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The Kremlin Trojan Horses | the Atlantic Council
Atlantic Council DINU PATRICIU EURASIA CENTER THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES Alina Polyakova, Marlene Laruelle, Stefan Meister, and Neil Barnett Foreword by Radosław Sikorski THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES Russian Influence in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom Alina Polyakova, Marlene Laruelle, Stefan Meister, and Neil Barnett Foreword by Radosław Sikorski ISBN: 978-1-61977-518-3. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. November 2016 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Foreword Introduction: The Kremlin’s Toolkit of Influence 3 in Europe 7 France: Mainstreaming Russian Influence 13 Germany: Interdependence as Vulnerability 20 United Kingdom: Vulnerable but Resistant Policy recommendations: Resisting Russia’s 27 Efforts to Influence, Infiltrate, and Inculcate 29 About the Authors THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES FOREWORD In 2014, Russia seized Crimea through military force. With this act, the Kremlin redrew the political map of Europe and upended the rules of the acknowledged international order. Despite the threat Russia’s revanchist policies pose to European stability and established international law, some European politicians, experts, and civic groups have expressed support for—or sympathy with—the Kremlin’s actions. These allies represent a diverse network of political influence reaching deep into Europe’s core. The Kremlin uses these Trojan horses to destabilize European politics so efficiently, that even Russia’s limited might could become a decisive factor in matters of European and international security. -
Russia Intelligence
N°70 - January 31 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS SPOTLIGHT P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Medvedev’s Last Battle Before Kremlin Debut SPOTLIGHT c Medvedev’s Last Battle The arrest of Semyon Mogilevich in Moscow on Jan. 23 is a considerable development on Russia’s cur- Before Kremlin Debut rent political landscape. His profile is altogether singular: linked to a crime gang known as “solntsevo” and PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS sought in the United States for money-laundering and fraud, Mogilevich lived an apparently peaceful exis- c Final Stretch for tence in Moscow in the renowned Rublyovka road residential neighborhood in which government figures « Operation Succession » and businessmen rub shoulders. In truth, however, he was involved in at least two types of business. One c Kirillov, Shestakov, was the sale of perfume and cosmetic goods through the firm Arbat Prestige, whose manager and leading Potekhin: the New St. “official” shareholder is Vladimir Nekrasov who was arrested at the same time as Mogilevich as the two left Petersburg Crew in Moscow a restaurant at which they had lunched. The charge that led to their incarceration was evading taxes worth DIPLOMACY around 1.5 million euros and involving companies linked to Arbat Prestige. c Balkans : Putin’s Gets His Revenge The other business to which Mogilevich’s name has been linked since at least 2003 concerns trading in P. 4-7 Business & Networks gas. As Russia Intelligence regularly reported in previous issues, Mogilevich was reportedly the driving force behind the creation of two commercial entities that played a leading role in gas relations between Russia, BEHIND THE SCENE Turkmenistan and Ukraine: EuralTransGaz first and then RosUkrEnergo later. -
Treisman Silovarchs 9 10 06
Putin’s Silovarchs Daniel Treisman October 2006, Forthcoming in Orbis, Winter 2007 In the late 1990s, many Russians believed their government had been captured by a small group of business magnates known as “the oligarchs”. The most flamboyant, Boris Berezovsky, claimed in 1996 that seven bankers controlled fifty percent of the Russian economy. Having acquired massive oil and metals enterprises in rigged privatizations, these tycoons exploited Yeltsin’s ill-health to meddle in politics and lobby their interests. Two served briefly in government. Another, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, summed up the conventional wisdom of the time in a 1997 interview: “Politics is the most lucrative field of business in Russia. And it will be that way forever.”1 A decade later, most of the original oligarchs have been tripping over each other in their haste to leave the political stage, jettisoning properties as they go. From exile in London, Berezovsky announced in February he was liquidating his last Russian assets. A 1 Quoted in Andrei Piontkovsky, “Modern-Day Rasputin,” The Moscow Times, 12 November, 1997. fellow media magnate, Vladimir Gusinsky, long ago surrendered his television station to the state-controlled gas company Gazprom and now divides his time between Israel and the US. Khodorkovsky is in a Siberian jail, serving an eight-year sentence for fraud and tax evasion. Roman Abramovich, Berezovsky’s former partner, spends much of his time in London, where he bought the Chelsea soccer club in 2003. Rather than exile him to Siberia, the Kremlin merely insists he serve as governor of the depressed Arctic outpost of Chukotka—a sign Russia’s leaders have a sense of humor, albeit of a dark kind. -
