Histories of Humanitarian Action in the Middle East and North Africa
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ARIJ 11Th ANNUAL FORUM "The Future of Investigative Reporting:Trends, Tools, & Technology"
ARIJ 11th ANNUAL FORUM "The Future of Investigative Reporting:Trends, Tools, & Technology" 29 NOV - 2 DEC 2018 Dead Sea - Jordan WWW.ARIJ.NET WWW.ARIJ.NET Overview OVERVIEW he 11th Annual Forum for Investigative Journalism, hosted by ARIJ, took place at the T King Hussein Conference Center at the Dead Sea in Jordan on Nov. 30 to Dec. 2, 2018. The Forum was ARIJ’s biggest yet: nearly 500 participants from 37 countries attended. Some 18 Arab countries were represented. In addition, ARIJ boosted the outreach of the Forum by livestreaming and recording sessions. This meant that journalists unable to attend in person - including many Gazans, Yemenis, Syrians, and Libyans - could still benefit. ARIJ’s Forum has evolved into the most important journalism Forum in the Arab world and an unmissable event for media professionals in the region. 492 +50 +90 PARTICIPANTS SESSIONS SPEAKERS 2 ABOUT THE FORUM – TOPIC, FOCUS, BACKGROUND INFORMATION The year 2018 was challenging for investigative journalists in the Arab region and internationally. It was a deadly year: at least 54 journalists were killed for doing their job. The killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi at his country’s embassy in Istanbul in October received widespread media coverage, but ARIJ also remembered those whose names were not so well publicized. The increasingly hostile environment was reflected in the theme of the Forum’s opening session, Life on the Edge. This theme was illustrated in an op-ed by ARIJ Executive Director Rana Sabbagh, which explored the constant dangers and rising repression that journalists in the region face. -
The Committee to Protect Journalists the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy Joint Stakeholder Submission to the UN Human Ri
The Committee to Protect Journalists The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy Joint Stakeholder Submission to the UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review - Lebanon 37th Session (Jan-Feb 2021) The Committee to Protect Journalists is an independent nonprofit organization that promotes press freedom worldwide. We defend the right of journalists to report the news safely and without fear of reprisal. Contact Details: Website: https://cpj.org/ Postal address: P.O. Box 2675 New York, NY 10108 Telephone: +1 (212) 465-1004 Email: [email protected] The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP) is dedicated to centering localized perspectives in the policy discourse to foster accountable, transparent, and just societies in the Middle East and North Africa. TIMEP was founded in 2013 in Washington, DC; it has a network of expert fellows located throughout the world. TIMEP is a registered 501(c)(3) nonprofit in the District of Columbia. Contact Details: Website: www.timep.org Postal address: 1140 Connecticut Ave NW, Suite 505 Washington, DC 20036 Telephone +1 (202) 969-3343 Email: [email protected] Introduction This joint submission documents a deterioration in the state of press freedom in Lebanon, as facilitated both by the country’s legal framework and its violative practices. The information presented in this submission is based on evidence collected by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP) in collaboration with local human rights defenders, journalists, and lawyers. Prior Relevant UPR Recommendations 1. Lebanon underwent its 1st UPR cycle in November 2010 and its 2nd UPR cycle in November 2015. -
Rediscovering the Arab Dimension of Middle East Regional Politics
Review of International Studies page 1 of 22 2011 British International Studies Association doi:10.1017/S0260210511000283 The New Arab Cold War: rediscovering the Arab dimension of Middle East regional politics MORTEN VALBJØRN AND ANDRÉ BANK* Abstract. This article provides a conceptual lens for and a thick interpretation of the emergent regional constellation in the Middle East in the first decade of the 21st century. It starts out by challenging two prevalent claims about regional politics in the context of the 2006 Lebanon and 2008–09 Gaza Wars: Firstly, that regional politics is marked by a fundamental break from the ‘old Middle East’ and secondly, that it has become ‘post-Arab’ in the sense that Arab politics has ceased being distinctly Arab. Against this background, the article develops the understanding of a New Arab Cold War which accentuates the still important, but widely neglected Arab dimension in regional politics. By rediscovering the Arab Cold War of the 1950–60s and by drawing attention to the transformation of Arab nationalism and the importance of new trans-Arab media, the New Arab Cold War perspective aims at supplementing rather that supplanting the prominent moderate-radical, sectarian and Realist-Westphalian narratives. By highlighting dimensions of both continuity and change it does moreover provide some critical nuances to the frequent claims about the ‘newness’ of the ‘New Middle East’. In addition to this more Middle East-specific contribution, the article carries lessons for a number of more general debates in International Relations theory concerning the importance of (Arab-Islamist) non-state actors and competing identities in regional politics as well as the interplay between different forms of sovereignty. -
