Stadium Construction for Professional Sports: Reversing the Inequities Through Tax Incentives

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Stadium Construction for Professional Sports: Reversing the Inequities Through Tax Incentives Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development Volume 18 Issue 3 Volume 18, Summer 2004, Issue 3 Article 5 June 2004 Stadium Construction for Professional Sports: Reversing the Inequities Through Tax Incentives Zachary A. Phelps Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/jcred Recommended Citation Phelps, Zachary A. (2004) "Stadium Construction for Professional Sports: Reversing the Inequities Through Tax Incentives," Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development: Vol. 18 : Iss. 3 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/jcred/vol18/iss3/5 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development by an authorized editor of St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STADIUM CONSTRUCTION FOR PROFESSIONAL SPORTS: REVERSING THE INEQUITIES THROUGH TAX INCENTIVES ZACHARY A. PHELPS* INTRODUCTION There are few things in today's society that garner more attention or have a larger significance on everyday life than sports. Avid fans follow their favorite teams not only during their respective seasons, but search the Internet and sports page in the off-season to find even the slightest bit of information. Popular holidays are interwoven with various sporting events, such as football on Thanksgiving Day or baseball on the Fourth of July.1 Some events even attract their own celebration, such as Super Bowl Sunday. If a city's local team is fortunate enough to win a championship, a large-scale parade is usually held to honor the players and coaches. 2 Clearly, sports permeate multiple aspects of our lives, and it is this popularity that sports franchises use to their advantage. People become so attached to *J.D. Candidate, June 2004, St. John's University School of Law; B.S. Western Kentucky University 2001. 1See MARK S. ROSENTRAUB, MAJOR LEAGUE LOSERS: THE REAL COST OF SPORTS AND WHO'S PAYING FOR IT 47 (Basic Books 1999) (1997) (discussing ministers in Texas that try to keep Sunday sermons short when the Dallas Cowboys have a game beginning at noon); see also Lions Football and Thanksgiving: Thanksgiving Traditions In the Motor City (2001-2003), Detroit Lions Official Site (noting the importance of football to the Michigan Thanksgiving tradition), at http://www.detroitlions.com/document display.cfm?document id=3615 (last visited Feb. 3, 2004). See generally Jeremy Twitchell, Turkey Bowl- A Thanksgiving Tradition (Nov. 25, 2002) (discussing tradition of playing in football tournaments on Thanksgiving morning), at http://nn.byu.edu/story.cfm/41072. 2 See Jack Curry, 3 in a Row? Easy as Tick-Tack-Toe, N.Y. TIMES, Oct. 30, 1999, at D1 (describing ticker tape parade held for New York Yankees after winning World Series); see also Mary Jo Melone, Setting Sail Against the Tide of Fans and the NFL, ST. PETERSBURG TIMES, Jan. 28, 2003, at 1B (describing Buccaneer victory parade as "screaming fans dressed in red and pewter... marching the streets of Tampa"); Kevin Modesti, Celebrating Southern California's World Champs, THE DAILY NEWS OF LOS ANGELES, Oct. 30, 2002, at N1 (discussing success of first Angel's championship parade in Los Angeles). 982 ST. JOHN'S JOURNAL OFLEGAL COMMENTARY [Vol. 18:3 a team that it becomes part of the identity of the city.3 It is this attachment that team owners seize upon and use to pressure city and state governments to expend public funds, and utilize federal tax law loopholes to build state of the art multi-million dollar stadiums. 4 This note will discuss the various aspects of building publicly funded stadiums for professional sports teams and potential use of federal tax laws to balance the inequities. Part I explores the history of financing professional stadiums. Part II examines the federal tax structure that allows stadium subsidization, and a proposal for change. Part III analyzes a specific legislative proposal to alter the market for professional stadiums. Part IV discusses the sports industry's arguments for the use of public funds to build stadiums. Part V examines various justifications offered by city and state governments to subsidize stadium projects. Part VI looks at recent developments in stadium finance, specifically, alternatives to using public funds. Part VII proposes reform of the Federal Tax Code to limit federal subsidization and create incentives to use methods other than public funding to raise capital. I. HISTORY OF STADIUM FINANCE The current trend of using public resources for professional sports stadiums has not always been the norm.5 In the early 3 See Robert Taylor Bowling, Sports Aggravated: The Fan's Guide to the Franchise Relocation Problem in ProfessionalSports, 28 STETSON L. REV. 645, 649 (1999) (discussing importance of being a 'big league" city with a professional sports franchise); see also Poe v. Hillsbourough County, 695 So. 2d 672, 678-79 (Fla. 1997) ('The Court finds that the [Tampa Bay] Buccaneers instill civic pride and camaraderie into the community and that Buccaneer games and other stadium events also serve a commendable public purpose by enhancing the community image on a nationwide basis and providing recreation, entertainment and cultural activities to its citizens."). See, e.g., Modesti, supra note 2, at N2 (noting that Los Angeles Angels are "good for the city"). 