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1983 Vladimir Solovyov's Signposts Along the Eschatological Path to Godmanhood Lawrence Metzger George Fox University, [email protected]

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Recommended Citation Previously published in Diakonia, Fordham University's Ecumenical Theology Quarterly Journal, 1983, pp. 44-67

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Education at Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications - School of Education by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VLADIMIR SOLOVYOV'S "SIGNPOSTS" ALONG the Pantocrator's culmination of u'ni-totality into Godmanhood. THE ESCHATOLOGICAL PATH TO GODMANHOOD While this mystical element is as characteristic of Solovyov' s work his systematic philosophy, this paper will concentrate primarily on Genesis of the "New Relioious latter of these. Generally, a brief overview of Solovyov's cosmolo~y b Consciousness in the Soviet Union" socio-political moral philosophy will be summarized and viewed its contemporary usage in the Soviet Union. Specifically, it by Mr. Lawrence ]. Metzger, S.]. focus upon Solovyov's prophetic prescriptions for resolution of Orthodox ecclesiastical and socio-political problems and Mr. Metzger has his Masters in Soviet contemporary development in the Soviet Union. Area Studies from the University of Kansas and is currently engaged in philo­ SOCIO-POLITICAL OVERVIEW OF SOLOVYOV'S sophical studies at St. Louis University. UNIVERSAL THEOCRACY INTRODUCTION Solovyov's concept relatiunship between Chu ~c h and Sta•e i:c tb r:: major theme within his works. Russia and the U niversal Church, are certainly linked to his Lectures on Godman hood. His perspective . With. the intensity of religious persecution 1·n the S ov1e· t U mon· mcreasmg,. the, pressing need arises for greater ecumenical cohesion of the world is theocentric with the historical dialectic co.1tingen.t among believers groups for survival. Yet how does one sla , ·d upon the spiritual instead of the materialistic base. The endpoint of 1 · 1 · " ' ) an 1 eo- O~I~a giant of such Goliathan'' proportions as Marxi~t-Leninist historical evolution for Solovyov was the eschatological fulfillment of m1htant atheism? First of all, it helps if one has the sa D " · Christ's second coming; the unitotality of the physical with the b k" h. "D "d , me IVIne a~ mg a.s Is .avi ic counterpart. Secondly, one should enlist the spiritual. Godmanhood was the term he applied •o : h i~ culmination plulo~oph1~al ~er:'1ce of one Vladimir Solovyov (18 53-1900 ). While of man's active role in God's divine plan. He believed that man's he,. hke h1s biblical counterpart is relatively small in terms of inter­ role in the visible realm of the physical world .... ._ ;1 si~ _'d of r.csk ring nat~on~l renown, his stature and expertise is perfectly capable of harmony to the separated factions engaged in the administration of dehve~mg a_ leth~l blow to christianity's ideological antagonist. As the human affairs. These factions stemmed from the sch imJ of 1054 be­ tween the Greek Orthodox hierarchy and the Chutch ,_;f Rome "' ~': ch Hegehan. . dialectic . of . history unfolds , Solovyov's truth em erges as t1 1e maJor ph1loso?hic nval to atheist doctrine in this era. 1 His school of transcended the ecclesiological, temporal, and spiritual spheres of in­ fluence. thought. . can JUStifiably claim influence upon e"ery• non -M arxist· R us- Sian ph1lo59pher of the twentieth century.2 With credentials th t · _ In 1883, Solovyov perceived the spiritual reality of the church dude, first philosopher-theologian of the 19th century t a] ~n in his conception of the three-fold theocratic power of the high p;iest, h · · o proc aim the king and the prophetS His initial idea of the Universal Church t . e prmc1ple of ecumenism,3 fore-runner of the new rei·IgiOus · con- SCIOusness from the Bogoiskatyel'stvo (God-seeking)4 t th _ was connected with the concept of theocracy. Because of the uni­ "V kh"" d " o e contem porary e 1 an Solidarity" movements in the Soviet Union and versal nature of christianity, the christianization of the world should Pola~d, Solovyo~ offers the "new proletariat" of believers a christian embrace the whole of social life.6 