Publication: BELT and ROAD INITIATIVE (BRI)
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Bibliography Aamir, A. (2015a, June 27). Interview with Syed Fazl-e-Haider: Fully operational Gwadar Port under Chinese control upsets key regional players. The Balochistan Point. Accessed February 7, 2019, from http://thebalochistanpoint.com/interview-fully-operational-gwadar-port-under- chinese-control-upsets-key-regional-players/ Aamir, A. (2015b, February 7). Pak-China Economic Corridor. Pakistan Today. Aamir, A. (2017, December 31). The Baloch’s concerns. The News International. Aamir, A. (2018a, August 17). ISIS threatens China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. China-US Focus. Accessed February 7, 2019, from https://www.chinausfocus.com/peace-security/isis-threatens- china-pakistan-economic-corridor Aamir, A. (2018b, July 25). Religious violence jeopardises China’s investment in Pakistan. Financial Times. Abbas, Z. (2000, November 17). Pakistan faces brain drain. BBC. Abbas, H. (2007, March 29). Transforming Pakistan’s frontier corps. Terrorism Monitor, 5(6). Abbas, H. (2011, February). Reforming Pakistan’s police and law enforcement infrastructure is it too flawed to fix? (USIP Special Report, No. 266). Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace (USIP). Abbas, N., & Rasmussen, S. E. (2017, November 27). Pakistani law minister quits after weeks of anti-blasphemy protests. The Guardian. Abbasi, N. M. (2009). The EU and Democracy building in Pakistan. Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Accessed February 7, 2019, from https:// www.idea.int/sites/default/files/publications/chapters/the-role-of-the-european-union-in-democ racy-building/eu-democracy-building-discussion-paper-29.pdf Abbasi, A. (2017, April 13). CPEC sect without project director, key specialists. The News International. Abbasi, S. K. (2018, May 24). -
Connectivity Through BCIM-EC 121
Connectivity Through BCIM-EC 121 CONNECTIVITY THROUGH BCIM-EC: PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES Sultana Yesmin∗ Abstract The paper examines the status of physical connectivity along the proposed overland routes of the BCIM economic corridor. The study tends to elucidate the areas of common interests of the BCIM countries by and large due to geo- strategic and geo-economic importance of physical connectivity in the BCIM sub- region. The paper, thereby, observes the successive developments of the BCIM Regional Cooperation Forum, since its inauguration, towards achieving its goals and objectives. Hence, the paper comes up with some policy recommendations while exploring major threats prevailing across the BCIM-EC. INTRODUCTION The Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) Regional Cooperation Forum has been established with a view to boosting regional integration among the four member countries through intensifying physical connectivity and economic corridor in the region. Connecting three sub-regions together, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East Asia, the BCIM- Economic Corridor (BCIM- EC) is not only geo-strategically significant but also geo-economically requisite for the member countries to be essential parts of global trade and business in the region. Given the importance, since the establishment, the BCIM-EC has made massive progresses towards the fulfilment of its goals and objectives along with the cooperation of the four countries. Though initially starting as a non- governmental project, the BCIM Forum is now one of the major priority agendas of the governments of the BCIM member countries in order to enhance regional connectivity and multilateral trade relations. As far as the interests of four countries from three distinct regions are concerned, it is important to specify the areas of their common interests with a view to signifying the common objectives of the BCIM-EC. -
China's High-Speed Rail Diplomacy
China’s High-speed Rail Diplomacy: Global Impacts and East Asian Responses Gerald Chan University of Auckland, New Zealand February 2016 Fellows Program on Peace, Governance, and Development in East Asia EAI Working Paper Knowledge-Net for a Better World The East Asia Institute (EAI) is a nonprofit and independent research organization in Korea, founded in May 2002. The EAI strives to transform East Asia into a society of nations based on liberal democracy, market economy, open society, and peace. The EAI takes no institutional position on policy issues and has no affiliation with the Korean government. All statements of fact and expressions of opinion contained in its publications are the sole responsibility of the author or authors. is a registered trademark. Copyright © 2016 by EAI This electronic publication of EAI intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Copies may not be duplicated for commercial purposes. Unauthorized posting of EAI documents to a non-EAI website is prohibited. EAI documents are protected under copyright law. “China’s High-speed Rail Diplomacy: Global Impacts and East Asian Responses” ISBN 979-11-86226-77-3 95340 The East Asia Institute #909 Sampoong B/D, 158 Euljiro Jung-gu, Seoul 04548 Republic of Korea Tel. 82 2 2277 1683 Fax 82 2 2277 1684 Fellows Program on Peace, Governance, and Development in East Asia China’s High-speed Rail Diplomacy: Global Impacts and East Asian Responses* Gerald Chan University of Auckland, New Zealand February 2016 Abstract China as a high-speed rail power has just begun to capture the attention of the world. -
