DOCSLIB.ORG

Legislative Consent Memorandum on the European Union (Future

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Legislative Consent Memorandum on the European Union (Future LEGISLATIVE CONSENT MEMORANDUM THE EUROPEAN UNION (FUTURE RELATIONSHIP) BILL Introduction 1. The European Union (Future Relationship) Bill (“the Bill”) is expected to be introduced into the House of Commons on 30 December 2020. It is intended to implement elements of the future relationship agreements (“the FRA”) reached between the UK Government and European Union (“the EU”) and the European Atomic Energy Community on 24 December 2020, including the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (“the TCA”), the Civil Nuclear Agreement and the Security of Classified Information Agreement. 2. This Memorandum has been lodged by Michael Russell, Cabinet Secretary for the Constitution, Europe, and External Affairs under Rule 9.B.3.1 (a) of the Parliament’s Standing Orders. The final draft Bill can be found at the UK Government website.1 3. This Memorandum relates to the Bill as introduced. 4. The Scottish Government continues to believe that the best option for both Scotland and the UK is to be a Member State of the European Union. This position is supported by the people of Scotland, as expressed in successive elections since 2016 and the 2016 referendum itself.2 Reflecting these views, on 8 January 2020 the Scottish Parliament voted by 92 – 293 against granting legislative consent for the EU (Withdrawal Agreement) Act 20204 which implemented the agreement that removed the UK and Scotland from the EU. 5. The Scottish Government believes that the Parliament should similarly refuse consent to this Bill. The Scottish Government cannot support the FRA, which it considers will have a severe detrimental impact on Scotland both in its specific terms and as the culmination of the process of leaving the EU – a mistake of historic significance. The Scottish Government also cannot support a Bill of such importance being rushed through its legislative processes without the opportunity for proper parliamentary scrutiny in either the UK or Scottish Parliaments. 6. For these reasons, the Scottish Government recommends that the Scottish Parliament should not consent to the Bill. 7. The Scottish Government does not therefore intend to lodge a legislative consent motion in relation to the Bill. In line with Rule 9B.3.3(d) of Standing Orders, the Scottish Government’s reasons for not including a draft motion are set out in paragraphs 32-45 below. Instead, the Scottish Government intends to invite the Scottish Parliament to vote on a motion expressly denying consent to the Bill. 1 EU (Future Relationship) Bill - GOV.UK (www.gov.uk). 2 On 23 June 2016 62% of voters in Scotland supported remaining in the EU, with a majority in support of remain in every Scottish council area. 3 Official Report - Parliamentary Business : Scottish Parliament 4 European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Act 2020 (legislation.gov.uk) LCM-S5-50 Session 5 (2020) Background The UK’s withdrawal from the EU 8. The UK Government notified the EU of its intention to withdraw from the Union on 29 March 2017. The withdrawal agreement initially concluded between the UK and the EU on 25 November 2018 was not approved by the UK Parliament, and the two year period set out in Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union was twice extended by agreement of EU Member States and the UK. Under the terms of the European Union (Withdrawal) (No. 2) Act 20195, the Prime Minister issued a letter on 19 October 2019 requesting that a further extension until 31 January 2020 be granted, which it subsequently was. 9. The European Union (Withdrawal) Act 20186 (“EUWA 2018”), passed by the UK Parliament in June 2018, provides for the consequences in domestic law of the UK leaving the EU. It ensures that current EU law as it stands on the day that the implementation period concludes, IP completion day, continues to have domestic effect following exit subject to certain changes, and provides Ministers with powers to ensure this retained EU law works effectively. EUWA 2018 required the legislative consent of the Scottish Parliament under the Sewel Convention. This was refused by the Parliament on 15 May 2018.7 However, the UK Government proceeded with, and the UK Parliament passed, the Bill without amendments to reflect the views of the Scottish Parliament, in breach of the Sewel Convention. 