CRISES AND RITUAL OF ASCENSION TO THE THRONE (FIRST – THIRD CENTURY A.D.)

Patrizia Arena

Behaviours, formulas, and locations that would become the constitutive nucleus of the ritual of ascension to the throne emerged during the rst and the second centuries A.D., especially as a result of crises of succession and at critical moments of power vacancies. The ritual arose from such moments of transition and potential crises, determined by the speci c historical circumstances, differing tendencies inside the court concerning imperial succession, and contrasts between various social groups as to the election of a new princeps. This paper concentrates on one speci c aspect of the impact of crises on the Roman Empire: the birth of the ‘ritual of accession’. This phenomenon is best understand- able in relation to speci c functions of courts’ rituals in different societies throughout history. The prime function of rituals was to create stability in crises of power; this purpose could be obtained through symbolic gestures and well de ned formulas, through orderly interaction between various social groups, controlled by precise regulations on behaviour.1 Further functions were to create legitimacy and assent, to consolidate the social hierarchy, and to establish relationships of dependence and subordination between the emperor and his subjects. It thus seems worth analyzing the development of the ritual of ascension to the throne, and the ways in which elements of past tradi- tions were used in this respect from the rst to the early third century. Although the expression ‘ascension to the throne’ may seem improper for this period, I use it for several reasons: (1) it appears in the account of Herodianus about the accession of Pertinax and again when he discusses

1 On the functions of the ceremonial, cf. E.J. Hobsbawm, ‘Introduction: Inventing Tradition’, in E.J. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger (eds.), The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge 1983), 3 ff.; D. Cannadine, ‘The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual: the British Monarchy and the “Invention of Tradition”, c.1820–1977’, in Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983, op. cit. (n. 1), 104 ff.; D. Cannadine and S. Price (eds.), Rituals of Royalty: Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Societies (Cambridge 1992).

Patrizia Arena - 9789047420903 Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 02:29:43AM via free access 328 patrizia arena the rst senatorial meeting at the accession of Septimius Severus;2 (2) it corresponds to the development of the imperial insignia, especially of the sella, and of the court’s rituals during the rst two centuries of the Empire;3 (3) the image and the symbolic meaning of the throne change during the second century.4 From my research it emerges that the phases and places of emper- ors’ assumptions of power during the early Empire at Rome can be usefully compared to the parts of the fully developed ceremony at Constantinople during the fth – sixth century A.D.5 According to the De Ceremoniis, four successive phases in the ritual of accession can be distinguished: the choice of the candidate to the throne (), the proclamation of the chosen emperor by acclamations (), the coronation (), and the acclamation of recognition shouted to the new emperor (μ).6 The proclamation, coronation and acclamation at rst took place in the μ at the Hebdomon, but later in the Hippodrome.7 The Hebdomon was a place that could be clearly identi ed with the army and formed a symbol of the military victory. During the fth century it was substituted by the Hippodrome, the new civilian setting for the imperial accession, where the soldiers symbolized the army’s participation and joined the crowd in acclaiming the new emperor.8 It must be observed that the ritual of

2 Herodianus, Ab excessu divi Marci 2.3.3–4; 3.8.6; I am grateful to Professor W. Eck for the interesting discussion on the use of the expression ‘ascension to the throne’ and its implicit meaning. 3 A. Alföldi, Die monarchische Repräsentation im römischen Kaiserreiche (Darmstadt 1970), 242 ff.; S. Weinstock, ‘The image and chair of ’, Journal of Roman Studies 47 (1957), 150 ff.; Idem, Divus Julius (Oxford 1971), 283 ff.; P. Zanker, Augustus und die Macht der Bilder (München 1987), 242 ff. 4 See also BMC II H 18, V; N. Hannestad, Roman Art and Imperial Policy (Aarhus 1988), 276 ff. 5 On the accession during the Tetrarchic period and the Byzantine age and the different elements involved, see S. MacCormack, Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (Berkeley 1981), 248 ff. On the De Ceremoniis, see A. Cameron, ‘The Construction of Court Ritual: the Byzantine Book of Ceremonies’, in Cannadine and Price 1992, op. cit. (n. 1), 103–136. 6 On the phases of the ceremony and on the insignia, see A. Pertusi, ‘Insegne del potere sovrano e delegato a Bisanzio e nei paesi di in uenza bizantina’, in Simboli e simbologia nell’Alto Medioevo, XXIII Settimana di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo (Spoleto 1976), 481 ff. 7 De Ceremoniis 1.91–93. 8 MacCormack 1981, op. cit. (n. 5), 363 ff. On the symbolic system and the ideologi- cal aspects connected to the Hippodrome, see G. Vespignani, ‘Aspetti della relazione tra l’ippodromo e la città, dalla Tarda Antichità al sec. XI”, Rivista di Bizantinistica 2 (1992), 4–30; Idem, Simbolismo, magia e sacralità dello spazio circo (Bologna 1994); Idem,