mamfesto of socio-political activism within the Soviet bloc H" "I k " Solovyov believed that the Kingdom of God would be established · · · d b . Is s ra IS 1gmte y the Holy Spirit under the title of Divine So h" d on earth through the agency of the universal church, and would con­ h" "d" h" p 1a, an Is Ictat?rs 1p of the proletariat" consists of global christianity which sist of the: 7 seeks to liberate man from ~he materialistically based Marxist opiate a) Sacerdotal Union of ecclesiastical hierarchies, b) Royal Union of temporal rulers and of mas:es. h1s religious philosophy, anthropocentric t~e !hro~gh c) Prophetic Union of the saints. Russia may. prodigally be_ to a true theocentric perspective, ret~rning Solovyov envisioned an alliance between these three visible repre­ and the reign of the Ant1chnst (militant atheism) will disintegrate sentatives of God's power. A) the pontiff, as guardian of Divine Truth, occupied the highest point of Christian priesthood in ervaded by socio-political directives related to ethics visible church, and coordinated its ecclesiastical structure. B) was P d. . the question of nationalism.17 These uect1ves were em- rulers of each Christian state were subordinate to the spiritual in 1898 when Solovyov stated that: ance of the first, and were assigned the task of organizing the social . f 1 · f my theory is to establish, in and through the un· ch 1e c a1m o . and political order according to the truth of religious principle. ..,.,"dition.al principle of morality, the complete inner connect1on between C) The prophets were bound to God by the hierarchical Church of religion and social politics.18 . Jesus Christ, and sent by Him to instill God's Spirit in civil society.a elucidated his laws of higher idealism through moral phil- All were subject to observing the three basic conditions for Christian His contention that idealism was the only pos_sible b~sis on life: I) recognition of the real and independent existence of God's a moral imperative could be elevated above matenal self~mt~~est divine principle in the Church, 2) discernment of human elements for converting many who started out as Manasts. when the two disagree in ecclesiastical activities, and 3) continual ~~~~·~""""c historiocentric concept of humanity's development was efforts to eliminate this disharmony so as to effect the Church's con­ expressed in the form of Hegelian Dialectic,20 a_nd _em­ formity to God's wi119 his concept of Sophia which was grounded histonoso­ Within Solovyov's understanding of both Eastern and Western in cosmological metaphysics.21 Therefore, -~ophia constituted churches, the only division was found in their governmental struc­ of the Holv Spirit and was the umtmg force of frag­ ture, and everything else was shared in common; they possessed the IUIUIU:.uL<~n1111iv-iintc:d procurator of the Holy Synod, Konstantin Pobedo~~~v, the Papal legate anathematizing only the Patriarch Michael Cerularius the publication of Solovyov's book. Realizing the humihatmg and his followers, and not the eastern churches as a whole. While f the Russian church, Solovyov's works contended that the Eastern Orthodox Church since that time has not held any life of ~he Eastern church was paralysed by submis~ion to ~he ecumenical council~ and cannot therefore authorize the division, the While the condition was first evident in the Byzantme empue. Roman Catholic "innovators," according to Solovyov, are formally had not fully renewed itself in Russia. He concluded that the_ Paris exiled from their native Russia. Their efforts, however, formed because of the Orthodox church's flawed hierarchal struc­ were no~ in vain and, in 1925, Bulgakov became dean of the Russian which does not allow for defense of its members' civil rights. Orthodox Academy at Paris, where he taught and further developed Christian Committee's Founding Declaration states: his version of Solovyov's religious philosophy. He became a nenowned At present, the bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church and the leaders proponent of the ecumenical movement and participated in the of other religious organizations do not concern themselves with the Conferences of Lausanne (1927) and at Oxford and Edinburgh in defense of Believers' Rights, for a variety of reasons. In such circum­ 1937. 