10. On 5 December 2018, the Scottish Parliament resolved that both a no-deal exit from the EU and the Withdrawal Agreement and Political Declaration, as presented to the House of Commons by the then Prime Minister, would damage Scotland and the nations and regions of the UK as a whole, and therefore recommended that they be rejected and that a better alternative be taken forward.8 On 5 March 2019, both the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Parliament passed motions rejecting both the previously concluded Withdrawal Agreement and the possibility of leaving at any point without a deal.9 11. After further negotiations the UK Government and EU concluded a Withdrawal Agreement that would lead to Scotland as part of the UK leaving the EU on 31 January 2020. As previously noted, the Scottish Parliament voted to withhold consent to the Bill implementing this agreement.10 Despite this, the Bill was passed by the UK Parliament and received Royal Assent on 23 January 2020, to become the European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Act 2020. Under the terms of the Withdrawal Agreement as implemented in domestic UK law by that Act, the UK left the EU and entered a transition period on 31 January 2020. That Act was passed by the UK Parliament contrary to the objections of the Scottish, Welsh, and Northern Ireland legislatures. 5 European Union (Withdrawal) (No. 2) Act 2019 (legislation.gov.uk) 6 European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 (legislation.gov.uk) 7 See https://www.parliament.scot/parliamentarybusiness/Bills/105997.aspx 8 http://www.parliament.scot/parliamentarybusiness/report.aspx?r=11826&mode=pdf 9 http://www.parliament.scot/parliamentarybusiness/report.aspx?r=11976&mode=pdf 10 https://www.parliament.scot/parliamentarybusiness/report.aspx?r=12446&mode=pdf 2 Negotiation of the future EU-UK relationship 12. The UK and EU began formal negotiation of a future relationship agreement in March 2020, after the UK Government published a document setting out its approach to the negotiations and the EU approved, through its normal procedure, a mandate for the Commission to negotiate on its behalf. The starting point, albeit non-binding, was the Political Declaration that accompanied the Withdrawal Agreement. A schedule for the negotiations was agreed between the two sides and published in April 2020. According to the Political Declaration to the Withdrawal Agreement, there was an aim to agree a fisheries framework agreement by July but that deadline was missed. 13. The Withdrawal Agreement included an option and process for extension of the transition period. In June 2020, the Scottish Government published a detailed document explaining the case for extending the transition period, including to help manage the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic.11 The Scottish and Welsh Governments wrote to the UK Government calling for extension – but the UK Government decided against this course of action. 14. Negotiations resumed following a ‘pause for reflection’ in August. Although agreement was apparently reached during the autumn in a number of areas, important differences remained on the ‘Level Playing Field’, fisheries and governance. Following engagement at senior political level between the Prime Minister and the EU Commission President, a Future Relationship Agreement was concluded between the two parties on 24 December 2020 in advance of the end of the transition period at 11:00 p.m. on 31 December 2020.12 A Bill to implement that agreement, the European Union (Future Relationship) Bill, is expected to be introduced on 30 December 2020. 15. Normally this agreement would be ratified on the EU side by both the Council and the Parliament, but the EU has decided that the agreement should be given provisional effect from 1 January 2021 before detailed scrutiny by the European Parliament. Involvement of the devolved administrations in the negotiations 16. In October 2016 the Joint Ministerial Committee, made up of the heads of the UK Government and devolved administrations, agreed terms of reference for a Joint Ministerial Committee on EU Negotiations (“JMC(EN)”)13. 17. The terms of reference for the JMC(EN) set out that the four administrations should seek to agree the UK position for negotiations, but this has never taken place. Instead, the UK Government has taken all decisions on the UK position unilaterally whether those negotiations involved reserved or devolved areas of policy. The terms of reference also say the administrations in the committee should collectively oversee the negotiations, but that too has never taken place; again the UK Government has carried out the negotiations alone and has not, even on a confidential basis, engaged in collective discussion with the devolved administrations on matters within the 11 Coronavirus (COVID-19): the case for extending the Brexit transition period - gov.scot (www.gov.scot) 12 Agreements reached between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the European Union - GOV.UK (www.gov.uk) 13 Microsoft Word - 20161024 JMCP communique CLEAN 1355.docx (publishing.service.gov.uk) 3 negotiations, such as prioritisation within the UK negotiating position or trade-offs within or between negotiating chapters. 18. The UK Government did provide some opportunities to devolved administrations to set out their views and priorities for the negotiations, and privately gave some limited factual readouts periodically during the process of the negotiations, albeit not at a level of detail which was required or would have been useful. The UK Government has not provided any information on the extent to which the devolved administrations’ views were reflected in the UK’s negotiating position and so the Scottish Government is not able to say what impact expressing its views had.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • A Wales of Cohesive Communities
