Hezbollah Blames Lebanon's Economic Collapse on the United
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Syria: the War of Constructing Identities in the Digital Space and the Power of Discursive Practices
CONFLICT RESEARCH PROGRAMME Research at LSE Conflict Research Programme Syria: The war of constructing identities in the digital space and the power of discursive practices Bilal Zaiter About the Conflict Research Programme The Conflict Research Programme is a four-year research programme managed by the Conflict and Civil Society Research Unit at the LSE and funded by the UK Department for International Development. Our goal is to understand and analyse the nature of contemporary conflict and to identify international interventions that ‘work’ in the sense of reducing violence or contributing more broadly to the security of individuals and communities who experience conflict. About the Authors Bilal Zaiter is a Palestinian-Syrian researcher and social entrepreneur based in France. His main research interests are discursive and semiotics practices. He focuses on digital spaces and data. Acknowledgements I would like to acknowledge the thoughtful discussions and remarkable support of both Dr. Rim Turkmani and Sami Hadaya from the Syrian team at LSE. They showed outstanding understanding not only to the particularities of the Syrian conflict but also to what it takes to proceed with such kind of multi-methods and multi-disciplinary work. They have been patient and it was great working with them. I would also like to thank the CRP for the grant they provided to conduct this study. Without the grant this work would not have been done. Special thanks to the three Syrian programmers and IT experts who worked with me to de- velop the software needed for my master’s degree research and for this research. They are living now in France, Germany and Austria. -
ARIJ 11Th ANNUAL FORUM "The Future of Investigative Reporting:Trends, Tools, & Technology"
ARIJ 11th ANNUAL FORUM "The Future of Investigative Reporting:Trends, Tools, & Technology" 29 NOV - 2 DEC 2018 Dead Sea - Jordan WWW.ARIJ.NET WWW.ARIJ.NET Overview OVERVIEW he 11th Annual Forum for Investigative Journalism, hosted by ARIJ, took place at the T King Hussein Conference Center at the Dead Sea in Jordan on Nov. 30 to Dec. 2, 2018. The Forum was ARIJ’s biggest yet: nearly 500 participants from 37 countries attended. Some 18 Arab countries were represented. In addition, ARIJ boosted the outreach of the Forum by livestreaming and recording sessions. This meant that journalists unable to attend in person - including many Gazans, Yemenis, Syrians, and Libyans - could still benefit. ARIJ’s Forum has evolved into the most important journalism Forum in the Arab world and an unmissable event for media professionals in the region. 492 +50 +90 PARTICIPANTS SESSIONS SPEAKERS 2 ABOUT THE FORUM – TOPIC, FOCUS, BACKGROUND INFORMATION The year 2018 was challenging for investigative journalists in the Arab region and internationally. It was a deadly year: at least 54 journalists were killed for doing their job. The killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi at his country’s embassy in Istanbul in October received widespread media coverage, but ARIJ also remembered those whose names were not so well publicized. The increasingly hostile environment was reflected in the theme of the Forum’s opening session, Life on the Edge. This theme was illustrated in an op-ed by ARIJ Executive Director Rana Sabbagh, which explored the constant dangers and rising repression that journalists in the region face. -
Hezbollah's Syrian Quagmire
Hezbollah’s Syrian Quagmire BY MATTHEW LEVITT ezbollah – Lebanon’s Party of God – is many things. It is one of the dominant political parties in Lebanon, as well as a social and religious movement catering first and fore- Hmost (though not exclusively) to Lebanon’s Shi’a community. Hezbollah is also Lebanon’s largest militia, the only one to maintain its weapons and rebrand its armed elements as an “Islamic resistance” in response to the terms of the Taif Accord, which ended Lebanon’s civil war and called for all militias to disarm.1 While the various wings of the group are intended to complement one another, the reality is often messier. In part, that has to do with compartmen- talization of the group’s covert activities. But it is also a factor of the group’s multiple identities – Lebanese, pan-Shi’a, pro-Iranian – and the group’s multiple and sometimes competing goals tied to these different identities. Hezbollah insists that it is Lebanese first, but in fact, it is an organization that always acts out of its self-interests above its purported Lebanese interests. According to the U.S. Treasury Department, Hezbollah also has an “expansive global network” that “is sending money and operatives to carry out terrorist attacks around the world.”2 Over the past few years, a series of events has exposed some of Hezbollah’s covert and militant enterprises in the region and around the world, challenging the group’s standing at home and abroad. Hezbollah operatives have been indicted for the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri by the UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) in The Hague,3 arrested on charges of plotting attacks in Nigeria,4 and convicted on similar charges in Thailand and Cyprus.5 Hezbollah’s criminal enterprises, including drug running and money laundering from South America to Africa to the Middle East, have been targeted by law enforcement and regulatory agen- cies. -