OPINION | the Chinese Silk Road in South & Southeast Asia: Enter
www.ssoar.info The Chinese Silk Road in South & Southeast Asia: Enter "Counter Geopolitics" Joshi, Prateek Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Joshi, P. (2016). The Chinese Silk Road in South & Southeast Asia: Enter "Counter Geopolitics". IndraStra Global, 3, 1-4. https://doi.org/10.6084/m9.figshare.3084253 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-52348-4 indrastra.com http://www.indrastra.com/2016/03/OPINION-Chinese-Silk-Road-in-South-Southeast-Asia-002-03-2016-0007.html OPINION | The Chinese Silk Road in South & Southeast Asia: Enter "Counter Geopolitics" By Prateek Joshi Graduate Student in International Relations from South Asian University, New Delhi The Chinese Silk Road projects signal towards a new era of the changing geopolitical order with infrastructure corridors that would span across the Asian landmass in the form of highways, railways, industrial parks ,Oil & gas pipelines connecting the landlocked regions of hinterland China with the sea ports. Considered from the economic point of view, the projects aim to utilize the contiguity of Asian landmass to setup a network of infrastructure projects poised to benefit the vast expanse of the Asian territory and further extending westwards, knocking the door of European markets .The linkage of industrial hubs to ports via efficient transportation will ease the connectivity of hinterland industrial products. -
China's SAARC Membership: the Debate
International Journal of China StudiesChina’s SAARC Membership: The Debate 299 Vol. 6, No. 3, December 2015, pp. 299-311 China’s SAARC Membership: The Debate S.Y. Surendra Kumar* Department of Political Science, Bangalore University Abstract South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has been in existence for 29 years, but has made slow progress. Despite this, many countries within and outside the region aspire to be part of this forum. As a result, SAARC is the only association in the world, which has more observer members (nine), than full-fledged members (eight). China is presently the observer member in SAARC, and working towards enhancing its role to “dialogue partner” and later on obtaining the full membership. However, China’s SAARC membership is widely debated. In this context, the paper attempts to analyse the arguments in favour and against China’s membership and examines India’s position and concerns vis-à-vis China’s elevated role in SAARC. Subsequently, it identifies and discusses the factors favouring China to become a full fledge member of SAARC. This paper concludes that China’s SAARC membership might become inevitable at some time in the future. However, the question is – can India intelligently and sophisticatedly play its cards to advance its own interests? Keywords: China, SAARC, India, South Asia 1. Introduction China’s foreign policy has evolved in recent decades to consolidate Chinese interests. For other interested countries, this could indeed become a lesson as to how to consolidate and promote their own national interests (Mahapatra, 2010; Patten, 2010). Initially, China’s Asia policy focused on Northeast and Southeast Asia. -
China's Belt and Road: a Game Changer?
Alessia Amighini Offi cially announced by Xi Jinping But it also reaches out to the Middle in 2013, the Belt and Road Initiative East as well as East and North (BRI) has since become the Africa, a truly strategic area where centrepiece of China’s economic the Belt joins the Road. Europe, the diplomacy. It is a commitment end-point of the New Silk Roads, to ease bottlenecks to Eurasian both by land and by sea, is the trade by improving and building ultimate geographic destination and networks of connectivity across political partner in the BRI. Central and Western Asia, where the BRI aims to act as a bond for This report provides an in-depth the projects of regional cooperation analysis of the BRI, its logic, rationale and integration already in progress and implications for international in Southern Asia. economic and political relations. China’s Belt and Road: a Game Changer? China’s Alessia Amighini EDITED BY ALESSIA AMIGHINI Senior Associate Research Fellow and Co-Head of Asia Programme at ISPI. Associate Professor of CHINA’S BELT AND ROAD: Economics at the University of Piemonte Orientale and Catholic University of Milan. A GAME CHANGER? INTRODUCTION BY PAOLO MAGRI ISBN 978-88-99647-61-2 Euro 9,90 China’s Belt and Road: a Game Changer? Edited by Alessia Amighini ISBN 978-88-99647-61-2 ISBN (pdf) 978-88-99647-62-9 ISBN (ePub) 978-88-99647-63-6 ISBN (kindle) 978-88-99647-64-3 DOI 10.19201/ispichinasbelt ©2017 Edizioni Epoké - ISPI First edition: 2017 Edizioni Epoké. -
Security and Economy on the Belt and Road: Three Country