    A Journey to A Wales of Cohesive Communities 1: People active in their communities: Creating the conditions where people and communities can do the things that matter to them 2: Connected communities: Supporting communities to be well connected and safe 3: Access to key well-being services: Supporting vibrant foundational economies 4: Community anchor organisations: Valuing the role and potential that community anchor organisations can play in building cohesive communities A Journey to A Wales of Cohesive Communities In the Well-being of Future Generations Act, this goal is defined as “Attractive, safe, viable and well-connected.” A Journey to A Wales of Cohesive Communities 4: Community anchor organisations Defining the goal American writer Meg Wheatley wrote: “there is no power for change greater than a community discovering what it cares about.” Despite that, less than 25% of people across Wales think they can affect decisions made locally. When communities are cohesive, they’re well- associations and town or community councils. connected (including digitally), can adapt to They’re important because they understand local change, and are focused around the well-being communities and have a long-term commitment of the people who live there with good access to to the area they serve. key well-being services such as education, health, housing, retail and transport, and that people can Cohesive communities also place well-being at do the things that matter to them. the heart of local economic development. The Foundational Economy is about the universal Cohesive and connected communities are an basic services that support everyday life, such as important part of people’s individual well-being.
    [Show full text]
  • The Sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories in the Brexit Era
    Island Studies Journal, 15(1), 2020, 151-168 The sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories in the Brexit era Maria Mut Bosque School of Law, Universitat Internacional de Catalunya, Spain MINECO DER 2017-86138, Ministry of Economic Affairs & Digital Transformation, Spain Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London, UK [email protected] (corresponding author) Abstract: This paper focuses on an analysis of the sovereignty of two territorial entities that have unique relations with the United Kingdom: the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories (BOTs). Each of these entities includes very different territories, with different legal statuses and varying forms of self-administration and constitutional linkages with the UK. However, they also share similarities and challenges that enable an analysis of these territories as a complete set. The incomplete sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and BOTs has entailed that all these territories (except Gibraltar) have not been allowed to participate in the 2016 Brexit referendum or in the withdrawal negotiations with the EU. Moreover, it is reasonable to assume that Brexit is not an exceptional situation. In the future there will be more and more relevant international issues for these territories which will remain outside of their direct control, but will have a direct impact on them. Thus, if no adjustments are made to their statuses, these territories will have to keep trusting that the UK will be able to represent their interests at the same level as its own interests. Keywords: Brexit, British Overseas Territories (BOTs), constitutional status, Crown Dependencies, sovereignty https://doi.org/10.24043/isj.114 • Received June 2019, accepted March 2020 © 2020—Institute of Island Studies, University of Prince Edward Island, Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • Review of Community Boundaries in the County of Powys