Nhdr2011eng.Pdf
The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) is a global UN development network aimed at positively changing human life through provision to participating countries of access to knowledge, experience and resources. National Human Development Report for the Russian Federation, 2011 Modernization and Human Development Moscow 2011 Chief Authors: Prof. Alexander A. Auzan, Prof. Sergei N. Bobylev, Dr.Sc. (Economics) Dr.Sc. (Economics) Member of the RF Presidential Commission for Professor, Faculty of Economics, Modernization and Technological Development of the Lomonosov Moscow State University, Economy; Head of the Consulting Group Honored Scientist of the Russian Federation National Human Development Report 2011 for the Russian Federation /Edited by Prof. Alexander Auzan and Prof. Sergey Bobylev. M., UNDP in Russia / editing in English by Ben W. Hooson/ Design, prepress and printing by LLC Samolet Design Project. – M., 2011 - 142 pages, tables, figures, boxes. Readers are invited to inspect and read the latest Human Development Report for the Russian Federation. National reports such as this are published on the initiative of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in many countries of the world. Global Reports are also brought out annually. The reports are prepared by teams of independent experts. The main goal of the 2011 Report is to study Russia’s modernization goals in the context of human development, and to show the necessity of modernizing the economy and social life, and of improving many public institutions in Russia. This approach to aspects of modernization is a logical development of previous Human Development Reports for Russia. The present Report identifies basic modernization components, main parameters of a post-crisis economy, Russia’s social issues, development of social and institutional infrastructure, and analyzes what human development in a ‘new’ economy should be. -
M. Korostikov / Russian State and Economy
’Ifri ’Ifri _____________________________________________________________________ Leaving to Come Back: Russian Senior Officials and the State-Owned Companies _____________________________________________________________________ Mikhail Korostikov August 2015 . Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. ISBN: 978-2-36567-435-5 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2015 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27, rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE 1000 – Bruxelles – BELGIQUE Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax : +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email : [email protected] Email : [email protected] Website : Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy- oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. -
S:\FULLCO~1\HEARIN~1\Committee Print 2018\Henry\Jan. 9 Report
Embargoed for Media Publication / Coverage until 6:00AM EST Wednesday, January 10. 1 115TH CONGRESS " ! S. PRT. 2d Session COMMITTEE PRINT 115–21 PUTIN’S ASYMMETRIC ASSAULT ON DEMOCRACY IN RUSSIA AND EUROPE: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY A MINORITY STAFF REPORT PREPARED FOR THE USE OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION JANUARY 10, 2018 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations Available via World Wide Web: http://www.gpoaccess.gov/congress/index.html U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 28–110 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Mar 15 2010 04:06 Jan 09, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5012 Sfmt 5012 S:\FULL COMMITTEE\HEARING FILES\COMMITTEE PRINT 2018\HENRY\JAN. 9 REPORT FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER seneagle Embargoed for Media Publication / Coverage until 6:00AM EST Wednesday, January 10. COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS BOB CORKER, Tennessee, Chairman JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland MARCO RUBIO, Florida ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire JEFF FLAKE, Arizona CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware CORY GARDNER, Colorado TOM UDALL, New Mexico TODD YOUNG, Indiana CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming TIM KAINE, Virginia JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts ROB PORTMAN, Ohio JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon RAND PAUL, Kentucky CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey TODD WOMACK, Staff Director JESSICA LEWIS, Democratic Staff Director JOHN DUTTON, Chief Clerk (II) VerDate Mar 15 2010 04:06 Jan 09, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 S:\FULL COMMITTEE\HEARING FILES\COMMITTEE PRINT 2018\HENRY\JAN. -
The Treacherous Path He Was a KGB Agent at the Height of the Cold War, the CEO of Russia’S Biggest Ever Company, and a Confidante of Vladimir Putin