Increasing Enterprise Growth and Jobs in Lebanon
INCREASING ENTERPRISE GROWTH AND JOBS IN LEBANON OPTIONS TO INCREASE SME GROWTH AND JOBS ASIA & MIDDLE EAST ECONOMIC GROWTH BEST PRACTICES PROGRAM Students at a Lebanese vocational school learn how to create garment patterns through a specialized training program in Beirut. 1 MAY 2015 Students at a Lebanese vocational school learn how to create garment patterns through a Thisspecialized publication training was producedprogram in for Beiru reviewt. by the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared by Douglas Muir, Janet Gohlke-Rouhayem, and Craig Saltzer of Chemonics International, Hayley Alexander of Banyan Global, and Henri Stetter of the Pragma Corporation for the Asia & Middle East Economic Growth Best Practices Program contract no. AID-OAA-M-12-00008. INCREASING ENTERPRISE GROWTH AND JOBS IN LEBANON OPTIONS TO INCREASE SME GROWTH AND JOBS ASIA & MIDDLE EAST ECONOMIC GROWTH BEST PRACTICES PROGRAM Contract No. AID-OAA-M-12-00008 Contracting Officer Representative, William Baldridge [email protected] (202) 712-4089 The author’s views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States Government. CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................ 1 SECTION I: INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................... 6 A. Purpose of Assessment.............................................................................................. -
The Resurgence of Asa'ib Ahl Al-Haq
December 2012 Sam Wyer MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 7 THE RESURGENCE OF ASA’IB AHL AL-HAQ Photo Credit: Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq protest in Kadhimiya, Baghdad, September 2012. Photo posted on Twitter by Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ©2012 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2012 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 Washington, DC 20036. http://www.understandingwar.org Sam Wyer MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 7 THE RESURGENCE OF ASA’IB AHL AL-HAQ ABOUT THE AUTHOR Sam Wyer is a Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War, where he focuses on Iraqi security and political matters. Prior to joining ISW, he worked as a Research Intern at AEI’s Critical Threats Project where he researched Iraqi Shi’a militia groups and Iranian proxy strategy. He holds a Bachelor’s Degree in Political Science from Middlebury College in Vermont and studied Arabic at Middlebury’s school in Alexandria, Egypt. ABOUT THE INSTITUTE The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) is a non-partisan, non-profit, public policy research organization. ISW advances an informed understanding of military affairs through reliable research, trusted analysis, and innovative education. ISW is committed to improving the nation’s ability to execute military operations and respond to emerging threats in order to achieve U.S. -
The Committee to Protect Journalists the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy Joint Stakeholder Submission to the UN Human Ri
The Committee to Protect Journalists The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy Joint Stakeholder Submission to the UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review - Lebanon 37th Session (Jan-Feb 2021) The Committee to Protect Journalists is an independent nonprofit organization that promotes press freedom worldwide. We defend the right of journalists to report the news safely and without fear of reprisal. Contact Details: Website: https://cpj.org/ Postal address: P.O. Box 2675 New York, NY 10108 Telephone: +1 (212) 465-1004 Email: [email protected] The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP) is dedicated to centering localized perspectives in the policy discourse to foster accountable, transparent, and just societies in the Middle East and North Africa. TIMEP was founded in 2013 in Washington, DC; it has a network of expert fellows located throughout the world. TIMEP is a registered 501(c)(3) nonprofit in the District of Columbia. Contact Details: Website: www.timep.org Postal address: 1140 Connecticut Ave NW, Suite 505 Washington, DC 20036 Telephone +1 (202) 969-3343 Email: [email protected] Introduction This joint submission documents a deterioration in the state of press freedom in Lebanon, as facilitated both by the country’s legal framework and its violative practices. The information presented in this submission is based on evidence collected by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP) in collaboration with local human rights defenders, journalists, and lawyers. Prior Relevant UPR Recommendations 1. Lebanon underwent its 1st UPR cycle in November 2010 and its 2nd UPR cycle in November 2015. -