    LOCAL GOVERNMENT BOUNDARY COMMISSION FOR WALES REVIEW OF COMMUNITY BOUNDARIES IN THE COUNTY OF POWYS REPORT AND PROPOSALS LOCAL GOVERNMENT BOUNDARY COMMISSION FOR WALES REVIEW OF COMMUNITY BOUNDARIES IN THE COUNTY OF POWYS REPORT AND PROPOSALS 1. INTRODUCTION 2. POWYS COUNTY COUNCIL’S PROPOSALS 3. THE COMMISSION’S CONSIDERATION 4. PROCEDURE 5. PROPOSALS 6. CONSEQUENTIAL ARRANGEMENTS 7. RESPONSES TO THIS REPORT The Local Government Boundary Commission For Wales Caradog House 1-6 St Andrews Place CARDIFF CF10 3BE Tel Number: (029) 20395031 Fax Number: (029) 20395250 E-mail: [email protected] www.lgbc-wales.gov.uk Andrew Davies AM Minister for Social Justice and Public Service Delivery Welsh Assembly Government REVIEW OF COMMUNITY BOUNDARIES IN THE COUNTY OF POWYS REPORT AND PROPOSALS 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Powys County Council have conducted a review of the community boundaries and community electoral arrangements under Sections 55(2) and 57 (4) of the Local Government Act 1972 as amended by the Local Government (Wales) Act 1994 (the Act). In accordance with Section 55(2) of the Act Powys County Council submitted a report to the Commission detailing their proposals for changes to a number of community boundaries in their area (Appendix A). 1.2 We have considered Powys County Council’s report in accordance with Section 55(3) of the Act and submit the following report on the Council’s recommendations. 2. POWYS COUNTY COUNCIL’S PROPOSALS 2.1 Powys County Council’s proposals were submitted to the Commission on 7 November 2006 (Appendix A). The Commission have not received any representations about the proposals.
    [Show full text]
  • We Support Peoples' Aspirations And
    Eastern Community Homes We support peoples’ aspirations and ambitions with the development of community-led housing in Cambridgeshire. Our support offer is to your town, parish, neighbourhood or group. Manor Farm, Stretham and Wilburton Community Land Trust © CAPCA Getting registered to receive information Free dedicated 1:1 group support Our offer Our new website is: easterncommunityhomes.com. This has information on where an We are working with qualified community-led housing Enablers and Technical Advisors at the Combined Authority, alongside our own interested individual or group can register to receive further updates on community-led advisors, who are available to provide 1:1 dedicated support to groups that wish to consider or who are pursuing a community-led of support housing support with opportunities to join online networks and events. Through registering housing project. This offer of support is open to any groups within Cambridgeshire and Peterborough regardless of the stage in the Eastern Community Homes has with your name and email here, we can keep you updated with any developments in community-led housing process they are at. Enablers can speak with individuals or groups via video conferencing or phone during these been funded by the Ministry of community-led housing across the East of England. Registration allows you to have next few months. access to an online network of community-led housing groups to share learning and Housing, Community and Local If you require a 1:1 scoping session with an advisor, please complete this form and we will get back in touch to make the necessary Government (MHCLG) to support peer expertise, as well as a series of useful online events to be held in March 2021.
    [Show full text]
  • Programme for Government
    PROGRAMME FOR GOVERNMENT WELSH GOVERNMENT Programme for Government gov.wales 1 PROGRAMME FOR GOVERNMENT Foreword Today, I am proud to be publishing the Welsh Government’s Programme for the 6th Senedd. This Programme for Government is being published much earlier than has been the case in previous years as I want to demonstrate to the people of Wales that they can have absolute confidence that their government is moving quickly and purposefully to turn the commitments that we made during the election into Mark Drakeford MS prompt action. FIRST MINISTER OF WALES Our government programme sets out the ambitious and radical commitments we will deliver over the next five years in order to tackle the challenges that we face and improve the lives of people across Wales. It is founded on the distinctively Welsh values of community, equality and social justice. It puts collaboration ahead of competition, showing how we will act to maximise fairness for all and eliminate inequality at every level of society. People in Wales look after each other, and this programme is built on exactly that principle. The Programme for Government shows how we will help the NHS and social care providers to recover and move forward following the extraordinary challenges they have faced this year, investing in the frontline staff who have worked so hard and who have made us so proud. It outlines how we will work in social partnership to create new jobs in the industries of the future, and to transform our economy into one which is greener and fairer. The Programme shows how we will act decisively to tackle the climate and nature emergency so that people can go on treasuring Wales’ rich natural resources for generations to come.