110 stances, the Christian Community has to make t'he legal defense of Berdyaev, with the help of the American Y.M.C.A., moved to Believers its own concem.117 Berlin in 1924, and then to Paris where he founded a Religio­ The ecumenical nature in which they operate has made itself Philosophical Academy, became editor of the journal "Put," (The outside of the U.S.S.R. as well. In 1978, the Christian Com­ Path), and headed the religious publishing house of the Y.M.C.A. wrote a letter to Ecumenical Patriarch Demitrios, appealing for Press. 111 His emphasis upon social and political writing is strongly to the Russian Orthodox church since its bishops had failed to interwoven with the moralistic and eschatological elements of Solovyov. Christians. Their request stated that: Before the advent of World War II, his idealistic work reached H the forces of ecumenical Orthod0xy, and its free voice do not come to the aid of the captive Russian Church, then only divine intervention international fame. will be able to help us.118 Within the Soviet Union, initially, this movement appeared to be this appeal, the Committee addressed three documents to extinct. However, the problems envisioned by the "Vekhi" idealists Pope, expressing hope that the world establish good relations with continued to persist and intensify. If anything, their concerns appear Russian Orthodox church in full understanding of its relationship to have a greater chance of being recognized now and in the future the state.11 9 Subsequently, these efforts have won the support 112 than when they had been voiced originally. This becomes apparent Roman Catholic church as well as other denominations, who with the emergence of the "Veche" moveoment of the early 70's, credit them with heading a ''highly practical ecumenical venture. 120 The eschatological role of every christian was prophetically an­ Its effectiveness has spread beyond the immediate borders of the by Solovyov at the end of the 19th century, and repeated U .S.S.R. and, along with the Polish Solidarity movement, has served Berdyaev and his followers who foresaw the inevitability of as a prototype for similar groups' formation in Soviet bloc countries. transformation. Both predicted that its Nationalist Socialism Following their example, in 1978 "The Catholic Committee for De­ result in a religious reconversion to Christian socialism and fense of Believers' Rights" arose in Lithuania, along with the "Chris­ a corresponding renaissance in the West. 127 Approaching the tian Committee for Defense of Religious Freedom" and "Freedom of the 20th century, this same eschatological message was echoed 12 Conscience," in Romania. 1 While these committees inspire more Dudko before his imprisonment in 1980: socio-political involvement on the part of believers, they deny having The resurrection of Russia depends on our (i.e., all Christians) solidar­ any political aspirations and remain loyal to Soviet laws. ity. Remember that if Russia isn't reconverted a new Golgotha will Christianity within the Soviet Union constitutes a powerful social shroud the whole world. Either the resurrection: or the ruin of us all ~ 12 base representing millions of Believers. 122 This fact intimidates au­ not only Russia, but all the world, is faced with this choice. B thorities, who are afraid of drawing the broad strata of believers CONCLUSION into a protest movement against religious oppression. Father Yakunin Vladimir Solovyov's cosmology and christian moral philosophy referred to this potential in his report to the Christian Committee on 1l powerful appeal to opponents who choose to enlist his services August 15, 1979, when he stated that: the ideological "Goliath" of Marxist-Leninist atheism. An awakening and growth of religious consciousness is happening in resurgence of Solovyov's "Vekhi" movement in the U.S.S.R. Russia today. Those who even yesterday were atheist are drawn to is testimony to his prophetic vision of the historical dialectic religion and are moving toward religion. Primarily, the intelligentsia and the youth are turning to God.1 23 evolving beyond materialistically-based nationalism. Marxist­ Within this report, considered to be the most important of all the socialism has served its role