Patrizia Arena - 9789047420903 Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 02:29:43AM via free access crises and ritual of ascension to the throne 329 accession during Late Antiquity was still characterized by many different elements. They ranged from a con ict between civilians and soldiers to the shouts of acclamation to the emperor, to the attribution to a superior authority of the election of a new emperor. Yet, these same factors – although confused, fragmentary, and result of crisis – during the Byzantine period formed an elaborate and formalized ceremony. Three of the essential phases of acquiring power, which would be standardised in the ceremony of the fth – sixth century, seem already to have developed in Rome from the rst to the early third century. The choice and designation of the new emperor corresponds to the , his proclamation corresponds to the , and the assent through acclamations by soldiers, senate, and people to legitimate the emperor’s rule corresponds to the μ. Furthermore, by the rst century in Rome, speci c sites within the urban space emerged where aforesaid phases of the emperors’ assumption of power took place: gradus Palatii or area Palatina, castrum, curia. They can be compared to corresponding sites of the Byzantine ceremony through their peculiar features and symbolic values. This paper concentrates on three peculiar aspects of the ritual of accession. First, the role of the acclamation as Imperator and of the formulaic acclamations. Second, the relations between acclamations, places, and social groups taking part in the ritual of assumption of power, and nally the real and symbolic signi cance of the places in the ritual procedure. As already argued by W. Ensslin long ago, the ceremony of ascension to the throne seems to have been standardised by the end of the third century and was characterized by acclamations chanted in unison by the senate in the curia.9 Although only few examples of these acclamations survive in our sources for the early Empire, it is a reasonable assump- tion that the rst and the beginning of the second century A.D. were crucial for the origin and development of the ritual of accession. At rst, the praetorians used the acclamation as Imperator for their choice of the new emperor and his proclamation. They thus transformed the acclamation into a new political (and ritual) behaviour, constitu- tive of the emperor’s assumption of power. The praetorians, after all,

Il circo di Costantinopoli nuova Roma (Spoleto 2001); Idem, ‘Il cerimoniale imperiale nel circo (sec. IV–VI)’, Rivista di Studi Bizantini e Slavi, Ser. 2°, 4 (2002), 13–37. 9 W. Ensslin, ‘The end of the Principate’, in CAH 12 (Cambridge 1939), 656 ff.

Patrizia Arena - 9789047420903 Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 02:29:43AM via free access 330 patrizia arena used the traditional form by which soldiers had recognized the virtus of a triumphator in the triumph ceremonies of the Republican age in a new context. For this development, the rst century seems to have been the crucial period. The soldiers’ behaviour, in turn, undoubtedly in uenced the form in which other social groups participated in the emperor’s assumption of power, displayed their approval to the emperor and legitimized his rule.10 By the early Principate the praetorians, the senators, and the people proclaimed and legitimized a new emperor by acclamations in an increasingly standardized imperial ritual. The acclamations progressively shaped a ritual by which the dangerous moments of power vacancies could be bridged whilst at the same time the new relationships between emperor and subjects were de ned. They also ensured stability in the ritual of accession, much like their function in the Byzantine age. From ancient sources about the elections of and of Nero it follows that the various social groups played an important role in behaviours and actions, which in the future would become formalised ritual acts. Thus, claudius was driven by force out of his house, , inside the Palace and was taken (*=  (area Palatina) by Gratus and other praetorians, who decided to make him emperor. There, he was proclaimed emperor through praetorian acclamation for the rst time. After they had proceeded towards the castrum,  , he was acclaimed a second time.11 Hence, the removed the acclamation as Imperator from the battle eld (and military victory), using it instead as a ritualistic way to indicate the proclamation of a new princeps.12 In the Palatium and the castrum, they bestowed to Claudius the title of Imperator, explicitly sup- porting the monarchical shape of government. They did so according to the wishes of amici and familia, whereas the senate is said to have debated about a potential restoration of the Republic in the curia.13 At