    [Show full text]
  • Ending Residual Paramilitary Domination in Northern Ireland? Restorative Economic and Social Inclusion Strategies
    WORKING RegNet Research PAPER Papers WORKING PAPER In association with The Understanding Conflict Trust, Northern Ireland Ending Residual Paramilitary Domination in Northern Ireland? Restorative Economic and Social Inclusion Strategies. Kirsty Campbell, St Andrews University Derick Wilson, Ulster University John Braithwaite1, School of Regulation and Global Governance (RegNet), Australian National University Abstract Paramilitary violence in Northern Ireland is unfinished but finishable. In response to the 2016 ‘Fresh Start’ Panel report (Northern Ireland Government 2016) on disbanding paramilitaries, is it time to finish through a restorative peace? This would require a focus on building justice as a better future for excluded working class neighbourhoods, challenging political and civil society organisations to unequivocally embrace the task of reconciliation, and resourcing a restorative strand of victim support complementing the valuable work of the current Commission for Victims and Survivors and the Victims and Survivors Service. Responsive adaptation of an ‘Operation Ceasefire’ policing strategy might also help underwrite restorative communities and restorative learning networks that do most of the work. Today’s elites could consider a shift from their neoliberal frames to acknowledge their own ambivalence around the complete rejection of violence and the class character of the Northern Ireland Troubles, so often trumped by the identity politics of that ‘ethnic frontier society’ (Wright 1987: 1-54). Restorative economic and social
    [Show full text]
  • Northern Ireland Office HC 255 30 June 2021
    ANNUAL REPORT AND ANNUAL REPORT AND ACCOUNTS 2013-14 ACCOUNTS 2020-21 Northern Ireland Office HC 255 30 June 2021 Date in Arial 16pt Northern Ireland Office Annual Report and Accounts 2020-21 (For the year ended 31 March 2021) Accounts presented to the House of Commons pursuant to Section 6(4) of the Government Resources and Accounts Act 2000 Annual Report presented to the House of Commons by Command of Her Majesty Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed on 30 June 2021 HC 255 Northern Ireland Office Annual Report And Accounts 2020-21 This is part of a series of Departmental publications which, along with the Main Estimates 2021- 22 and the document Public Expenditure: Statistical Analyses 2020, present the Government’s outturn for 2020-21 and planned expenditure for 2021-22. © Crown copyright 2021 This publication is licensed under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government- licence/version/3. Where we have identified any third party copyright information you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned. This publication is available at www.gov.uk/official-documents. Any enquiries regarding this publication should be sent to us at Corporate Governance Team Northern Ireland Office Stormont House Belfast BT4 3SH Email: [email protected] ISBN - 978-1-5286-2644-6 CCS - 0521637386 06/21 Printed on paper containing 75% recycled fibre content minimum Printed in the UK by the APS Group on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Represents Me?
    11.0 Engagement and Influencing Who Represents Me? Overview 1. How Many Representatives Do I Have? 2. Town and Community Councillors 3. Local Authority Councillors 4. Members of the Senedd (MSs) 5. Members of Parliament (MPs) 6. Further Information This information sheet outlines the different levels of democratically elected institutions in Wales which will help people to answer the question ‘who represents me?’ It will also explore the main issues that are dealt with by each of the bodies, to make it easier for people to understand who they need to approach for help with specific issues. How Many Representatives Do I Have? At any given time, each Welsh citizen will have upwards of 7 democratically elected representatives working in different institutions, from town and community councils (at least Third Sector Support Wales one councillor, if there is a town or community council in your area), to local authorities (at least one councillor), Senedd Cymru (the Welsh Parliament) (five Image: Woman representative at a podium Members of the Senedd) and the UK Parliament (one Member of Parliament - MP). Cefnogi Trydydd Sector Cymru Page 1/7 11.0 Engagement and Influencing Who Represents Me? Information One of the quickest ways to find out who represents you in your area is to use Write to Them. Using your postcode, it will tell you who your elected representatives are for all institutions except town and community councils. Write to Them website Town and Community Councillors There are 735 town and community councils in Wales with about 8,000 elected councillors and they are considered to be the grassroots of government in Wales.