Lebanon: Vigil Insight Economic and Political Situation Alert 18 June 2021
Lebanon: Vigil InSight Economic and Political Situation Alert 18 June 2021 Twenty nations agree to provide increased aid to “suffering and hungry” Lebanese army suggesting institutions are on the brink of collapse. KEY CONCERNS FOR AID AGENCIES WORKING IN LEBANON ● There is a SIGNIFICANT risk that continued public protests could evolve into food riots, and already rising crime will increase as low income groups struggle to feed themselves and many of the more powerful profit from the crisis. ● Traffic disruptions due to road closures have also been reported in Tripoli city. Road-blocking protests are LIKELY to continue in the near term and could escalate, especially after dark. Security forces may use tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse crowds and reopen obstructed roads. (see also Aid Security Risk in Lebanon) OVERVIEW Incidents Jan-Mar 2021 The Lebanese Army is asking for international aid. A French organised UN donor conference for the Lebanese army, held on 17 June (the same day as a general strike), drew promises of food, fuel, medical supplies, and spare parts from Western and Arab donors including the US. This follows army chief General Joseph Aoun’s March public complaint that troops were “suffering and hungry”, reiterated in a speech on 15 June. Western states see the army – which is widely respected across the political and religious divides – as a bulwark against Iranian-backed Hezbollah. General Aoun also criticised the country’s political leaders this week, saying “we are forced to turn to allied states to secure aid and I am ready to go to the end of the world to procure assistance”. -
Protest and State–Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa
SIPRI Policy Paper PROTEST AND STATE– 56 SOCIETY RELATIONS IN October 2020 THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Ambassador Ramtane Lamamra (Algeria) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 72 Solna, Sweden Telephone: + 46 8 655 9700 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Protest and State– Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa SIPRI Policy Paper No. 56 dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil October 2020 © SIPRI 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of SIPRI or as expressly permitted by law. Contents Preface v Acknowledgements vi Summary vii Abbreviations ix 1. Introduction 1 Figure 1.1. Classification of countries in the Middle East and North Africa by 2 protest intensity 2. State–society relations in the Middle East and North Africa 5 Mass protests 5 Sporadic protests 16 Scarce protests 31 Highly suppressed protests 37 Figure 2.1. -
Rim Albitar ID# 201805108 Instructor: Professor Imad Salamey Lebanese American University Department of Social Sciences Political Science Senior Study
LEBANON AND THE SPRING 2021 INTERNNATIONAL MONETARY FUND BAILOUT Rim Albitar ID# 201805108 Instructor: Professor Imad Salamey Lebanese American University Department of Social Sciences Political Science Senior Study Lebanon and the International Monetary Fund bailout 1 Table of Contents ABSTRACT: ............................................................................................................................................................ 2 BACKGROUND INFORMATION OF THE ECONOMIC MELTDOWN: ...................................................... 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE: ................................................................................................................................... 3 METHODOLOGY: ................................................................................................................................................ 5 FINDINGS: .............................................................................................................................................................. 5 IMF CONDITIONS WITH LEBANON: .............................................................................................................................. 5 THE FUTURE MOVEMENT RESPONSE: ............................................................................................................................ 7 HEZBOLLAH RESPONSE: ................................................................................................................................................... 8 THE FREE PATRIOTIC MOVEMENT -
Lebanon: Managing the Gathering Storm