The treacherous path He was a KGB agent at the height of the Cold War, the CEO of Russia’s biggest ever company, and a confidante of Vladimir Putin. On the eve of Russia’s general election, Vladimir Yakunin shines a spotlight on the inner workings of Russian power and the shadowy history of a nation misunderstood. Words: Joseph Bullmore Photography: Jonathan Mortimer Vladimir Yakunin is photographed at Mark’s Club, Mayfair, as his two advisors (with two phones apiece) wait in the wings. GENTLEMAN’S JOURNAL FEATURES 71 minorities; the state of the Russian econ- omy; the mysterious deaths of opponents in the West such as Boris Berezovsky and Alexander Litvinenko; the creeping influ- “In the dark ence of jettisoned oligarchs in Fleet Street, Mayfair and Westminster. All these, Yakunin believes, could be illuminated, even fleeting- ly, by a clearer discourse and his own candid reflections. The businessman has even set up years in which a think tank in Berlin called the Dialogue of Civilizations that hopes to bridge the chasm between Western and Russian beliefs. But, within just a few pages of the memoir and a few minutes of our meeting, I detect another their country reason for this sudden openness — a kind of personal therapy. “For many years I carried a double or may- be triple burden, because I had to fulfil many was demolished... jobs at the same time,” says Yakunin, describ- The two Vladimirs: Yakunin and Putin meet at Moscow's Rizhsky rail terminal ing his life in New York as an intelligence agent with the KGB. -
The Impact of Covid-19 on Orthodox Groups and Believers in Russia
The Impact of Covid-19 on Orthodox Groups and Believers in Russia Anastasia V. Mitrofanova Abstract This chapter intends to discover how Orthodox groups and believers of different ideological orientations in Russia reacted to the 2020 world health crisis. Its fo- cus lies on the groups and individual believers from the field of Russian Ortho- doxy who could be labelled as ‘fundamentalists’. Therefore, an analysis of the offi- cial ecclesiastical reaction to the pandemic will be provided, that underlines how some contradictory messages from above caused significant numbers of believers to sympathize with the so called “corona-dissidents” within the Church. Under the topic ‘dissidents’, various other groups apart from the fundamentalists such as the moderate traditionalists, liberals, or individuals who usually follow the mainstream ecclesiastical opinion, can be subsumed. Furthermore, it could be observed that fundamentalists mostly discuss themes that might be common for all “dissidents”, although they are more open towards their criticism in view of the mainstream reactions. They stick to the assumption that both mundane and ecclesiastical leaders have discredited themselves and need to be replaced. Keywords: Orthodox Christianity, Covid-19, Ecclesiastical Lockdown, Corona- Dissidents, Fundamentalist Networks, Traditionalism, Russian Orthodox Church 1. Introduction This chapter intends to discover how Orthodox groups and believers of different ideological orientations in Russia reacted to the 2020 world health crisis. It focusses on groups and individuals who are labelled as “fundamentalists”, because they be- lieve for instance that the entire socio-political life should be changed in terms of 48 AnastasiaV.Mitrofanova collective religious salvation.1 Apart from the official position of the Moscow Pa- triarchate («the patriarchal platform»), Irina Papkova distinguishes three informal political ideologies within the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC): liberal (associated with intra-church movements initiated by late Fr. -
The Eastern Question
The Eastern Question: Russia, the West and Europe's Grey Zone Recommendations for Western Policy Lead Authors Daniel S. Hamilton and Stefan Meister Center for Transatlantic Relations Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies Johns Hopkins University German Council on Foreign Relations/ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik Funded by the Robert Bosch Stiftung Table of Contents Preface and Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………..…iii Headline Summary………………………...…………………………………………………..…v Introduction The New Era……………………………………………………………………...………………1 Chapter 1 Eastern Challenges……………………………………………………………………………....5 Russia under Putin……………………………………………………………………….5 The Ozero Maxims………………………………………………………………..7 Putin's Toolbox…………………………………………………………………..11 The Common Neighborhood…………………………………………………………....16 Forces of Inertia………………………………………………………………….16 The Changing Economic Map…………………………………………………...17 The Maidan Precepts…………………………………………………………….18 Ukraine's Meaning and Importance……………………………………………...19 Chapter 2 Western Dilemmas……………………………………………………………………………...21 Doubts and Distractions………………………………………………………….21 Shared Interests…………………………………………………………………..22 WHAT THE WEST MUST DO……………………………………………………………….25 1. What the West Must Do with Russia……………………………………………………….25 2. What the West Must Do with the Common Neighborhood……………………………….33 3. What the West Must Do for Itself…………………………………………………………..49 Lead Authors…………………………….……….....…………………………………………..57 Endnotes…………………………………………………………………..…………………….58 ii Preface and Acknowledgements Dramatic developments -
Summary of the Research Reports Who Is Behind Russian Ideological