    [Show full text]
  • Wales: Local Government and Politics
    6.4 Wales: local government and politics Within Wales, local councils provide the main focus for democratic politics below the devolved government in Cardiff, and organise the provision of most local services. James Downe looks at how well they fulfil their roles. What does democracy require of local governments in Wales? ✦ Local councils should engage the wide participation of local citizens in their governance via voting in regular elections, and an open interest group and local consultation process. ✦ Local voting systems should accurately convert parties’ vote shares into seats on councils, and be open to new parties entering into competition. ✦ As far as possible, consistent with the need for efficient scales of operation, local government areas and institutions should provide an effective expression of local and community identities that are important in civil society (and not just in administrative terms). ✦ Local governments should be genuinely independent centres of decision-making, with sufficient own financial revenues and policy autonomy to be able to make meaningful choices on behalf of their citizens. ✦ Local governments are typically subject to some supervision on key aspects of their conduct and policies by a higher tier of government. However, they should enjoy a degree of constitutional protection (or ‘entrenchment’) for key roles, and an assurance that cannot simply be abolished, bypassed or fully programmed by the Welsh government in Cardiff. ✦ The principle of subsidiarity says that policy issues that can be effectively handled in decentralised ways should be allocated to the lowest tier of government, closest to citizens. 306 6. How democratic are the UK’s devolved government arrangements? Recent administrative developments As elsewhere in the UK, the impact of austerity was the biggest challenge facing Welsh local government.
    [Show full text]
  • Cardiff's Student Community Action Plan
    Contents Introduction and Background Statements by Partners 1. Cardiff Student Community Action Plan 1.1 Purpose and aims 1.2 Partnership details 1.3 Strategic context 1.4 Review and monitoring 2. Securing better accommodation for students 2.1 Student demand for accommodation 2.2 Achievements 2.3 Plans for the future 3. Encouraging neighbourliness and community respect 3.1 Background 3.2 Achievements 3.3 Plans for the future. 4. Improving community health and safety 4.1 Crime 4.2 Access to health services 4.3 Achievements 4.4 Plans for the future 1 5. Promoting environmental sustainability 5.1 Waste Management 5.1.1 Achievements 5.2 Energy Efficiency 5.2.1 Achievements 5.3 Sustainable Transport 5.3.1 Car Ownership 5.3.2 Alternative methods of transport 5.3.3 Achievements 5.4 Plans for the future 6. Developing communications to create better informed communities 6.1 Achievements 6.2 Plans for the future 7. Conclusion Appendix A. Action Plan in Detail 2 Introduction and Background Cardiff’s large student population is drawn from 3 expanding universities, namely Cardiff University, Cardiff Metropolitan University and the University of South Wales, each with an international reputation for teaching and learning excellence. This is reflected in the City’s growing student population which comprises over 16% of the local population (2011 Census), an increase of 5% over the past 10 years (2001 Census). Students form an integral part of the community in Cardiff and bring many benefits to the City. They raise Cardiff’s profile by creating a vibrant and culturally dynamic city, contribute over £140 million in annual expenditure stimulating retail, social and leisure sectors and participate in a wide range of voluntary and community activities.