Soft Power and Cross-Border Mobility in the Middle East
IPS0010.1177/0192512118759902International Political Science ReviewTsourapas 759902research-article2018 Article International Political Science Review 2018, Vol. 39(3) 400 –416 Authoritarian emigration states: © The Author(s) 2018 Reprints and permissions: Soft power and cross-border sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512118759902DOI: 10.1177/0192512118759902 mobility in the Middle East journals.sagepub.com/home/ips Gerasimos Tsourapas University of Birmingham, UK Abstract Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making. Keywords Soft power, diasporas, Egypt, Middle East, authoritarianism, migration, case study, Arab–Israeli conflict Introduction Can labor emigration serve a state’s foreign policy goals? In particular, how do authoritarian states use labor emigration in their foreign policy-making? The emerging academic literature on the poli- tics of international migration has yet to fully explore this phenomenon as a separate field of inquiry. -
Muslim Humanitarianism: an Afterword #MUHUM Written by Julie Billaud July 12, 2019
Muslim Humanitarianism: An Afterword #MUHUM written by Julie Billaud July 12, 2019 What kind of practices, forms of moral reasoning and ethical orientation does Muslim humanitarianism entail? In what contexts and in response to what social problems does it arise? Is the expression even appropriate to describe socially and culturally embedded forms of compassion and benevolence? As Benthall argues in this series of posts, there is no direct equivalent to ‘humanitarianism’ in Arabic even though the term al-insāniya expresses a similar 1 of 6 idea of ‘humanism’. But thinking of Muslim humanitarianism as a “problem space” or a conceptual-ideological ensemble, as Till Mostowlansky suggests in his introduction, offers interesting possibilities for studying forms of aid, welfare and care that derail artificial boundaries established between charity, development and humanitarianism. It is with this objective in mind that the authors of this thematic thread explore case studies of philanthropic, charitable and solidarity projects, which brought together, provide us with a mirror image of more hegemonic forms of humanitarianism, embedded within the North Western protestant tradition. Brought together, these case studies disrupt the dominant categories of thought mobilised to describe humanitarianism. What emerges is a picture of humanitarianism drawn from the perspective of its “margins” or rather from the perspective of its alter ego, where surprising assemblages of actors, practices and ethical inclinations collide and compete against each other in an attempt to realize a distinct version of “the good”. This mirror image challenges dominant representations of humanitarianism as a primarily Western, secular, universal and apolitical enterprise grounded on principles of humanity, neutrality and impartiality: a mythical representation that always fail to reflect the empirical reality of practices observed “on the ground”. -
A Main Document V202
ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: TELEVISION NEWS AND THE STATE IN LEBANON Jad P. Melki, Doctor of Philosophy, 2008 Dissertation directed by: Professor Susan D. Moeller College of Journalism This dissertation studies the relationship between television news and the state in Lebanon. It utilizes and reworks New Institutionalism theory by adding aspects of Mitchell’s state effect and other concepts devised from Carey and Foucault. The study starts with a macro-level analysis outlining the major cultural, economic and political factors that influenced the evolution of television news in that country. It then moves to a mezzo-level analysis of the institutional arrangements, routines and practices that dominated the news production process. Finally, it zooms in to a micro-level analysis of the final product of Lebanese broadcast news, focusing on the newscast, its rundown and scripts and the smaller elements that make up the television news story. The study concludes that the highly fragmented Lebanese society generated a similarly fragmented and deeply divided political/economic elite, which used its resources and access to the news media to solidify its status and, by doing so, recreated and confirmed the politico-sectarian divide in this country. In this vicious cycle, the institutionalized and instrumentalized television news played the role of mediator between the elites and their fragmented constituents, and simultaneously bolstered the political and economic power of the former while keeping the latter tightly held in their grip. The hard work and values of the individual journalist were systematically channeled through this powerful institutional mechanism and redirected to serve the top of the hierarchy. -
Humanitarianism in Crisis