10 On the senate’s behaviour see C. Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London 2000), 202 f. Cf. also E. Flaig., Den Kaiser herausfordern. Die Usurpation im Römischen Reich (Frankfurt am Main and New York 1992). 11 Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae 162; 216–217; 223; 226. , Claudius 10. On the terms referring to the acclamations, particularly on salutare, see C. Roueché, ‘Acclamations in the Later Roman Empire: new evidence from Aphrodisias’, Journal of Roman Studies 74 (1984), 181 f. 12 On the concepts of ‘designation’ and ‘investiture’ of the emperor, see B. Parsi, Désignation et investiture de l’empereur romain (I er–II e siècles après J.C.) (Paris 1963), 145 ff. 13 For the observations on the role of the various groups, see M. Pani, La corte dei Cesari (Roma e Bari 2003), 49.

Patrizia Arena - 9789047420903 Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 02:29:43AM via free access crises and ritual of ascension to the throne 331 the accession of Nero, the praetorian guard, again according to the wishes of the aula, designated Nero as the new princeps, acclaiming him in the Palatium ( proque Palatii gradibus imperator consalutatus) and subsequently in the castrum; the senate formalized the investiture in the curia.14 The succession ‘crisis’ was progressively resolved in Palatium, cas- trum and curia; the emperors’ assumption of power always took place in these sites, always involving the same groups, whose acclamations were necessary to assure his accession legitimacy. The military element is predominant, as it was to be at Constantinople in a later period. There is no evidence as to senatorial acclamations to the emperor in this period. The accession of Pertinax was characterized by the same phases, involving the same social groups and the same locations. According to Herodianus, he was rst proclaimed emperor through acclamation in the  by the crowd and afterwards by the soldiers. He was then escorted ' ', where he spent the night. The next day he went   , where he was proclaimed emperor by the senate, μ   .15 His ‘election’ and proclamation happened rst in the castrum and then in the Palatium. Considering the wording of the acclamation chanted during the accession, it seems to have become increasingly elaborate and formal- ized. This makes it highly probable that the simple acclamation as Imperator performed by the praetorian guard during the rst century gave rise to a new dimension for the ritual of accession. Already by the end of the rst century, the formulaic acclamations developed from titles and brief formulas to an extended series of longer phrases, referring to the themes of contemporary imperial ideology.16

14 Tacitus, Annales 12.68–69. Suetonius, Nero 8. On the role of the aula, of Agrippina and of the senate, see Pani 2003, op. cit. (n. 12), 52 ff. Cf. also A. Winterling, Aula Caesaris. Studien zur Institutionalisierung des römischen Kaiserhofes in der Zeit von Augustus bis Commodus (31 v. Chr. – 192 n. Chr.) (München 1999). 15 Herodianus, Ab excessu divi Marci 2.4–5; 2.9–10; 2.3.1. Dio Cassius 73.1–5. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Pertinax 4. Reading the sources, there are clear differences between Dio, Herodianus and the Historia Augusta about the presence of the people in the cas- trum. Herodianus emphasizes the presence of the crowd to point out the role of the people in the proclamation. 16 On the ideology, see M. Mazza, Le maschere del potere: cultura e politica nella tarda antichità (Napoli 1986), 56 ff.; P. Desideri, Dione di Prusa. Un intellettuale greco nell’impero romano (Firenze 1978), 291 ff. Cf. also M.-H. Quet, ‘Rhétorique, culture et politique: Le fonctionemment du discours idéologique chez Dione de Pruse et dans les Mora- lia de Plutarque’, Dialogues d’histoire ancienne 4 (1978), 51–117; Ead., ‘À l’imitation de

