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Ecuadorian Women Engaged in Direct Selling City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects CUNY Graduate Center 2009 Making up the Difference: Ecuadorian Women Engaged in Direct Selling Erynn Masi Casanova The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/4248 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] MAKING UP THE DIFFERENCE: ECUADORIAN WOMEN ENGAGED IN DIRECT SELLING by ERYNN MASI CASANOVA A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Sociology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2009 © 2009 Erynn Masi de Casanova All Rights Reserved ii This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Sociology in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Mitchell Duneier March 5, 2009 Date Chair of Examining Committee Philip Kasinitz March 5, 2009 Date Executive Officer Mitchell Duneier Hester Eisenstein Charles Green Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract MAKING UP THE DIFFERENCE: ECUADORIAN WOMEN ENGAGED IN DIRECT SELLING by Erynn Masi Casanova Advisor: Professor Mitchell Duneier As economic globalization progresses, employment is becoming more flexible and informalized in many parts of the world. In some developing countries, direct sales (selling branded products from person to person) is an increasingly attractive type of work, especially for women. Direct sales organizations benefit from cultural norms and structural forces that steer women away from full-time jobs in the formal economy, and also from the material conditions that lead to women’s need to earn an income. This study examines the work experiences and social worlds of women affiliated with Ecuador’s most successful direct sales company, Yanbal, with a focus on the ways in which women make decisions about their work and construct their identities as working women and members of families. The meanings and consequences of the women’s work are placed in the context of gender relations, regimes of physical appearance, employment options, and consumption. Employing a combination of qualitative methods (ethnography, content analysis, surveys), the study argues that people’s reactions to direct sales as an income-generating activity both shape and are shaped by their gendered economic strategies, behaviors that represent a reconciling of cultural norms of gender and work with material conditions and pressing financial needs. The work addresses questions such as: whether direct selling is empowering for women; how Yanbal can iv achieve success in Ecuador’s challenging economic climate; and how cultural and social norms regulating women’s physical appearance are related to ideas about gender, social class, and work. The findings of this study underline the importance of examining a rapidly-expanding type of work, a formal-informal hybrid that appeals mainly to women and helps to promote the expansion of consumer capitalism around the world. v FOR HENRY “Eres mi complemento, Eres lo que no soy. Todo se vuelve perfecto Cuando contigo voy.” vi Preface How I Came to Research Yanbal During my first visit to Ecuador in 1999, I stayed in Ecuador’s largest city, Guayaquil, with one of my husband’s aunts, who had two adult daughters living at home. Recruited by another aunt, Tía Ligia1, our cousin Karla had begun selling products offered by a direct sales corporation called Yanbal: cosmetics, perfumes, jewelry and other sundries. I was in the beginning stages of a research project on beauty and the body in Ecuador, so of course I was intrigued by the images in the glossy, four-color catalog. I was surprised by the relatively high prices of the products, especially in a country that was sliding into a full-scale economic crisis. I observed the equation of beauty with white skin, light eyes, and blonde hair, as evidenced by the models in the catalog. The racialization of beauty ideals and their relationship to young women’s body image became the major theme of my Master’s thesis and subsequent writings. As I was satisfied with my limited makeup repertoire (two eye shadows, one clear mascara, two lipsticks, and a stick of concealer), but still wanted to support Karla, I opted for a package of six candles in aromatherapy scents, with evocative names like “Balance” and “Sensuality.” Two years later, I was finishing up my thesis research during a trip to Ecuador with my husband Henry, and Tía Ligia offered to drive us to visit another aunt in the sleepy, scenic highland city of Riobamba. Sitting in the shadow of the inactive volcano Chimborazo, Ecuador’s highest point, Riobamba has colonial architecture and is a center of indigenous population and culture. Ligia is a short, curvy woman with light brown 1 The Spanish word Tía means “aunt.” It is often used alone to address one’s aunt, and combined with a first name when talking about the aunt in the third person. vii hair, light skin, and green eyes. She has a commanding presence and a voice that can become sharp if necessary. Her silver sport-utility vehicle was an incentive she had earned as a sales director for Yanbal, and it bore the company’s name and logo in peach- colored letters on each front door. Excited to go sightseeing, my husband and I instead spent an agonizingly boring afternoon trailing along after our two aunts as they went door-to-door in the tiny commercial district of Guano (the next town over), talking to current Yanbal distributors while attempting to sell products and recruit new distributors. Guano is so small that an hour or two is plenty of time to explore its lovely handicraft offerings, yet we stayed for several hours. For Tía Ligia, this family visit was also a business trip; direct sales distributors commonly combine “private” and “public” activities in this way, muddying the supposed dividing line between the economic and the social. Not being terribly interested in direct sales at the time, Henry and I roamed the streets of Guano, which made Riobamba look like a booming metropolis. The exciting highlight of the brief trip was when poor Henry locked Ligia’s keys in her company car, parked in the small central square. Tía Ligia got on the phone right away with the young woman who managed her office, and by the next morning the spare keys had arrived via bus from Guayaquil. I observed that Tía Ligia was a woman who got things done, who was comfortable exerting power over people and situations. Since beginning to distribute Yanbal products in the late1980s, Ligia had experienced tremendous success, allowing her family to graduate from humble living conditions to a comfortable existence in one of the most exclusive gated communities of Guayaquil. Whereas many Ecuadorian women I had known kept their feelings and opinions private, relying in social interactions upon the viii intricacies of Andean etiquette, Ligia was direct and matter-of-fact, but without being the least bit rude or brusque. She exuded an energy and practicality that I found impressive. According to her, all the women who work with her (in her direct selling network or “downline”) are “positive and enthusiastic.” In a conversation we had in November 2006, she told me that selling gives women confidence and self-esteem; women just need someone to tell them that they can do it and to show them how. This was her job as a Yanbal sales director. Another of my husband’s aunts, who grew up in the countryside before moving to Guayaquil and getting married, was recruited by and worked with Tía Ligia as a Yanbal “beauty consultant [consultora de belleza].” In 2006, Tía Ligia told us that Tía Fátima was doing well, earning about $300 per month (roughly twice the minimum wage), and that her attitude was becoming more positive. Tía Fátima had been able to buy new flooring for her home; she proudly showed us the rust-colored, diamond-patterned tiles that had been bought and installed “with my work.” She sent her North American relatives home with Yanbal products as gifts for each family member. Even in a casual lunch, Tía Ligia mentored and encouraged Tía Fátima, telling her she had to “pull” people in (recruit new sellers) because that was going to help her advance. Listening to Ligia and working hard to sell products and enroll new consultants seems to be paying off. In February 2008, Tía Fátima also became a sales director, and she now manages her own group of distributors, while still being mentored by Ligia. Although the two women are not directly related, Ligia is an expert at the strategy of recruiting family members into the beauty business: three of her sisters and two sisters-in-law are or have been Yanbal directors. ix Direct selling is not strictly limited to Ecuador’s urban centers, which was a misconception I held until visiting some of my in-laws in a rural part of coastal Manabí province in 2006. In the front room of Henry’s aunt’s home, just three items were hung as decoration: a color photo of the entire family, taken some ten years ago, her husband’s high school diploma, and a large Yanbal wall calendar. The color calendar included photos of beauty queens from pageants sponsored by the company (including the annual Miss Ecuador contest) and Yanbal’s charitable work with the Special Olympics. In an interior room of the house, I noticed stacks of cardboard boxes labeled “Avon.” Tía Esterlina (Tía Fátima’s sister) had recently become an Avon distributor.
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