4 See Thomas A. Piraino, A Proposal for the Antitrust Regulation of Professional Sports, 79 B.U. L. REV. 889, 912-13 (1999) (noting cities are played against each other for sports franchises); see also Melone, supra note 2, at 1B (discussing Buccaneer owner's threats to leave city with team if community did not give money to build new stadium). See generally Peter Whoriskey, Sports Stadium Deals Cost U.S. Treasury Big Bucks, THE UNION LEADER (MANCHESTER, N.H.), July 30, 2003, at B3 (explaining recent construction of sports stadiums is costing U.S. Treasury more than $100 million annually because of use of tax-exempt bonds). 5 See Brian Adams, Stadium Funding in Massachusetts: Has the Commonwealth Found the Balance in Private vs. Public Spending?, 51 CATH. U. L. REV. 655, 662 (2002) (noting prior to World War I, every major league baseball stadium was under privately ownership); see also Raymond J. Keating, Sports Pork: The Costly Relationship Between 2004] STADIUM CONSTRUCTION FOR PROFESSIONAL SPORTS 983 days of professional sports, publicly financed stadiums were the minority.6 The first professional stadium, the Baker Bowl in Philadelphia, was privately constructed and financed in 1897.7 Fenway Park and Wrigley Field, two of the most famous sports venues still in use today, were also privately financed.8 In fact, prior to 1948, only four of 28 major stadiums were built with any public funds. 9 The first stadium to be totally publicly financed was the Los Angeles Coliseum in 1923.10 The Coliseum, which was built in an unsuccessful attempt to obtain the Olympics, cost Major League Sports and Government, Cato Institute, Cato Policy Analysis No. 339, Apr. 5, 1999, at 1 (stating $14.7 million dollars out of approximately $20 million spent on major league ball-parks was government subsidized), available at http://www.cato.org /pubs/pas/pa339.pdf (last visited Feb. 3, 2004); Whoriskey, supra note 4, at B3 (observing since 1990 at least "38 major league sports venues have been built or rebuilt using nearly $7 billion in tax-exempt financing"). 6 See Keating, supra note 5, at 3 (describing government sports subsidization as "a fairly recent development"); see also Tim Chapin, Sports Facilitiesand Development: The Political Economy of Sports Facility Location: An End of the Century Review and Assessment, 10 MARQ. SPORTS L.J. 361, 369-70 (2002) (stating "team owners were usually financing and building the new stadium themselves, they had a very direct interest in keeping costs down while still sitting the facility in a location accessible to their core market."). See generally STEPHEN A. RIESS, THE AMERICAN SPORTING EXPERIENCE: A HISTORICAL ANTHOLOGY OF SPORTS IN AMERICA 271-87 (Leisure Press 1984) (2000) (discussing high price buying and selling of professional baseball in Atlanta, Chicago and New York in early 20th century as dominated by urban politics). 7 See Keating, supra note 5, at 11 (Table 1) (noting there were no governmental contributions to this stadium); see also Bob Warrington, A Historical Sketch of Baker Bowl, Philadelphia Athletics Historical Society (discussing the "meager financing" of stadium leading to renting it for various city events), at http://philadelphiaathletics.org/hi story/baker.html (last visited Feb. 3, 2004). 8 See Andrew M. Zaretsky, Should Cities Pay for Sports Facilities?, THE REGIONAL ECONOMIST, Apr. 2001 (stating, "Fenway Park, Ebbets Field, Wrigley Field, Yankee Stadium, and the original Comiskey Park, were all privately financed and owned."), available at http://www.stls.frb.org/ publications/re/2001[b/pages/lead-article.html (last visited Feb. 3, 2004); see also A History of Fenway Park, available at http://boston.redsox. mlb.com/NASApp/mlb/bos/ ballpark/history.jsp (discussing the decision of John I. Taylor to build a new park for the Red Sox). 9 See Keating, supra note 5, at 11-12 (showing a chart identifying amount of public funding each stadium received, listing the Los Angeles Coliseum, Soldier Field (Chicago), Municipal Stadium (Cleveland), and War Memorial Stadium (Buffalo) as only four stadiums without any direct public support); see also Andrew H. Goodman, The Public Financingof ProfessionalSports Stadiums: Policy and Practice, 9 Sports Law. J. 173, 180 (2002) (noting that government subsidies prior to 1950 did not raise much criticism because it was not yet common practice). See generally Chapin, supra note 6, at 376 (discussing increased influence of public sector on financing of sports facilities compared since 1950).
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