as antithesis to the Eastern Christian Committee documents, is contained perhaps the clearest nationalism and generated a synthesis of universal christian contemporary representation of Solovyov's socio-political implications This new "proletariat" of the religious renaissance is com- of ecclesiological involvement. In reference to his section dealing with of the upcoming generation of Soviet youth and members of church hierarchy, Father Yakunin, speaking for the Christian Com­ Their manifesto seeks to liberate humanity from the mittee and its affiliate members stated that: Marxist nationalist "opiate of the masses," and W~ are ready to accept any other hierarchy, if the Moscow Patriarchate in the socio-political sphere to end religious oppression by the will not come to us. Let it be anyone, so long a~ they bring us venera­ Solovyov asserts that "Essence precedes Existence," thereby tion of God and the light of Orthodox truth.124 Marx on his head and righting Hegel back onto his feet. The majority of this paper consists of well-documented evidence In his role as prophet, Solovyov served as guide to the christian verifying the virtually complete submission of the Russian Orthodox in prescribing socio-political directives pursuant to a fuller church to the Soviet state. Father Yakunin paid the price of imprison­ IP!Zatio1n of God's kingdom. His primary aim was to establish through ment for releasing this statement and related activities in November, unconditional principle of morality the complete inner connection 12 1979, as did Father Dudko on January 15, 1980. 5 During the lead­ true religion and social politics. This moral philosophy con­ ers' incarceration, however, Father Vasili Fonchenkov, who joined the laws of higher idealism which were responsible for having the Committee in May of 1979, and Father Nikolai Gainov, who many who started out as Marxists, especially Bulgakov and joined in November of 1979, have assumed administrative positions for the Committee. Upon joining, Father Fonchenkov indicated that the Solovyov saw man as the natural mediator between God and Moscow Patriarchate had never condemned the activities of the Chris­ being, who possessed an active religious faith as the focal tian Committee. It appears up to the present time that he has con­ of all reality. Throughout his work, he issued a verdict against tinued involvement with the organization, along with an unimpeded socialist and capitalist materialism. Solovyov felt, however, that 126 lecturing position at the Moscow Theological School in its 20th century form would represent a phase in the historical dialectic leading to a purification of the Orthodox faith and_ the World Council of Churches (W.C.C.). freedom from nationalism. Since their membership in the W .C.C. in 1961, all autocepba1ous To Solovyov, the role of the Church consisted of binding this Eastern Orthodox have progressed towards greater ecumenical unity. ~orld to the kingdom of God. Unless ecclesiological unity was attained Joint actions by both the Russian Orthodox and Roman Catholics m the Church, political unity would be impossible. Since the schism have resulted in acceptance of inter-communion within the Soviet of 1054, Eastern Orthodoxy had become autocephalous and was sub­ Union. The Russian Orthodox Church has also been a leading factor ~ervie~t. to the national power of state authority; rendering it false to in promoting ecumenical dialogue between other Orthodox churches Its. miSSI~n. The Russ~an Orthodox church was one such example of and the Roman Catholic Church. this, havmg been subjugated to the State-appointed procurator of the Once the sacerdotal union was accomplished, Solovyov sought Holy Synod. Solovyov realized that the problems confronting the to establish through the unconditional principle of morality the com­ ?rthodox church and the Russian state were linked. To resolve them, plete inner connection between true religion and social politics It would be necessary to lift the anathema of 1667 (raskol) and end to a temporal union. His moral philosophy, constituting the church censorship. He felt that the autocephalous Eastern Orthodox of higher idealism, was responsible for converting many former churches could then reunite with the universal Roman