Patrizia Arena - 9789047420903 Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 02:29:43AM via free access 332 patrizia arena

This change emerges from the literary sources discussing the inves- titure of Trajan in the curia and the proclamation of Pertinax. This is the second phase in the development of the ritual; the senate, too, chanted acclamation formulas to the emperor.17 The acclamation as Imperator and the other acclamation formulas used on the occasion of the accession and in various imperial ceremonies have been generally treated separately by the scholars, whereas they are characterized by a political, ideological, and ceremonial interdependence. That aspect should be emphasized. The importance attributed by Pliny to acclamations by the senate at the accession of Trajan, indicates that they were recognized as ritualis- tic, especially at the accession: acclamationes quidam nostrae parietibus curiae claudebantur (. . .) Has vero et in vulgus exire et posteris prodi cum ex utilitate tum ex dignitate publica fuit.18 Furthermore, the acclamation formulas included not only the titles Imperator and Augustus, but also longer formulas as “O te felicem!”, “O nos felices!”, “Crede nobis, crede tibi!”. The development of the phrases with which the emperor was acclaimed at his accession seems clear. Regarding the accession of Pertinax, both Dio Cassius and Herodianus show that the acclamations were used by the people, the soldiers, and the senate for choosing the new emperor, proclaiming him, and for the manifestation of approval or of disapproval. At the same time, the formulaic acclamations were not monolithic, since they could also be used in negative terms, as happened after Commodus’ death.19 At the beginning of the third century, the acclamation phrases became a kind of hymn chanted in unison by the senate, based on the recitation of the imperial titles, such as Imperator and Augustus, and nally wishing the emperor a long reign, good health, and divine favour.20 The acclama-

Zeus, Antonin le Pieux, garant de l’ordre mondial et de la concorde sociale, d’aprés la témoignage d’Aelius Aristide’, in M. Molin (ed.), Images et représentation du pouvoir et de l’ordre social dans l’Antiquité, Actes du colloque, Angers, 28–29 mai 1999 (Paris 2001), 199–209. 17 Cf. also S. Benoist, Rome, le prince et la Cité. Pouvoir impérial et cérémonies publiques (1 er siècle av.–début du IV e siècle apr. J.-C.) (Paris 2005) for Trajan’s reign as a shift in imperial ceremonies. 18 Plinius, Panegyricus 74.1–4; 75.2–5. 19 Dio Cassius, Historia Romana 78.2.1. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Pertinax, 4.5. Cf. O. Hekster, Commodus. An Emperor at the Crossroads (Amsterdam 2002), 161. On the nega- tive acclamation formulas and their value, see G.S. Aldrete, Gestures and Acclamations in Ancient Rome (Baltimore 1999), 132 f. 20 Ensslin 1939, op. cit. (n. 9), 668; R.J.A. Talbert, The Senate of Imperial Rome (Prince- ton 1984), 301 f.

Patrizia Arena - 9789047420903 Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 02:29:43AM via free access crises and ritual of ascension to the throne 333 tions directed at Septimius Severus (A.D. 205) and Caracalla (A.D. 212) during two senatorial sessions,21 and those reported by the Historia Augusta about the award of the Antonini nomen to Severus Alexander,22 con rm the full formalization of either the acclamations speci cally, or of the ritual of accession, the main element of which was the acclama- tion.23 The formulas and the concepts expressed already corresponded to those that would later de ne the ceremony at Constantinople. Still, attention must be paid to the ideological changes which had happened over time.24 Under the early Empire, as has already been mentioned, the gradus Palatii or area Palatina, the castrum and curia became standard locations

