacted on the understanding of how othering created inequalities in teacher education in Lebowa bantustan. In order to address the research question, I carried out a textual analysis of selected documents that were relevant to the research aim. My focus was on archival documents (unpublished material, Lebowa Department of Education reports, memoranda, administrative documents, newspaper articles, and journals housed in Limpopo Provincial Archives in Polokwane, capital of Limpopo Province). The period covered in this study is from 1970 to 1994. Following Corbin and Strauss (2008), I examined and interpreted textual data to elicit meaning and to give me greater understanding about the othering of teacher training in Lebowa. As already mentioned, to inform my analysis, I used the theoretical perspectives of othering and structural racialisation. I organised the findings into themes related to the central research question articulated above. The four themes that emerged from my data analysis process were (a) how physical spacing promoted the othering of teacher education; (b) how hierarchisation of curriculum and feminisation of teacher education played a role in the othering of teacher education, (c) how racial policies accelerated the othering of teacher education, and (d) how different structures (as defined through structural racialisation) contributed to the outcome of inequality in teacher education in Lebowa. Theoretical framework The concepts of othering and structural racialisation as discussed in the context of this study, are interconnected. The term othering was introduced by the French feminist, Simone de Beauvoir, in 1949. According to Brons (2015) and Jensen (2009), the notion was not entirely new; Hegel had developed it in Phänomenologie des Geistes in 1807. Postcolonial writer, Spivak, in her 1985 essay entitled