LEBANON: MANAGING THE GATHERING STORM Middle East Report N°48 – 5 December 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. A SYSTEM BETWEEN OLD AND NEW.................................................................. 1 A. SETTING THE STAGE: THE ELECTORAL CONTEST..................................................................1 B. THE MEHLIS EFFECT.............................................................................................................5 II. SECTARIANISM AND INTERNATIONALISATION ............................................. 8 A. FROM SYRIAN TUTELAGE TO WESTERN UMBRELLA?............................................................8 B. SHIFTING ALLIANCES..........................................................................................................12 III. THE HIZBOLLAH QUESTION ................................................................................ 16 A. “A NEW PHASE OF CONFRONTATION” ................................................................................17 B. HIZBOLLAH AS THE SHIITE GUARDIAN?..............................................................................19 C. THE PARTY OF GOD TURNS PARTY OF GOVERNMENT.........................................................20 IV. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 22 A. A BROAD INTERNATIONAL COALITION FOR A NARROW AGENDA .......................................22 B. A LEBANESE COURT ON FOREIGN -
Hamas's Response to the Syrian Uprising Nasrin Akhter in a Recent
Hamas’s Response to the Syrian Uprising Nasrin Akhter In a recent interview with the pro-Syrian Al Mayadeen channel based in Beirut, the Hamas deputy chief, Mousa Abu Marzouk asserted in October 2013 that Khaled Meshaal was ‘wrong’ to have raised the flag of the Syrian revolution on his historic return to Gaza at the end of last year.1 While on the face of it, Marzouk’s comment may not in itself hold much significance, referring only to the literal act of raising the flag, an inadvertent error made during an exuberant rally in which a number of other flags were also raised, subsequent remarks by Marzouk during the course of the interview describing the Syrian state as the ‘beating heart of the Palestinian cause’ and acknowledging the previous ‘favour’ of the Syrian regime towards the movement2 may be more indicative of shift in Hamas’s position of open opposition towards the Asad regime. This raises the important question of whether we are now witnessing a third phase in Hamas’s response towards the Syrian Uprising. In the first stage of its response, a period lasting from the outbreak of hostilities in the southern city of Deraa in March 2011 until December 2011, Hamas’s position appeared to be one of constructive ambiguity, publicly refraining from condemning Syrian authorities, but studiously avoiding anything which could have been interpreted as an open act of support for the Syrian regime. Such a position clearly stemmed from Hamas’s own vulnerabilities, acting with caution for fear of exacting reprisals against the movement still operating out of Damascus. -
Hezbollah's Growing Threat Against U.S. National Security Interests in the Middle East
1 Hezbollah's Growing Threat against U.S. National Security Interests in the Middle East Dr. Matthew Levitt Fromer-Wexler Fellow and Director, Stein Program on Counterterrorism and Intelligence, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy; Author of Hezbollah: The Global Footprint of Lebanon’s Party of God (Georgetown University Press). Testimony submitted to the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa March 22, 2016 Chairman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Ranking Member Deutch, and Members of the Committee, thank you for this opportunity to appear before you today to discuss the relationship between Hezbollah and Iran, which is only growing strong in the wake of the nuclear deal with Iran. Barely ten days after the JCPOA was signed in Vienna, Hezbollah General Secretary Hassan Nasrallah stated that, “Iran's relationship with its allies is based on ideological grounds and come before the political interests.” 1 In April 2015, Nasrallah noted that even under sanctions Iran funded its allies, and anticipated that a now "rich and powerful Iran, which will be open to the world" would be able to do even more: "I say that in the next phase Iran will be able to stand by its allies, friends, the people in the region, and especially the resistance in Palestine and the Palestinian people more than any time in the past, and this is what the others are afraid of."2 Hezbollah officials are comfortable and confident that Iran will not abandon the group. As one Hezbollah official told al Monitor: “‘Hezbollah is more than just an ally for Iran.’ The relationship is similar to ‘that between father and son’… Hezbollah’s importance as an ally for Iran in the region has also become quite clear … The group has played a pivotal role in preserving the leadership of President Bashar al-Assad in Syria, Iran’s No.