21 Dio Cassius 77.6.2: '^ ’ J Eμ    / , = “  , '   /(”; 78. 5. 1: ’  ' μ   *  “μb μ’'^ μ’ /  \”. 22 Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Severus Alexander 6.3: Auguste innocens, di te servent. Alexander imperator, di te servent. Di te nobis dederunt, di te conservent; 10.8: Caesar noster, Augustus noster, imperator noster, di te servent. Vincas, valeas, multis annis imperes. 23 The acclamation formula used by the senate for Septimius Severus re ected the idea of the public function of the princeps; on the development of this aspect of the ideology from the Tiberian age, see M. Pani, Potere e valori a Roma fra Augusto e Traiano (Bari 1993), 68 ff. The acclamation formulas reported in the Vita Alexandri correspond to those by the Acta Fratrum Arvalium for Caracalla and Helagabalus. They expressed the idea of divine origin of the royalty and of the imperial victory; they conteined the invocation of the gods’ favour and the reference to the imperial virtues. CIL 6.2086 (A.D. 213): Et adclamaverunt: Fe[li]cissime! Felicissime! Te salvo et victore felicissime! O nos feli- ces, qui te imp(eratorem) videmus! De nostris ann(is) aug(eat) t(ibi) J(uppiter) a(nnos)! Germanice max(ime), D(i) t(e) s(ervent)! Brit(annice) max(ime), D(i) t(e) s(ervent)! Te salvo salvi et securi sumus! (. . .); CIL 6.2104 (A.D. 219): Et adclamaverunt: Feliciss(ime)! Saepe de nostr(is) ann(is) augeat tibi Juppiter annos! (. . .) Sis pius et felix, M(arce) A(ntonine) imp(erator) C(aesar) Aug(uste)! Di te serv(ent)! On the Acta Fratrum Arvalium, see V.R. Lawson, The Acta Fratrum Arvalium as a Source for Roman Imperial History 23 B.C. to A.D. 243 (University of Minnesota 1980), 80 ff., and especially J. Scheid, Recherches archéologiques à la Magliana. Commentarii Fratrvm Arvalivm qvi svpervnt. Les copies épigraphiques des protocols annuels de la confrèrie Arvale (21 av.–304 ap. J.-C.) (Rome 1998). On the connections between the acclamation formulas, the formula valetudinis, and the Laudes Regiae, see V. Marotta, ‘Liturgia del potere. Docu- menti di nomina e cerimonie di investitura fra Principato e Tardo Impero Romano’, Ostraka 8 (1999), 187 ff. For the different interpretations of the historical value of the acclamations reported in the Vita Alexandri, see C. Bertrand-Dagenbach, Alexandre Sévère et l’Histoire Auguste (Bruxelles 1990), 92 ff. Cf. also K. Hohnn, Quellenuntersuchungen zu den Viten des Heliogabalus und des Severus Alexander im Corpus der SHA (Leipzig-Berlin 1911), 158 f.; A. Jardé, Etude critique sur la vie et le régne de Sévère Alexandre (Paris 1925), 18; C. Lecrivain, Etudes sur l’HA (Paris 1904), 77 f.; J. Burian, ‘Die kaiserliche Akklamation in der Spätantike. Ein Beitrag zur Untersuchung der HA’, Eirene 17 (1980), 17 ff. 24 De Ceremoniis 1.91.9–13: b* H,  @,  ',  P 9 _ , 9 _ P  ( b* ; 1.92.12–14: ’X H, μ P 9 _ P 9 _ , 9 _ .

Patrizia Arena - 9789047420903 Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 02:29:43AM via free access 334 patrizia arena within the ritual of accession. Corresponding sites to these locations, with connections to speci c social groups and with speci c ideological values, can be found in the Byzantine ceremony. The new princeps was rst acclaimed by the praetorian guard on the gradus Palatii or in the nearby area Palatina. These were particular places of contact between emperor and praetorians, and formed the location of a ritual dialogue. The people were sometimes also represented, through a crowd accompanying the praetorian guard. Such popular acclamations could balance senatorial disapproval. This recognition by the people, shown through their acclamations, remained indispens- able in the Byzantine ceremony. The role played by the gradus Palatii and area Palatina may be inferred from the texts on the accessions of Claudius and Nero mentioned above, and from Dio Cassius’ account on the role Plotina took at the accession of her husband. She spoke to the crowd convened on the gradus Palatii before entering the palace.25 The importance of the gradus Palatii and of the area Palatina emerges in moments of crisis. They took the place of traditional locations which were habitually involved in the ritualization of political life, vestibulum and aula, as demonstrated by M. Royo and Y. Perrin.26 The gradus Palatii and the area Palatina were, in fact, inside the Palatium and marked the limit between the domus of the emperor and the more public part of the palace. They were characterized by fores and therefore guarded by the praetorians.27 Consequently, the gradus Palatii had a two-sided pecu- liarity. They were ‘open space’ because of their vicinity to and con- nection with the area Palatina, but simultaneously formed ‘closed space’ because admittance was controlled by the praetorians. On the occasion of an emperor’s assumption of power, therefore, it was a perfect loca- tion for the new ruler to be elected and recognised through acclama- tions by both the praetorian guard and the crowd. The corresponding Byzantine location would be the palace of Daphné at Constantinople,