SIPRI Insights on Peace and Security No. 2017/4 December 2017 SECURITY AND ECONOMY ON SUMMARY w The Belt and Road Initiative THE BELT AND ROAD: THREE (BRI) is the result of a convergence of multiple COUNTRY CASE STUDIES Chinese domestic drivers and external developments. It holds significant potential to henrik hallgren and richard ghiasy* contribute to greater connectivity and stability in participating states, yet there is I. Introduction a need to include a wider spectrum of local and This SIPRI Insights examines how China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) international stakeholders in interacts with economic and security dynamics in three sample states from order to address concerns and three different regions across the Eurasian continent, each with a diverse mitigate backlashes. political, economic, and security background: Belarus, Myanmar and Uzbek- As shown in this SIPRI istan. In order to understand the BRI’s economic and, foremost, security Insights Paper, projects on the implications in these countries, it is imperative to first briefly examine what scale of those implemented within the BRI inevitably the initiative is in essence and what has compelled China to propose it. become part of existing local and cross-border security II. What is the Belt and Road Initiative? dynamics. They may also expose, and sometimes The BRI has evolved into an organizing principle of the foreign policy of exacerbate, local institutional President Xi Jinping’s administration.1 The BRI, which consists of the ter- weaknesses. Examples of these restrial Silk Road Economic Belt (hereafter the ‘Belt’) and the sea-based 21st issues are found in the three Century Maritime Silk Road (hereafter the ‘Road’), is an ambitious multi- countries studied here: Belarus, decade integration and cooperation vision. -
BCIM Economic Corridor Facilitating Sub-Regional Development
BCIM Economic Corridor Facilitating Sub-Regional Development IPCS Special Report #187 May 2017 By Roshan Iyer Research Assistant, CUTS International, & former Research Intern, IPCS 18 LINK ROAD, JUNGPURA EXTENSION, NEW DELHI 110014 [email protected]|WWW.IPCS. ORG | +91-11-41001902 BCIM ECONOMIC CORRIDOR: FACILITATING SUB-REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT Roshan Iyer IPCS Special Report #187 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my colleagues from the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS), who assisted the research for this paper and followed it up till its publication. I am grateful to Dr D Suba Chandran for providing his support in the early stages of my work, which was crucial in allowing me to pursue my research. I would like to thank Dr Mirza Zulfiqar Rahman, Dr Indra Nath Mukherjee and Dr K Yhome for providing me with detailed comments on earlier drafts of the paper. I would also like to thank Dr Harsh V Pant, Dr Rahul Mishra, Dr Amita Batra, Dr Ravi Bhoothalingam, Commodore (Retd) C Uday Bhaskar, and Mr P P Shrivastav for their insights. I am also extremely grateful to Ambassador (Retd) Rajiv Bhatia and Ambassador (Retd) Ranjit Gupta, the final reviewers of this paper, for sharing their valuable inputs and feedback arising from their vast expertise on the workings and dynamics of Asian diplomacy and economic cooperation. Any errors are my own. Finally, it is relevant to mention that the research for this Special Report was completed before the third meeting of the Joint Study Group that took place in April 2017. CONTENTS 1 INTRODUCTION 3 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK ON ECONOMIC CORRIDOR DEVELOPMENT 6 BCIM’S STATUS 7 THE BCIM ECONOMIC CORRIDOR TRADE ROUTE 8 CURRENT INTRA-BCIM TRADE 10 ADDRESSING THE ISSUES IN THE EXISTING BCIM FRAMEWORK 12 REFRAMING THE BCIM FORUM 14 POTENTIAL WAYS TO EFFECT "ZONE 2" DEVELOPMENT 17 INTEGRATION OF PORTS AND TRANSPORT INFRASTRUCTURE 20 GRADUAL LIBERALISATION 21 CONCLUSION 22 BIBLIOGRAPHY 18 LINK ROAD, JUNGPURA EXTENSION, NEW DELHI 110014 [email protected]|WWW.IPCS. -
China's Belt and Road Initiative in the Global Trade, Investment and Finance Landscape
China's Belt and Road Initiative in the Global Trade, Investment and Finance Landscape │ 3 China’s Belt and Road Initiative in the global trade, investment and finance landscape China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) development strategy aims to build connectivity and co-operation across six main economic corridors encompassing China and: Mongolia and Russia; Eurasian countries; Central and West Asia; Pakistan; other countries of the Indian sub-continent; and Indochina. Asia needs USD 26 trillion in infrastructure investment to 2030 (Asian Development Bank, 2017), and China can certainly help to provide some of this. Its investments, by building infrastructure, have positive impacts on countries involved. Mutual benefit is a feature of the BRI which will also help to develop markets for China’s products in the long term and to alleviate industrial excess capacity in the short term. The BRI prioritises hardware (infrastructure) and funding first. This report explores and quantifies parts of the BRI strategy, the impact on other BRI-participating economies and some of the implications for OECD countries. It reproduces Chapter 2 from the 2018 edition of the OECD Business and Financial Outlook. 1. Introduction The world has a large infrastructure gap constraining trade, openness and future prosperity. Multilateral development banks (MDBs) are working hard to help close this gap. Most recently China has commenced a major global effort to bolster this trend, a plan known as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China and economies that have signed co-operation agreements with China on the BRI (henceforth BRI-participating economies1) have been rising as a share of the world economy. -