    [Show full text]
  • Money with a Purpose – Community Currencies Achieving Social
    Money with a purpose Community currencies achieving social, environmental and economic impact New Economics Foundation (NEF) is an independent think-and-do tank that inspires and demonstrates real economic wellbeing. We aim to improve quality of life by promoting innovative solutions that challenge mainstream thinking on economic, environmental and social issues. We work in partnership and put people and the planet first. Contents Summary 3 Key findings 5 1. Introduction 7 2. The CCIA pilot studies 10 3. Democratising services and organisations 20 4. Supporting the SME economy 33 5. Countering inequality and social exclusion 48 6. Addressing environmental impacts 61 7. Conclusion 68 Appendix 70 Glossary 71 Endnotes 73 2 Money with a purpose This report has been produced by the New Economics Foundation (NEF) as part of the Community Currencies in Action (CCIA) collaboration project. CCIA is a transnational partnership project designing, developing and implementing community currencies across North West Europe (NWE). The partnership provides a rigorously tested package of support structures to facilitate the development of currency initiatives across NWE, promoting them as credible policy vehicles for achieving positive outcomes. Running from May 2012 to June 2015, CCIA is part-funded through the INTERREG IVB North West Europe Programme, a financial instrument of the European Union’s Cohesion Policy — Investing in Opportunities. Find out more about CCIA on our website: www.communitycurrenciesinaction.eu 3 Money with a purpose Summary Since the financial crisis, interest in new types of money has surged. Projects like Bitcoin have hit the headlines as communities around the world experiment with their own currencies and methods of exchange.
    [Show full text]
  • Regional Senedd Situation of Polling Stations Eng
    Senedd Regional Election: South Wales Central Region Situation of Polling Stations Etholiad Rhanbarthol Senedd: Rhanbarth Canol De Cymru Lleoliad Gorsafoedd Pleidleisio No of DESCRIPTION OF No of DESCRIPTION OF No of DESCRIPTION OF Polling SITUATION OF POLLING STATION PERSONS Polling SITUATION OF POLLING STATION PERSONS Polling SITUATION OF POLLING STATION PERSONS Station ENTITLED TO VOTE Station ENTITLED TO Station ENTITLED TO VOTE VOTE Nifer y LLEOLIAD YR ORSAF BLEIDLEISIO DISGRIFIAD O’R Nifer y LLEOLIAD YR ORSAF BLEIDLEISIO Nifer y LLEOLIAD YR ORSAF BLEIDLEISIO gorsafoedd RHAI A GAIFF gorsafoedd DISGRIFIAD O’R gorsafoed DISGRIFIAD O’R pleidleisio BLEIDLEISIO pleidleisio RHAI A GAIFF d RHAI A GAIFF BLEIDLEISIO pleidleisio BLEIDLEISIO The poll at the Senedd election is to be taken together with the poll at the Police and Crime Commissioner election for the South Wales Police Area. Mae'r bleidlais yn etholiad y Senedd i'w chynnal ynghyd â'r bleidlais yn etholiad Comisiynydd yr Heddlu a Throsedd ar gyfer Ardal Heddlu De Cymru. PORTACABIN - NEAR HOME FARM, OE0/OE HOLY TRINITY CHURCH UF0/UG 1 ST FRANCIS MILLENNIUM CENTRE AA0 37 MICHAELSTON LE PIT 73 1/OF0 0/UH0 PORTACABIN - CAR PARK, BRON Y WENVOE COMMUNITY CENTRE PA0/PA ST ATHAN COMMUNITY CENTRE VA0/VC 2 MOR, BARRY AB0 38 74 1/PB0 0 ST NICHOLAS HALL ST NICHOLAS CHURCH RAF ST ATHAN GOLF CLUB 3 AB1 39 PC0 75 VB0 BARRY ISLAND COMMUNITY BONVILSTON READING ROOM ALL SAINTS CHURCH WA0/W 4 CENTRE AC0 40 PD0 76 B0 PORTACABIN PREMIER INN ST GEORGES VILLAGE HALL QA0/QB ST BRIDES MAJOR CHURCH HALL
    [Show full text]