Russia in Europe: the reactionary values agenda Summary of the Research Reports 1. Who is behind Russian ideological onslaught in Europe? (investigative report done by a free-lance Russian journalist) [pages 1-5] 2. Russian Influence in Europe: the reactionary values agenda (Marina Davidashvili – The European Parliamentary Forum on Population and Development) [pages 5-8] 3. Russia's influence on promoting reactionary or socially regressive values in Central Europe (Political Capital Institute) [pages 8-10] 4. Traditional and Family Values in the Orthodox Commonwealth (Florin Buhuceanu – The European Forum of LGBT Christian Groups) [pages 11-12] 5. The Russian Influence in Italy and Spain: The agenda of reactionary values (Francisco Malavassi, desk researcher) [pages 12-15] 6. Russia in Europe: Reactionary Values Agenda – The case of Lithuania (The Open Society Fund Lithuania and the Human Rights Monitoring Institute) [pages 15-17] 7. "Traditional Values" in the Russian Public Diplomacy toward Latvia (Andis Kudors - The Centre for East European Policy Studies) [pages 17-20] 8. Russian Subversion and Regressive Agenda in France (Marie Mendras & Alain Guillemoles – Observatoire de la Russie, Sciences Po, Paris) [pages 20-24] Who is behind Russian ideological onslaught in Europe? Investigative report done by a free-lance Russian journalist The study looks at individuals and organizations that have played important roles in advancing Russian faux conservative, anti-European and anti-American agenda in four European countries: Ukraine (because it provides an example of how the ideological onslaught can transform into direct military aggression), Greece and Hungary (both among Russia’s staunches allies in the European Union, whose support is crucial as the Kremlin struggles to get the EU to lift the sanctions imposed in retaliation for invading Ukraine), and France (because of the growing Russian influence). -
Ukraine: What May Lie Ahead by Derek Fraser
Ukraine: What may Lie Ahead by Derek Fraser Former Ambassador To Ukraine (1998 to 2001) Associate Fellow, Centre for Global Affairs, Adjunct Professor of political Science University of Victoria The reason that so many pundits were so wrong about the possibility of Russia invading Crimea is that that they under-estimated Putin’s determination to recover Russia’s great power status by reasserting control in the former Soviet Union. Even now, there is a certain tendency to regard the Russian seizure of Crimea as a limited issue, whereas Crimea may merely be a prelude to a Russian attempt to take over the Russian speaking regions of Ukraine, if not to control the whole country. In order to know the challenge the West faces, it is important to understand how Putin intends to achieve his goals. Putin has two principal instruments for re-establishing Russia’s zone of influence: the Eurasian Economic Union, to be created next year out of the existing Customs Union, and the Common Security Treaty Organization. In the Russian view, the membership of Ukraine in both organizations is essential to their success. Putin’s has consequently used all means to stop Ukraine from going West: • In April, 2008, Putin reportedly warned President Bush that, should NATO put Ukraine on the path to membership, Russia might respond by instigating the partition of Ukraine. • Last September, Sergey Glazyev, Putin’s economic adviser, stated that, if Ukraine signed the Association Agreement with the EU, Russia could possibly intervene in Ukraine if pro-Russian regions of Ukraine asked for help. • On 17 December last year, Putin got former President Yanukovych to sign an understanding whereby vast sections of the Ukrainian economy fell under joint control, and Ukrainian trade agreements with anyone else would require Russian approval. -
The Treacherous Path: an Insider's Account of Modern Russia (2018)
SLOVO, VOL. 32, NO. 1 (FALL 2018), 101-103 DOI: 10.14324/111.0954-6839.092 The Treacherous Path: An Insider’s Account of Modern Russia (2018) Author: Vladimir Yakunin London: Biteback Publishing Language: English Winston Churchill once stated he was confident posterity would recall his opponents wrong, since ‘I shall write that history.’ History, as written by the victor, maybe the purpose of this autobiography. With a foreword by Richard Sakwa, a Contributor to the Kremlin's Valdai Discussion Club, this 280-page book, the first of possibly many memoirs by members of Putin's inner circle, is a somewhat blatant justification of Putinism. It appears less that Yakunin has ‘broken the Kremlin code of silence,’ as one reviewer states on the cover, and more that this book constitutes both an exercise in self-justification and an attempt by a former member of Russia's kleptocratic elite to sanitize recent history. It may even represent a further initiative to win the hearts and minds of those Western audiences less familiar with the details of Russia's domestic political history since the fall of the USSR. Born in 1947, Vladimir Yakunin trained as an engineer. In the 1980s, he joined the KGB and, as a member of its elite First Directorate, was posted to New York to work in the Soviet Diplomatic Mission to the United Nations. After the collapse of communism, he worked in the presidential administration before becoming Deputy Minister for Transport and Railways. In 2005, he was appointed President of Russian Railways, until dismissed by Vladimir Putin in 2015.