China's Eurasian Century? Political and Strategic Implications of the Belt and Road Initiative, Chapter 3
china’s eurasian century? Political and Strategic Implications of the Belt and Road Initiative Nadège Rolland Chapter 3 Drivers of the Belt and Road Initiative This is a preview chapter from China’s Eurasian Century? Political and Strategic Implications of the Belt and Road Initiative. To purchase the monograph in which this chapter appears, visit <http://www.nbr.org> or contact <[email protected]>. © 2017 The National Bureau of Asian Research Chapter 3 Drivers of the Belt and Road Initiative In less than three years, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has become the defining concept of China’s foreign policy and is now omnipresent in official rhetoric. It has established a general direction for the country’s efforts to build an interconnected, integrated Eurasian continent before 2050. Judging by the importance that the leadership has given the concept, and the quantity of financial, diplomatic, and intellectual resources that have been devoted to it, arguing that BRI is just an empty shell or vacuous political slogan has become increasingly difficult. Its paramount importance for the core leadership is also hard to deny. What is so crucial about the initiative that the vital energies of the entire country have been mobilized to give it the best chances of succeeding? Why is Beijing so eager to invest billions of dollars in Eurasia’s infrastructure connectivity? What are the drivers behind BRI and what are its goals? A first partial answer to these questions can be found in Xi Jinping’s speeches. In several instances, he has argued that -
Silk Road 2.0: US Strategy Toward China’S Belt and Road Initiative
Silk Road 2.0: US Strategy toward China’s Belt and Road Initiative Gal Luft Foreword by Joseph S. Nye, Jr. REVIVING THE SILK ROAD Announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013, the Silk Road in infrastructure projects including railways and power grids in central, Initiative, also known as China’s Belt and Road Initiative, aims to invest west, and southern Asia, as well as Africa and Europe. Silk Road 2.0 US Strategy toward China’s Belt and Road Initiative Atlantic Council Strategy Paper No. 11 © 2017 The Atlantic Council of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Atlantic Council, except in the case of brief quotations in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. Please direct inquiries to: Atlantic Council 1030 15th Street, NW, 12th Floor Washington, DC 20005 ISBN: 978-1-61977-406-3 Cover art credit: Marco Polo’s caravan, from the Catalan Atlas, ca. 1375 This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council, its partners, and funders do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s particular conclusions. October 2017 Atlantic Council Strategy Papers Editorial Board Executive Editors Mr. Frederick Kempe Dr. Alexander V. Mirtchev Editor-in-Chief Mr. Barry Pavel Managing Editor Dr. Mathew Burrows Table of Contents -
The New Eurasian Land Bridge
The New Eurasian Land Bridge Opportunities for China, Europe, and Central Asia Gabor Debreczeni MA in International Development and International Economics, Class of 2015 Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies ©John Cobb ABSTRACT This article evaluates the present and considers the future of the intermediary role of Central Asia in overland trade routes from China to Europe. Focusing primarily on technical and pragmatic issues, it discusses the advantages and costs of potential freight modes and trade routes from China to Europe, finding that rail freight already operates successfully and at high efficiency via Central Asia, albeit at a small scale. Central Asian countries play a successful economic role in the overland trade, but could further benefit if they took part in, rather than just facilitated, China-Europe trade. China and Europe benefit from faster and cheaper trade with each other, and would further benefit from the inclusion of nations in between for either their import demand or their potential development as low-cost manufacturers. On the other hand, Russia’s policy regarding overland trade is driven by the opportunity of continued re-integration with Central Asian nations in the name of facilitated trade. The first section discusses the advantages and costs of potential freight modes and trade routes from China to Europe. The second section describes the Central Asian route’s emergence and the current state of its freight operations. The third section considers the long-term outlook of the route and the challenges of high-speed upgrades mooted by China. The fourth section analyzes Central Asian economies’ current roles in the trade occurring between China and Europe on the Central Asian trade route, as well as potential opportunities for their further engagement with China-Europe trade, while the last section discusses risks for the route’s future importance and growth.