UNIteD StAteS INStItUte of Peace www.usip.org SPeCIAL RePoRt 2301 Constitution Ave., NW • Washington, DC 20037 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPO R T Søren Jessen-Petersen The militarization and politicization of humanitarian efforts have led to diminishing effectiveness on the ground and greater dangers for humanitarian workers, leaving humanitarian action in a state of crisis. Without a vigorous restatement of the principles of humanitarianism and a concerted effort by the international community to address the causes of this crisis, humanitarian Humanitarianism action will, as this report concludes, progressively become a tool selectively used by the powerful and possibly fail in its global mission of protecting and restoring the dignity of human life. in Crisis ABOUT THE AUTHO R Søren Jessen-Petersen is a former assistant high commissioner Summary for refugees in the office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and UN special representative for Kosovo. • With the end of the Cold War, internal conflicts targeting civilian populations proliferated. As He has served UNHCR in Africa and the Balkans as well as international political institutions struggled to figure out how to deal with these conflicts, at its headquarters in Geneva and New York. He is currently humanitarian action often became a substitute for decisive political action or, more worryingly, teaching migration and security at the School of Foreign was subsumed under a political and military agenda. Service, Georgetown University, and at the School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University. He was a • The increasing militarization and politicization of humanitarian efforts have led to growing Jennings Randolph guest scholar at the United States Institute ineffectiveness of humanitarian action on the ground and greater dangers for humanitarian of Peace from November 2006 to June 2009. -
The Making of a Leftist Milieu: Anti-Colonialism, Anti-Fascism, and the Political Engagement of Intellectuals in Mandate Lebanon, 1920- 1948
THE MAKING OF A LEFTIST MILIEU: ANTI-COLONIALISM, ANTI-FASCISM, AND THE POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT OF INTELLECTUALS IN MANDATE LEBANON, 1920- 1948. A dissertation presented By Sana Tannoury Karam to The Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the field of History Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts December 2017 1 THE MAKING OF A LEFTIST MILIEU: ANTI-COLONIALISM, ANTI-FASCISM, AND THE POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT OF INTELLECTUALS IN MANDATE LEBANON, 1920- 1948. A dissertation presented By Sana Tannoury Karam ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December 2017 2 This dissertation is an intellectual and cultural history of an invisible generation of leftists that were active in Lebanon, and more generally in the Levant, between the years 1920 and 1948. It chronicles the foundation and development of this intellectual milieu within the political Left, and how intellectuals interpreted leftist principles and struggled to maintain a fluid, ideologically non-rigid space, in which they incorporated an array of ideas and affinities, and formulated their own distinct worldviews. More broadly, this study is concerned with how intellectuals in the post-World War One period engaged with the political sphere and negotiated their presence within new structures of power. It explains the social, political, as well as personal contexts that prompted intellectuals embrace certain ideas. Using periodicals, personal papers, memoirs, and collections of primary material produced by this milieu, this dissertation argues that leftist intellectuals pushed to politicize the role and figure of the ‘intellectual’. -
Review Th Art Guerrilla Marketing
The National 08 Friday, January 2, 2009 www.thenational.ae 09 review th art Guerrilla marketing A new book chronicles the war of images waged in Lebanon’s political posters – and the way artists and designers shaped the country’s larger conflicts, writes Kaelen Wilson-Goldie Walk through the streets of virtually Pierre Gemayel, Bashir Gemayel, of Beirut’s poster wars, and the first ageing portfolios of artists, illustra- posters commemorating April 13, any neighbourhood in Beirut and Elie Hobeika, Egypt’s Gamal Abdel serious and comprehensive investi- tors and designers, whom she in- 1975, the date when Kataeb fighters you’ll find the faces of political lead- Nasser, Syria’s Hafez and Bashar As- gation of the way that fifteen years of terviewed over the course of her re- ambushed a bus full of Palestinian ers – past and present, local and for- sad and Iran’s Ayatollah Ruhollah fighting left an indelible mark on the search as well. In April 2008, Maasri passengers in the neighbourhood eign – plastered onto construction Khomeini. city’s visual culture – one that per- presented parts of this collection in of Ain al Rummaneh, killing more walls, building façades and shut- Some of the city’s posters are tat- sists to this day. Maasri is not the first a meticulously installed exhibition than thirty and sparking the fuse of tered storefronts. Lebanon’s presi- tered and torn while others are person to single out the posters as a titled Signs of Conflict, which was civil war. dent, Michel Suleiman, has gone so freshly pasted, evidence of the ongo- uniquely Lebanese phenomenon: in produced by the arts organisation The LF poster, from 1983, glorifies far as to call for an end to the relent- ing process of marking territory as recent years a number of Lebanon’s Ashkal Alwan for the fourth edition combatants (and, by implication, less postering, but his pleas have loyal to one faction or another. -
2020 SFCG Conflict Analysis Report