Catholic­ M~tmsts. He supplemented the spiritual base in place of the material ~~urch and constitute -an ecclesiological solidarity freed from totali­ and emphasized religion as the focal point of reality. tanan State supression. This reunification would not be a matter of Berdyaev, Bulgakov and others were among these first Marxist c~nversion for eit?er church, but rather a synthesis both greater and '""''"'"'rto who became the "new prophets" of his moral philosophy and different from either ~omponent. He predicted that each would socio-political implications. Through their influence, and other emerge through an ecumenical council having retained their structural the "Vekhi" movement got off the ground but was unable integrity along with the abolition of exclusiveness. counter the atheist socialist phase which Solovyov had predicted In the sphere of the State, Solovyov felt that SOCieties calling inevitable. Together, these disciples founded the prototype of the themsel_:~. christian must either renounce that name or accept the religious rights movement in the U.S.S.R., the "Union of responSibility of harmonizing all political and social relations with 'L-'-· · Struggle" according to Solovyov's concept of christian Social­ christian principles. Selfish egoism, in all of its nationalist forms, must Their efforts initially consisted of trying to redirect the ecclesias­ be tra~scended. Its distortion in the world was merely a magnified emphasis away from systical self-rapture to historical realism and reflection of the fundamental evil in man's nature. Christianity, alone, socio-political responsibility. was capable of imbuing social organizations with moral solidarity. Despite a period of dormancy, the priciples of the "Vekhi" ideal· Ult~mately, this would result in "freedom for aU the oppressed, pro­ appear to have more chance of success now and in the future tection for all the weak, social justice, and christian peace. Russia's­ when they had first appeared. The appearance of the "Veche" role in history would then consist of purifying chrisianity of its cor­ llllC:weJme1nt of the 1970s, which emphasized a neo-slavophile alterna­ ruptive humanistic character, and synthesizing a universal church to Marxism, was based upon a moral, christian regeneration of from it. society from within. This human rights movement spawned a While the re-establishment of the Moscow Patriarchate occurred which was adhered to by writers such as Alexander Solzhenit­ in 1917, it was still bound by the State and used by the Soviet and Orthodox priests such as Gleb Yakunin and Dimitri Dudko. government for political goals. Since the Russian church's nationalist Both Father Yakunin and Father Dudko, a1ong with a group of character could not identifY herself with an atheistiC, secular struc­ ~:thx laymen, modem-day representatives of the "Vekhi" move­ ture, the clergy sought ecclesiastical support and guidance outside of have once again implemented Solovyov's socio-political doctrine the Orthodox sphere, especially towards Rome on the unofficial levet much success among the inte11ectual · and new generation of External exposure at the -official level was beneficial also and has youth. r~ted in cooperative peace conferences with the Roma~ Catholic­ The socio-politically active clergy have assumed their roles as ~urch through Pax Christi and- other Orthodox churches througP.- IIIOllhets among the Russian people and oppose the state oppression of religion. Like Solovyov, they have been censored by their socialist Ibid. p. 526. nation and acclaimed by the Pope and western christianity. Ultimately, Ibid. p. 507. Solovyov, Vladimir. Russia and the Universal Church. London The Cen- they believe that the world's salvation lies in promoting ecumenical tury Press, 1948, p. II. solidarity among the divided members of christianity. Through this Solovyov, Sobranie i Sochinenie, III, pp. 150-155. ecclesiastical reconciliation between the Eastern Orthodox and Roman Frank, S. L. op. cit., pp. 47-49. Catholic Churches, they may unite with other groups, such as those Bock, E. C., Fuhrman, J. T. and Twarog, L. I. Essays on Russian Intel­ in Lithuania, Romania, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Poland in a lectual History. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, 1971, p. 74. true solidarity of christian brotherhood. Once this communion of Munzer, E. op. cit., p. 96. believers is achieved, it only remains for the divine "historical dialec­ Sutton, J. op. cit., p. 31. Munzer, E. op. cit., p. 133. tic" to verify the truth of Solovyov's alternate theocentric ideology Ibid., p. 123. evolving beyond Marxist materialism. Ibid., p. 124. - FOOTNOTES - Solovyov, God Man and the Church, p. vii. Solovyov, Justification of the Good, p. 432. 1. Billington, J. H., The leon and the Axe: An interpretive History of Rus­ Frank, S. L. op. cit .., p. 22 sian Culture. New York: Vintage Books, 1980, p. 465. Solovyov, Russia and the Universal Church, p. 75. 2. Edie, J. M., &:anton, J.P., Zeldin, M. B. and Kline, G. L. Russian D'Herbigny, M. op. cit., pp. 217-218. Philosophy: Vol. 11, Pre-Revolutionary Philosophy and Theology. Chicago: Ibid. pp. 2Q0.202. Quadrangle Books, 1965, p. 53. Ibid., p : 201. .3. Frank, S. L. A Solovyov Anthology, London: William Clowers 8c Sons, Solovyov, Russia and the Universal Church, p. 75 . 1950, pp. 21-22. Frank, S. L., .op. cit., p. 17. 4. Great Soviet Encyclopedia, Vol. 24, "Vladimir Solovyov". Collier MacMillan Everitt, M. "Vladimir Solovyov: A Russian Newman?", Eastern Churclt Publishers, 1980, p. 307. Review, Vol. 3, 1970-71, p. 27. 5. Mochulskii, K. Vladimir Solovyov: Zhizn i Ucheni. Paris: YMCA Press, Asbner, R. E. "Vladimir Solovyov, Ecumenist and Mystic," American 1951, pp. 157-158. Benedictine Review,, Vol. 33, #2, June 1982, p. 216. 6. Frank, S. L. op. cit., p. 17. Zenkovsky, V., op. cit., p. 27. 7. D'Herbigny, Michel. Vladimir Soloryov: A Russian Newman. London: E\>eritt, M., op. cit., p. 29 R 8c T Washbourne, 1918, p. 206. Zemov, Nicholas. Three Russian Prophets: Khomialwv, Dostoyevsk.y, 8. Ibid,. pp. 132-133. Solovyov. London: S.C.M. Press, 1944, p. 123. 9. Solovyov, Vladimir. God, Man of the Church: The Spiritual Foundations • Everitt, M., op. cit., p. 29. . . of Life. Translated by D. Attwater. London: James Clarke 8c Co., p. 148. 41,. Solovyov, Russia and the· Universal Church, p. 120. 10. Sinric, lvo, OFM. Bishop J. G. Strossmayer: New Light on Vatican 1. 49. Ibid., p. 120. · Oricago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1975. SO. Solovyov, Vladimir. Pisma (Letters), St. Petersburg: Petersburg: Obschest· 11. Sutton, J. "Vladimir Solovyov and the Russian Ideal of the Whole Man," vennaya Polza, Tipografia T-VA, 1~08-1911, Tom II, P· 114. , Religious TriJditions, Vol. 3, #1, April-May 1980, p. 291. Matual, D. "Ecumenical Motifs in Solovyov's Translation of Petrarch s 12. Frank S'. L. op. cit., p. 28. 'Vergine Bella,' " St. Vladimir's Theological Quarterly, Vol. 26, #4, 13. Zenkovsky, V. A History of Russian Philosophy. Vol. II. Trans. George p. 233. L. Kline. London: Columbia University Press, 1953, p. 504. 52. D'Herbigny, M., op. cit., p. 201. 15. Solayyov, Sobranie i Sochinenie. St. Petersburg: lzdanie Tovari- Vladimir. 53.· Ibid., p. 202. shestva Obschesvennaya Peha, 1902-1907. Tom III, pp. 171-172. 54. Everitt, M., op. cit,, p. 35. 16. Frank, S. L. op. cit. p. 18. "· Zenkovsky, v ..- op. cit., p. 129. 17. Zenkovsky, V. op. cit. p. 523. 56. 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( et al. ), Ofl. cit., p. 78. Donovan, Sister M. C., Ofl· cit,, P· · , · May 2. 1981, 67. Ibid., p. 82. Broun, Janice A. "Russian Orthodoxy Today. Amersca, 68. Ibid., p. 81. P· 362. 49 69. Frank, S. L., op. cit., p. 17. Kuznetsov, F. Nauki i Religii, 7/70, PP· • · 70. Solovyov, Russia and the Universal Church, p. 35 . lhid.:, ~P · 4-9. . The Slavophile Controversy: Hist01'y of a Co~a­ 71. Matual, D., oop. cit., p. 234. Wallcki, AndrzeJ. R ian Thought. Trans. H. A. RuSleka. n . Id. tive Utopia in 19th Century uss 73. Zernov, N ., op. cit.,, p. 146. London: Oxford University Press, 1975, P: 578.Th Id of the Neo- "A N Creed for Russ1ans: e eas 74. Frank, S. L., op. cit., p. 17. Walters, M · A · ew . Lands Vol 9 August 1981, p. 25. 75. Munzer, E., op. cit., pp. 148-150. " Religion in CommunJSt ' . ' Osbo Sla vophil es, . . .. . I tellectual HistOf'Y. Trans. J. C. me. 76. Jour.nal of the Moscow Patriarchate , # 12, 1981, p. 34. Tschizewskij, Dimltn}· Russum n 77. Lossky, N . 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