25 Dio Cassius 78.5.5. 26 M. Royo, Domus imperatoriae: topographie, formation et imaginaire des palais imperiaux du Palatin (II e siècle av. J.-C.–I er siècle ap. J.-C.) (Rome 1999), 65 and 294 ff.; Y. Perrin, ‘Aux marches du palais: les accès au Palatium de 54 à 70’, in L. de Blois et al. (eds.), The Representation and Perception of Roman Imperial Power. Impact of Empire 3 (Amsterdam 2003), 362 ff. 27 On localizing the gradus Palatii near the domus Augusti at the accession of Claudius and of Nero, see Royo 1999, op. cit. (n. 25), 294 ff. For the tables on localizing the gradus Palatii near the domus Claudii, see Perrin 2003, op. cit. (n. 26) 364 f.

Patrizia Arena - 9789047420903 Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 02:29:43AM via free access crises and ritual of ascension to the throne 335 whilst the area Palatina can be compared with the portico in front of the Triclinium. In the second phase of the ritual, the praetorian guard acclaimed the new princeps in the castrum. Ideologically, this location corresponds to the μ of the later ceremony, which was later substituted by the Hippodrome, where the military character of the ceremony remained essential, as stated above. In the third phase, senators either acclaimed the emperor in the curia on the Forum, invoking Republican traditions, or inside the Palatium in the bibliotheca Latina, as became usual from the Augustan age onwards.28 The latter location could, I think, be considered as an expression of the de nitive identi cation of the imperial palace with the imperial power. In fact, the Palatium symbolized the values of the Principate and became one of the imperial insignia. In conclusion, during the rst and the second centuries, crises caused by power vacancies in combination with the differences between nobilitas, amici, familia, and the praetorian guard as to imperial succession, deter- mined the development of the ritual of accession. I would argue that in the early rst century the phases, places, and modes of behaviour were not yet shaped into a de ned and recognizable ritual, and that the different social groups did not knowingly follow a ritual procedure at the accession of a new emperor. I am, however, inclined to think that by the second century these very phases and modes of behaviours became formalised and were thus transformed into ritual acts. The emperor’s assumption of power progressively became an elaborate and formalized ritual, which in the Byzantine age was actually codi ed in a fully developed ceremony, which was also of religious nature. Tradition was slowly formed through a process of ritualization and formalization, characterized by a constant reference to the past. Ancient materials, ges- tures, modes of behaviour and formulas were used for developing ‘new’ ceremonies characterized by new purposes. After all, the main factor in the development of rituals is the connection with the past in order to control crises, and provide legitimacy and continuity.29 This happened with regard to the ascension to the throne. The use of acclamations

28 Talbert 1984, op. cit. (n. 20), 117 f.; F. Hurlet, ‘Les Sénateurs dans l’entourage d’Auguste et de Tibère. Un complement à plusieurs syntheses récentes sur la cour impériale’, Revue de Philologie 74 (2000), 123 ff. 29 Hobsbawm 1983, op. cit. (n. 1), 3 ff.

Patrizia Arena - 9789047420903 Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 02:29:43AM via free access 336 patrizia arena was retrieved from preceding traditions, and was provided with a new symbolic meaning. Much later, in the Byzantine age, the earlier sites and phases in which the various social groups acted, were uni ed in a coherent ceremony, and reused with a different meaning.

Naples, September 2006

Patrizia Arena - 9789047420903 Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 02:29:43AM via free access