Search for Common Ground’s “Conflict Analysis and Power Dynamics – Lebanon” Study Implemented in Akkar, the North, Mount Lebanon, Central and West Bekaa, Baalbeck-Hermel and Beirut RESEARCH REPORT JULY 2020 Research Team: Bérangère Pineau Soukkarieh, Team Leader Melike Karlidag, Technical Analyst Lizzy Galliver, Researcher Contact: Ramy Barhouche Mohammad Hashisho Project Manager Consortium Monitoring & Reporting Officer Search for Common Ground Search for Common Ground [email protected] [email protected] Research Report | Conflict Analysis and Power Dynamics – Lebanon Table of Contents Acknowledgements 3 Abbreviations 3 List of tables and figures 4 Executive Summary 5 1. Background Information 9 Introduction 9 2. Methodology 11 Research Objectives 11 Data Collection and Analysis 11 Limitations and Challenges 17 3. Findings 19 Structures 19 Actors and Key Stakeholders 35 Dynamics 60 4. Conclusions 75 5. Recommendations 77 6. Appendices 83 Annex 1: Area Profiles 83 Annex 2: Additional Tables on Survey Sample 84 Annex 3: Baseline Indicators 86 Annex 4: Documents Consulted 88 Annex 5: Data Collection Tools 89 Annex 6: Evaluation Terms of Reference (ToR) 109 Annex 7: Training Curriculum 114 Search for Common Ground | LEBANON 2 Research Report | Conflict Analysis and Power Dynamics – Lebanon Acknowledgements The consultant team would like to thank Search for Common Ground’s staff for their valuable feedBack on the design of the study and the report’s content. The authors of this report would also like to thank all key informants who took the time to inform this assessment. Special thanks are owed to all the community memBers who agreed to participate and inform the study with their insights. -
From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund
7/2019 From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund PUBLISHED BY THE SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS | UI.SE Abstract The Russian-Syrian relationship turns 75 in 2019. The Soviet Union had already emerged as Syria’s main military backer in the 1950s, well before the Baath Party coup of 1963, and it maintained a close if sometimes tense partnership with President Hafez al-Assad (1970–2000). However, ties loosened fast once the Cold War ended. It was only when both Moscow and Damascus separately began to drift back into conflict with the United States in the mid-00s that the relationship was revived. Since the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Russia has stood by Bashar al-Assad’s embattled regime against a host of foreign and domestic enemies, most notably through its aerial intervention of 2015. Buoyed by Russian and Iranian support, the Syrian president and his supporters now control most of the population and all the major cities, although the government struggles to keep afloat economically. About one-third of the country remains under the control of Turkish-backed Sunni factions or US-backed Kurds, but deals imposed by external actors, chief among them Russia, prevent either side from moving against the other. Unless or until the foreign actors pull out, Syria is likely to remain as a half-active, half-frozen conflict, with Russia operating as the chief arbiter of its internal tensions – or trying to. This report is a companion piece to UI Paper 2/2019, Russia in the Middle East, which looks at Russia’s involvement with the Middle East more generally and discusses the regional impact of the Syria intervention.1 The present paper seeks to focus on the Russian-Syrian relationship itself through a largely chronological description of its evolution up to the present day, with additional thematically organised material on Russia’s current role in Syria. -
The War of Famine: Everyday Life in Wartime Beirut and Mount Lebanon (1914-1918)
The War of Famine: Everyday Life in Wartime Beirut and Mount Lebanon (1914-1918) by Melanie Tanielian A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Beshara Doumani Professor Saba Mahmood Professor Margaret L. Anderson Professor Keith D. Watenpaugh Fall 2012 The War of Famine: Everyday Life in Wartime Beirut and Mount Lebanon (1914-1918) © Copyright 2012, Melanie Tanielian All Rights Reserved Abstract The War of Famine: Everyday Life in Wartime Beirut and Mount Lebanon (1914-1918) By Melanie Tanielian History University of California, Berkeley Professor Beshara Doumani, Chair World War I, no doubt, was a pivotal event in the history of the Middle East, as it marked the transition from empires to nation states. Taking Beirut and Mount Lebanon as a case study, the dissertation focuses on the experience of Ottoman civilians on the homefront and exposes the paradoxes of the Great War, in its totalizing and transformative nature. Focusing on the causes and symptoms of what locals have coined the ‘war of famine’ as well as on international and local relief efforts, the dissertation demonstrates how wartime privations fragmented the citizenry, turning neighbor against neighbor and brother against brother, and at the same time enabled social and administrative changes that resulted in the consolidation and strengthening of bureaucratic hierarchies and patron-client relationships. This dissertation is a detailed analysis of socio-economic challenges that the war posed for Ottoman subjects, focusing primarily on the distorting effects of food shortages, disease, wartime requisitioning, confiscations and conscriptions on everyday life as well as on the efforts of the local municipality and civil society organizations to provision and care for civilians.